An Affordance Perspective Khet Khet Oo T

Exploring the Role of ICTs in Addressing Societal Challenges in Developing Countries: An Affordance Perspective

Khet Khet Oo Tha

A dissertation in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Information Systems and Technology Management UNSW Business School

April 2020

Thesis/Dissertation Sheet

Surname/Family Name : Oo Tha Given Name/s : Khet Khet Abbreviation for degree as give in the University calendar : PhD Faculty : UNSW Business School School : School of Information Systems and Technology Management Exploring the Role of ICTs in Addressing Societal Challenges in Developing Thesis Title : Countries: An Affordance Perspective

Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE)

This research aims to contribute rich, empirically informed insights into the emerging phenomenon of ‘ICTs and societal challenges’ in the developing country context. Despite the growing body of research on the use of ICTs in addressing societal challenges, our understanding of this phenomenon is limited regarding the active role played by both individuals and the technology itself. This research examines two case studies which offer different ways to advance understanding of the use of ICTs in resolving crucial yet under-researched societal problems in Myanmar that are explored at micro and macro levels of analysis. It uses multiple methods of data collection: documentation, website/social media analysis, interviews, focus groups and participant observation. It applies a ‘technology affordance’ approach as a theoretical lens that provides a relational concept, facilitating different users’ understanding of the available opportunities to use technology. The first study examines the emerging use of social media during a recent flood disaster in Myanmar at the micro (community) level. It focuses on how individuals (e.g., victims, volunteers and government officials) harness the power of social media for disaster response. We identify different affordances of social media and examine how these affordances enable local communities to respond to disaster situations and achieve relevant social outcomes, using the case of the 2015 Myanmar flood. The second study explores how mobile technology can increase financial access and bring socio-economic benefits to the country. We look into the current issues of financial exclusion and examine the potential of mobile money at the macro (ecosystem) level using the case of Wave Money, the first Fintech company to offer financial services in Myanmar. The findings demonstrate that realisation of a technology affordance differs between different user groups due to the various intentions of technology use in specific contexts. However, actualisation of a technology affordance contributes to the ultimate outcome, such as facilitating disaster response and increasing financial inclusion. This research provides an increased understanding of how to harness the power of emerging technologies in contributing to the solutions for a variety of social problems in developing countries from a sociotechnical perspective, enriching the IS research avenue.

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Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I owe my deepest gratitude to my PhD supervisor Professor Shan-Ling Pan, a respectable and resourceful scholar, who has provided me with invaluable advice and intellectual guidance throughout the thesis years. Thank you Professor Pan for giving me a chance to pursue my research interest and to achieve my lifelong dream.

I also wish to express my heartfelt appreciation to Dr. Sandeep Mysore Seshadrinath, my co-supervisor for his constant support and insightful comments on reviewing my report and papers for the improvement in every stage of my research work. Thank you Dr. Sandeep to keep me moving forward and accomplishing this journey.

A special acknowledgement should also be expressed to Associate Professor Chung-Li Tseng, our postgraduate research coordinator, who has always supported me in the matters of personal and academic development during my candidature.

I would extend my thanks to all my professors, academic and administrative staffs, and my fellow students for creating our program friendly and supportive environment that made my study progressive and enjoyable at the school of information system and technology management (SISTM), UNSW Business School.

I would like to thank all the interviewees for giving their time and sharing their insights and experiences related to my research. This dissertation would not have been possible without their contributions of local knowledge.

I am also grateful to the two external examiners for their constructive comments and crucial remarks on my research that shaped my final dissertation.

Last but not least, I owe my indebted gratitude to my family. This PhD is dedicated to my late father who has always been a constant source of inspiration to me for who I am today. To my mother for her unconditional love and support, and my sisters and brother for their patience, understanding and sacrifices over the years, I hope I have made you proud.

