Assessment of the DPPH and Α-Glucosidase Inhibitory Potential Of
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Uncaria Gambier Roxb) from Southeast Aceh As Antidiabetes
-Glucosidase Inhibitory Activity of Ethanolic Extract Gambier (Uncaria gambier Roxb) From Southeast Aceh As Antidiabetes Vera Viena1,2 and Muhammad Nizar2 {[email protected]} 1Laboratory of Chemical and Environmental Engineering, Universitas Serambi Mekkah, Aceh, Indonesia 2Department of Environmental Engineering, Universitas Serambi Mekkah, Aceh, Indonesia Abstract. Plants continue to play an important role in the treatment of diabetes. Gambier (Uncaria gambier Roxb) is one of the plants used for commercial product as a betel meal for the Acehnese. In this research we studied the inhibition activity of α-glucosidase enzyme toward gambier ethanolic extract as antidiabetes. The extraction of leaves, twigs and commercial gambier were performed by maceration method using ethanol solvent for 3 x 24 hour. Analysis of inhibition activity of α-glucosidase enzyme from each extract was done using microplate-96 well method, then the IC50 value was determined. The results showed that the inhibition activity of alpha glucosidase enzyme against gambier ethanolic extract was giving positive result, in delaying the glucose adsorption, while the highest activity was found in gambier leaves of 96,446%. The IC50 values of gambier leaves extract were compared to positive control of acarbose (Glucobay®) atwith ratio of 35,532 ppm which equal to 0,262 ppm. In conclusion, the gambier ethanolic extract has the best inhibitory activity against the alpha glucosidase enzyme to inhibite the blood sugar level, which can be used as one of traditional herbal medicine (THM) product. Keywords: α-Glukosidase, Inhibitory Activity, Gambier, Antidiabetes. 1 INTRODUCTION Metabolic disorder diseases such as Diabetes Mellitus (DM) was characterised by high blood glucose level or hyperglycemia because of insulin insufficiency and/or insulin resistance. -
International Journal of Built Environment & Sustainability
International Journal of IGCESH 2018 Built Environment & SPECIAL ISSUE Sustainability THE FORMATION OF KANGKAR AS THE FRONTIER CHINESE Article history Received SETTLEMENT IN JOHOR, MALAYSIA 15 May 2018 Received in revised form Low Hui Ching a, Raja Nafida Raja Shahminan b*, Gurupiah Mursibc 19 December 2018 Accepted aDepartment of Architecture, Faculty of Built Environment, Universiti Teknologi 25 December 2018 Published 01 April 2019 Malaysia, 81310 UTM Johor Bahru, Johor, Malaysia *Corresponding author bCenter for the Study of Built Environment in the Malay World (KALAM), Faculty of Built Environment, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, 81310 UTM Johor Bahru, Johor, [email protected] Malaysia DOI: 10.11113/ ijbes.v6.n1-2.382 cInstitut Sultan Iskandar, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Jalan Sultan Yahya Petra, 54100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia ABSTRACT In the 19th century, Chinese immigrants were drawn to Johor via the entirely unique Kangchu system that was only adapted in the state, later contributed significantly to its economic progress. The Chinese came for pepper and gambier plantation and settled at riverside which formed the frontier Chinese settlement called “Kangkar”. It is also believed that kangkar is the earliest established Chinese settlement in Johor, then many of them substituted by New Village in 1950s, and today’s modern housing in the 20th century. Irony the kangkar settlements are declining while some already abandoned. Furthermore, study of Chinese settled at Johor in kangkar settlement is still lacking, which severely constrain the preservation of such historical settlement. To help fill this gap, this paper aims to delineate the kangkar settlement which represents strong historical significance to Chinese architectural paradigm in Johor. -
Between Frontiers: Nation and Identity in a Southeast Asian Borderland