List of Figures

Figure 2.1 Types of Mobile Financial Services 29

Figure 2.2 Theoretical Framework of Affordance Perception and Actualisation inspired by Pozzi et al. (2014) 41

Figure 4.1a Tropical Cyclone Komen drenching Myanmar 69

Figure 4.1b Flooded area of Sagaing Region, Upper Myanmar 69

Figure 4.2a A post of appreciation to the president for the rescue mission 71

Figure 4.2b MRCS announcement of flood donation information 71

Figure 4.3a A post of fundraising events promoted by celebrities on Facebook 73

Figure 4.3b Air KBZ announcement of free cargo services and schedule 73

Figure 4.4a Live videos with locals about critical events 74

Figure 4.4b A post of flooded pagoda in Kalay 74

Figure 4.5 Relationships between Affordances, Users and Outcomes in the Community in Disaster Response 89

Figure 5.1 Actualization of perceived affordance (Financial accessibility) 105

Figure 5.2 Actualization of perceived affordance (Engageability) 107

Figure 5.3 Actualization of perceived affordance (Transactivity) 109

Figure 5.4 Actualization of perceived affordance (Value creativity) 112

Figure 5.5 Actualization of perceived affordance (Scalability) 116

Figure 5.6 Actualization of perceived affordance (Inclusivity) 119

VII

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Selected Studies on the Use of Technologies and Social Media in Disaster Response 24

Table 2.2 Existing Research Focus and Research Potential of Social Media-enabled Disaster Response 27

Table 2.3 Selected Studies on Affordances of Technologies and Social Media 37

Table 2.4 Types of Affordances 40

Table 3.1 Overall Research Design 48

Table 3.2 Data Collection Methods used in Each Research Case 49

Table 3.3 Data Sources (Case 1 the 2015 Myanmar Flood) 56

Table 3.4 Data Sources (Case 2 Wave Money Fintech) 58

Table 3.5 Emergence of Categories related to Social-Media Affordances in Disaster Response from Data-Analysis Process 62

Table 3.6 Emergence of Categories related to Mobile-Money Affordances in Enabling Financial Inclusion from Data-Analysis Process 64

Table 4.1 Identification of Social-Media Affordances in Disaster Response 85

Table 5.1 Overview of Wave Money Fintech in Myanmar 101

Table 5.2 Framework of the Affordance Perception and Actualisation in the Mobile-Money Ecosystem 121

Table 5.3 Enabling and Constraining Factors in the Evolution of Mobile-Money Ecosystem in Myanmar 123

VIII

Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Research Background ...... 1 1.1.1 ICTs and Societal Challenges in Developing Countries ...... 3 1.1.2 A Societal Challenge of Natural Disasters ...... 5 1.1.3 A Societal Challenge of Financial Inclusion ...... 8 1.2 Research Objectives and Research Questions ...... 12 1.3 Research Significance ...... 13 1.4 Structure of the Thesis ...... 14 Chapter 2. Literature Review ...... 16 2.1 Evolution of ICT Research in IS Literature ...... 16 2.2 Social-Media Use in Disaster Response ...... 20 2.2.1 Related Work ...... 21 2.3 Mobile Money for Financial Inclusion ...... 28 2.3.1 Mobile Financial Services (MFS)...... 29 2.3.2 Related Work ...... 30 2.4 Framing the Research ...... 34 2.5 Affordance Lens in Information Systems Research ...... 35 2.5.1 Types of Affordances ...... 39 2.5.2 Affordance Perception and Actualisation Framework ...... 41 2.6 Summary ...... 42 Chapter 3. Research Methodology ...... 43 3.1 Research Approach ...... 43 3.2 Case-Study Method ...... 45 3.3 Research Cases ...... 46 3.4 Data-Collection Methods ...... 47 3.4.1 Document Analysis ...... 49 3.4.2 Website/Social-Media Analysis ...... 50 3.4.3 Interviews ...... 51 3.4.5 Focus Group...... 52 3.4.6 Observations ...... 53 3.5 Data Collection ...... 54 (a) Case 1: The 2015 Myanmar Flood ...... 54 (b) Case 2: Wave Money Fintech ...... 57