Th e Geo-body in Transition 15 chapter one cC Th e Geo-body in Transition Spatial Turn in Southeast Asia Th e emergence of territorial states in Southeast Asia was a grandiose process of social change, marking a total transformation from the “pre-modern” to the “modern”. To understand the nature of the trans- formation, it is crucial to focus on four processes involved in the spatial turn under Western colonialism. Th e fi rst is the emergence of an ideology in the West that provided a rational for the possession of colonial space. A new and exclusive relationship between a state and a colony required an ideological basis, conceptually turning tropical territories into “no man’s land” (terra nullius). Th en through judicial declarations of land nationalization, terra nullius became an imaginary national space that had no civilized society, and vast tracts of uncultivated “waste” land fell under colo- nial governance. Th e second process required for the colonial state to realize its national space was actual policy-making with regard to the redistribu- tion of land and the marshaling of labor for cultivation of cash crops and exploitation of natural resources. Land laws, labor ordinances, and immigration acts created a social fi eld where the usufruct of land was distributed to peasants and entrepreneurs. Plural societies, where mul- tiple ethnic groups were mobilized for plantation and mining sectors are typical byproducts of colonial engineering. Th e nationalization of space and the mobilization of labor operated in tandem to make terra nullius a capitalist production site and a mercantile exchange sphere. -
The Chinese of Karimun: Citizenship and Belonging at Indonesia's Margins
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship The final, definitive version of this paper has been published as: Lyons, L., Ford, M. (2013). The Chinese of Karimun: Citizenship and Belonging at Indonesia's Margins. In Siew-Min Sai, Chang-Yau Hoon (Eds.), Chinese Indonesians Reassessed: History, Religion and Belonging, (pp. 121-137). London and New York: Routledge. This article is reproduced here with the kind permission of Taylor & Francis Group. The Chinese of Karimun: Citizenship and Belonging at Indonesia's Margins Lenore Lyons and Michele Ford Like many parts of Riau Islands Province (Kepri), the island of Karimun has a much higher proportion of Chinese than most other areas of Indonesia. In 1930, the Chinese – the majority of them newcomers – represented more than one third of the total population in Karimun and Bintan (Ng 1976: 19-20).1 By the year 2000 over 85 percent of Chinese living in the islands were born in the province (Ananta et al. 2008: 35). Many in the community can now trace their roots back three or four generations. At the same time, however, the location of the islands directly south of Singapore (see Figure 1) has meant that they continue to have opportunities for frequent contact with family and business associates across the Straits. These ongoing social and economic ties, and the maintenance of Chinese cultural and linguistic practices, could be interpreted as evidence of the Chinese population's lack of engagement with Indonesia's modern nation-building project and by association of their foreignness. -
Mangroves of Oceania 1980-2005: Les Mangroves D’Océanie 1980-2005
Forestry Department Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Mangroves of Oceania 1980-2005: Les mangroves d’Océanie 1980-2005: COUNTRY REPORTS RAPPORTS NATIONAUX Forest Resources Assessment Programme Working Paper 139 Rome, 2007 1 Disclaimer Forest Resources Assessment Working Papers report on issues and activities in the forest resources assessment field. These working papers do not reflect any official position of FAO. Please refer to the FAO website (www.fao.org/forestry) for official information. The purpose of these papers is to provide early release of information on ongoing activities and programmes and to stimulate discussion. Comments and feedback are welcome. For further information, please contact [email protected] or Mette Løyche Wilkie Senior Forestry Officer FAO Forestry Department Viale delle Terme di Caracolla 00153 Rome, Italy e-mail: [email protected] © FAO 2007 CONTENTS Acknowledgements............................................................................................................. ii Introduction......................................................................................................................... 1 American Samoa................................................................................................................. 3 Australia.............................................................................................................................. 7 Christmas Island............................................................................................................... -
5. Vegetation of Singapore
FLORA OF SINGAPORE (Vol. 1: 47–70, 2019) 5. VEGETATION OF SINGAPORE A.T.K. Yee1, K.Y. Chong2, W.W. Seah3, H.K. Lua4 & S. Yang5 Singapore (1°21’07.6”N 103°49’11.3”E) is a tropical island-state situated south of Peninsular Malaysia, and north of the Riau Archipelago. Similar to tropical areas elsewhere, Singapore’s climate is characterised by abundant rainfall (mean annual: 2165.9 mm), and generally high temperature (diurnal range: 23–33°C) and humidity (mean annual relative: 83.9%) throughout the year (Meteorological Service Singapore, 2018). Singapore’s terrain is generally low-lying, with about three quarters of the island below 15 m. The highest point is the summit of Bukit Timah, which is at 163.63 m elevation (Wong, 2011). In 1963, the land area was 581.5 km2, and by 2018 had increased to 724.2 km2 through land reclamation (Singapore Land Authority, 2019). There are 62 offshore islands—the two largest (Pulau Ubin and Pulau Tekong) are located northeast of the main island, and the rest are mostly found south of the main island. Before the arrival of the British in 1819, Singapore was likely covered mostly by lowland mixed dipterocarp forest (Fig. 1), similar to the original forest that was dominant in this part of Southeast Asia (Corlett, 1991, 1992). Mangrove forest likely occurred near river mouths with the vegetation transiting into freshwater swamp forest further inland. Stretches of sandy beach and rocky shore would have lined parts of the coast. Early human settlements (fourteenth to eighteenth centuries) have been recorded at the mouths or estuaries of the Singapore River, Kallang River, Seletar River and Punggol River. -
Surat Sungai Sous Presse
From the “Surat Sungai” to the world timber markets: the role of Malaysian Chinese transnational firms in the local, regional, and global integration. Jean-Marc Roda, Researcher, CIRAD / FRIM CIRAD, UPR Bois tropicaux, 52109 Kepong, Selangor, Malaisie CIRAD, UPR Bois tropicaux, F-34398 Montpellier, France, FRIM, 52109 Kepong, Selangor, Malaisie and Ismariah Ahmad, Researcher, FRIM, FRIM, 52109 Kepong, Selangor, Malaisie Introduction Transnational companies, regional integration and globalization might be all but part of one process, where historical processes, sociological links, economic interests and geographical substrates mix-up in a giant whirl. In order to understand even tiny bits of this complexity, our approach scrutinizes how globalization reorganizes the world production systems through the lens of the natural resources and forest sector. This helps us to focus on the underlying causes of the tension between global public goods (i.e. forests), industries and needs of the developing or emerging countries. At stake is the fact that the growing interdependence of domestic demands by emerging countries favors new transnational industrial systems, which play with the global resources. Here we will study the roots and the determinants of the role of some transnational firms in the local, regional, and global integration, with the case of the Malaysian Chinese networks of firms involved, among other sectors, in the regional and global timber trade. These networks act through different scales of time and space, starting from the local sultanate of Johor in the colonial British world of the XIXth century, to the todays integration of South East Asia and the global trade of tropical timbers. -
Toa Payoh Heritage Trail