3.6 Data Analysis ...... 59 (a) Case 1: The 2015 Myanmar Flood ...... 60 (b) Case 2: Wave Money Fintech ...... 63 3.7 Summary ...... 66 Chapter 4. Case Study 1: Social-Media Use in Disaster Response ...... 67 4.1 Research Context ...... 67 4.2 Case Description...... 68 4.3 Case Analysis ...... 70 4.3.1 Affordance of Crisis Awareness ...... 76 4.3.2 Affordance of Relief Coordination ...... 79 4.3.3 Affordance of Volunteer Mobilisation ...... 80 4.3.4 Affordance of Crowdsourcing ...... 82 4.4 Summary ...... 86 4.4.1 Important Issues from Social-Media Use during Disaster Response in Myanmar ...... 90 Chapter 5. Case Study 2: Mobile Money in Myanmar ...... 94 5.1 Research Context ...... 94 5.1.1 Overview of Myanmar Banking and Financial Sector ...... 96 5.1.2 Fintech in Myanmar ...... 97 5.2 Case Description...... 99 5.3 Case Analysis ...... 101 5.3.1 Affordance 1: Financial Accessibility ...... 103 5.3.2 Affordance 2: Engageability ...... 105 5.3.3 Affordance 3: Transactivity ...... 108 5.3.4 Affordance 4: Value Creativity ...... 110 5.3.5 Affordance 5: Scalability ...... 113 5.3.6 Affordance 6: Inclusivity ...... 116 5.4 Summary ...... 120 Chapter 6. Conclusion ...... 124 6.1 Theoretical and Practical Implications ...... 124 Case Study 1: Social Media in Disaster Response ...... 124 Case Study 2: Mobile Money in Myanmar ...... 128 6.2 Limitations and Future Research ...... 130 APPENDICES ...... 133 REFERENCES ...... 142

Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1 Research Background

Because the world is dynamic and becoming increasingly complex, unemployment, poverty, illiteracy, crime, corruption, pollution, climate change, underdevelopment, inequality and immigration have become global societal challenges. Societal challenges mean ‘complex social problems that are shaped by dynamic and interdependent factors that cannot be ‘solved’ by simple interventions’ (Majchrzak et al. 2012).

In recent years, we have witnessed a revolutionary development of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and their impact on people’s lives. The use of ICTs can improve many facets of our society by helping citizens to develop their social capital and achieve social equality, enabling access to health-related information and emergency services, providing education to disadvantaged communities, and facilitating commerce by allowing marginalized groups to access real-time market information (Deloitte 2014; UNDP 2012). For example, in the case of natural disasters such as floods, hurricanes or animal diseases, smartphone-based alerting and management systems can improve information flow and facilitate early warning systems.

Today, thousands of refugees and migrants make their journey safer and share important information by using their smartphones (ICTO 2016).

Given the centrality of ICTs in many aspects of political, economic and social life in current societies and that 85% of the world population lives in developing countries (United Nations

2015), the study of ICT use in developing countries has attracted increasing interest from both scholars and policy-makers. Developing countries comprise millions of people who lack access to resources such as clean water, adequate housing, and education and health facilities for satisfying basic human needs. Furthermore, due to the denial of political and basic civil rights, most people

1 in developing countries lack the freedom to make choices in their own lives (Sen 2001). When considering societal problems such as the environment, healthcare, education, infrastructure, from climate change to conflict and terror and from disease to resource depletion, the poor in developing countries suffer the most (Heeks 2008). Thus, there is a need for more rigorous, focused and responsive research into the impact of ICTs on the lives of the people in developing countries.

Governments and funding agencies increasingly support research about ICT impacts in developing countries. The United Nations has also taken a strong stance with its Millennium Development

Goals1, which have now transitioned into the new set of Sustainable Development Goals2.