The Toa Payoh Heritage Trail is part of the National Heritage Board’s ongoing efforts to » DISCOVER OUR SHARED HERITAGE document and present the history and social memories of places in Singapore. Jointly presented by the National Heritage Board and Toa Payoh Central Community Club, we hope this trail will bring back fond memories for those who have worked, lived or TOA PAYOH played in the area, and serve as a useful source of information for new residents and visitors. HERITAGE TRAIL Toa Payoh Central Citizens’ Consultative Committee » CONTENTS » AREA MAP Toa Payoh in the 19th Century p. 2 TOA PAYOH Big Swamps and Smaller Relations: Naming Toa Payoh Early History & Mapping HERITAGE TRAIL Life on the Plantations Smallholder Plantations Burial Grounds in Toa Payoh Temples and Villages: The Kampong Era p. 8 1. ChURCH OF THE RISEN CHRIST Cottage Industries in Toa Payoh Kampong Life Gangs of Toa Payoh 2. 1973 SEAP GAMES VILLAGE The Gotong-Royong Spirit 9 Twilight of the Kampongs p. 17 3. CHUNG HWA MEDICAL INSTITUTION Resistance and Resolution How to Build a Singapore Town p. 22 4. TOA PAYOH TOWN PARK Industry in Toa Payoh Neighbourhoods & Memories p. 28 5. TOA PAYOH DRAGON PLAYGROUND Tree Shrine at Block 177 8 1973 SEAP Games Village 6. LIAN SHAN SHUANG LIN MONASTERY Entertainment in Toa Payoh Toa Payoh Town Park Heritage Trees of Toa Payoh 7. SRI VAIRAVIMADA KALIAMMAN TEMPLE Toa Payoh Sports Complex 7 Storied Neighbourhoods 8. UNITED TEMPLE Religious, Community and Healthcare Institutions p. 44 Masjid Muhajirin 9. MASJID MUHAJIRIN 3 5 United Temple Lian Shan Shuang Lin Monastery 4 6 Sri Vairavimada Kaliamman Temple Church of the Risen Christ Toa Payoh Methodist Church Chung Hwa Medical Institution Mount Alvernia Hospital MARKED HERITAGE SITE Former Toa Payoh Hospital SIA-NKF Dialysis Centre TRAIL ROUTE Lee Ah Mooi Old Age Home Grave Hill p. -
Significance of Local Involvement in Continuing
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SHOPPING MALLS Gurupiah Mursib IN PUTRAJAYA AND BUKIT INDAH, MALAYSIA SIGNIFICANCE OF LOCAL INVOLVEMENT IN CONTINUING LOCAL ARCHITECTURAL IDENTITY by Gurupiah Mursib Department of Architecture in the Faculty of Built Environment, Universiti of Teknologi of Malaysia Abstract The paper focuses on how exclusive versus inclusive government-led development processes lead to different outcomes in relation to architectural and design identity. Using Kota Iskandar, Iskandar Puteri, Johor as a case study, the research summarized here indicates that imported identity is not readily accepted, due to the negative environmental implications of the uncritical foreign copy. Conversely, a more inclusive design and planning process tends to result in a design that is more consistent with local identity, and—not coincidentally—more environmentally sustainable. Introduction The ongoing trend toward the adoption of a set of universal values—globalization, as it has recently come to be called—is leading to the homogenization of cities around the globe. In cities as diverse as New York, Chicago, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Hong Kong, and Shanghai, the promotion of a universal modern aesthetic, underpinned by shared technologies, are turning cities into homogenized monocultures that alienate local populations from their historical roots and local tradition. (Mumford, 1965/75; Jacobs, 1961; Blake, 1977; Wolfe, 1981). The crisis of the modern and the post-modern—and the mounting criticism of those approaches—has sparked efforts to restore a sense of continuity and rootedness in architecture (Jencks, 1977; Rossi, 1978; Curtis, 1982; Pallasmaa, 1988). Capturing local values through form and design is especially critical in the context of rapidly developing and post-colonial cities, where local identity comes under pressure from a variety of forces: East-West competition, traditional and modern tastes, postmodern exploitation, and nation building (Said, 1991; Al-Sayyad, 1992; Özkan, 1985, Curtiss, 1985/6; Colquhoun, 1997). -
BETEL-QUID and ARECA-NUT CHEWING 1. Exposure Data
pp41-80.qxd 21/09/2004 14:38 Page 41 BETEL-QUID AND ARECA-NUT CHEWING 1. Exposure Data 1.1 Composition of betel quid Areca-nut/betel-leaf/tobacco chewing habits are widely prevalent in many parts of Asia and in migrant communities arising therefrom. Many betel-quid products in different parts of the world are not actually chewed; rather, they are placed in the mouth or applied to the oral cavity and remain in contact with the oral mucosa. Nevertheless, it is recom- mended that they all be considered as part of the betel-quid chewing habit. Given the varied ingredients and combinations used in different parts of the world, an accurate description of terms is essential (see Glossary A for definitions and synonyms). 1.1.1 Betel quid The term ‘betel quid’ is often used with insufficient attention given to its varied contents and practices in different parts of the world. A ‘betel quid’ (synonymous with ‘pan’ or ‘paan’) generally contains betel leaf, areca nut and slaked lime, and may contain tobacco. Other substances, particularly spices, including cardamom, saffron, cloves, aniseed, turmeric, mustard or sweeteners, are added according to local preferences. In addition, some of the main ingredients (tobacco, areca nut) can be used by themselves or in various combinations without the use of betel leaf. Numerous commercially produced mixtures containing some or all of these ingredients are also available in various parts of the world. A consensus workshop held in 1996 (Zain et al., 1999) recommended that the term ‘quid’ should be defined as -
B. Andaya Watson Recreating a Vision; Daratan and Kepulauan in Historical Context
B. Andaya Watson Recreating a vision; Daratan and Kepulauan in historical context In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Riau in transition 153 (1997), no: 4, Leiden, 483- 508 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 07:33:08AM via free access BARBARA WATSON ANDAYA Recreating a Vision Daratan and Kepulauan in Historical Context What makes the province of Riau distinctive in the water-linked, island- rich Indonesian environment is not so much the combination of hinterland, island, rivers and ocean covered by its 94,562 square kilometers as the fact that this area falls naturally into two major divisions. On the one hand is Riau daratan, which comprises the watersheds of four important river systems on the east Sumatran mainland (the Rokan, Kampar, Siak, and Inderagiri) as well as the immediate offshore islands; on the other is Riau kepulauan made up of more than three thousand small islands, many uninhabited, that stretch from the Strait of Malacca across the South China Sea to Borneo. So pronounced is the contrast between these two divisions that a casual observer would be justified in considering the creation of Riau to be a kind of afterthought, perhaps the remnants of some colonial division brought together to satisfy the administrative requirements of a contemporary nation state. The impression that Riau was put together rather hastily is in fact quite incorrect, for the conception of a cultural-economic unity that would bring together daratan and kepulauan under one allegiance is very old, being originally formulated in the fifteenth century. -
Trade in the Dutch Outer Islands Ports, 1846–69
Kyoto University Tropical Products Out, British Cotton In: Trade in the Dutch Outer Islands Ports, 1846–69 Atsushi Ota* This paper discusses the trade structure in the Dutch Outer Islands ports, in which the Dutch checked the volume and value of traded items in order to levy customs duty and created trade statistics in the Indonesian Archipelago outside Java and Madura. Although these ports do not include those in independent ports such as those in Aceh and Bali, the statistics contain precious information on the entire imports and exports of each port. Analyzing this set of statistics, this paper argues that the Dutch Outer Islands ports continued to export China-bound (partly South- east Asia-bound) tropical products, such as pepper, forest products, and other kinds of local products, as well as colonial products such as coffee. On the other hand, these ports imported increasing amounts of British cotton goods after the Anglo- Dutch tariff arrangement in the 1840s. In this way the existing China-oriented trade and the new colonial trade, linked to Western capitalism, interacted and combined with each other. This transborder network beyond the Dutch sphere of influence was a source of the strength that the regions around these ports maintained, in the form of a steady development of trade. Keywords: trade structure, Dutch Outer Islands, China-oriented trade, non-colonial products Introduction There is a consensus among scholars that Southeast Asian trade grew greatly in the period around 1760–1850, that is, before modern trade expansion began. Many scholars identify the China factor as a driving force in this trade growth, associating it with increas- ing junk trade and Chinese migration (Reid 1997b; Trocki 1997; Wang and Ng 2004; Tagliacozzo and Chang 2011).