Research has been highlighting issues related to the use and impact of ICTs in developing countries such as education (Rodrigues and Govinda 2003; Scheepers and de Villiers 2000), healthcare (Braa et al. 2004; Miscione 2007), poverty reduction (Cecchini and Scott 2003; Kenny

2000) and the digital divide (Venkatesh and Sykes 2013). For example, Grameen Telecom of

Bangladesh operates telecentres in rural areas where Grameen Bank members can borrow money from the microfinance institution to purchase a smartphone and sell air time to villagers to repay the loan and earn income (Kenny 2000). Similarly, increasing use of ICT devices in Africa overcomes a series of social problems by enhancing agricultural productivity thereby improving incomes, decreasing crime rates, and offering improved access to resources (Maumbe and Okello

2010). We have witnessed how governments, nongovernmental organisations, and organic social movements can use ICTs to create increased participation, transparency, and accountability for previously voiceless people in the developing nations of the Asia, Africa, and Middle East

(Majchrzak et al. 2012). It is broadly agreed that ICTs can play an important role in the

1 http://www.unmillenniumproject.org/goals 2 http://sustainabledevelopment.un.org 2 development of developing countries in general and rural communities in particular (Aitkin 2002;

Heeks and Kanashiro 2009).

1.1.1 ICTs and Societal Challenges in Developing Countries

While most of the ICT research focuses on the contribution of information technology to socio-economic development, in recent years there have been several calls for research into the use of ICTs in addressing complex societal challenges, particularly in developing countries [e.g.

Andrade et al. (2016); Majchrzak et al. (2012); Walsham et al. (2007)]. Some researchers explored the use of ICTs to decrease the impact of some of the global societal problems such as global health, governance, and social/financial exclusion. For example, there have been studies on how telemedicine helped the daily lives of marginalized people in remote areas (Miscione 2007), how government and organisations provided ICT-enabled administrative services to the citizens

(Madon et al. 2009), and how internet connectivity and mobile services allowed social inclusion of marginalized groups (Andrade and Doolin 2016).

Despite the growing interest of research into ICT use in societal challenges, our understanding of this phenomenon is limited. The majority of research to date on the use of technology in developing countries provides little detail on what actually goes on with technological intervention; in particular, what active role is played by both individual people and by the technology itself. It has been argued that the theoretical contribution of research in the ICT field is weak (Avgerou 2010; Karanasios 2014). In a recent call for papers, Majchrzak et al. (2012) urged scholars to develop better theories about the role of ICT in complex social problems by focusing not only on the features of ICT but also on the social context of the uses of ICT that are afforded or inhibited by those features. In this sense, ‘affordance’ is a powerful concept in analyses of socio-technical phenomena (Cabiddu et al. 2014) and is new to research within the developing

3 country context. The theoretical concept of affordance enables the simultaneous understanding of technology and individual/organisational characteristics. Therefore, affordance can be an appropriate guiding concept to building theory about ICT use in developing countries.

A review of the literature indicated that there exists a concern relating to the limited geographical coverage. Most of the ICT for development (ICTD) research tends to be conducted in sub-Saharan Africa (e.g. Ghana), Latin America (e.g. Brazil), and South and East Asia (e.g.

India, China). More research is certainly needed in other areas of the developing world. The diversity, complexity, and significance of the problem domain can provide the potential to challenge and stretch the boundaries of social theories used in information system (IS) research.

While research on the context in which the adoption of ICTs is extensively studied and conceptualized, there is inadequate evidence of the contribution of ICTs in major societal issues such as improved civil society, economic well-being, environment and climate change, humanitarian crises caused by natural disasters, wars, and terrorism (i.e. activism for social justice), internet security and protection (i.e. cybercrime, identity theft), according to the recent review of ICTD in developing countries (Lwoga and Sangeda 2019). Moreover, there is limited research on the assessment of financial needs in mobile finance research (Duncombe and Boateng

2009). Because mobile financial services could transform the lives of poor and marginalized peoples in developing countries, research on needs, capabilities, and impact of mobile finance is worth exploring.

This study will fill those research gaps by exploring two cases of ICT usage in Myanmar to offer different ways to advance understanding of the potential of emerging technologies in addressing contemporary societal problems such as natural disasters and financial inclusion in the context of a developing country. The use of ICTs to explore social transformation processes in

4 emerging economies like Myanmar represents an excellent ground through which to generate new knowledge within the area. The two case studies exemplify emerging phenomena, which are under-researched in the existing literature from the research context of developing countries.

Cultural, political, economic, and social contextual issues differentiate our study from the majority of reported research within the area. By introducing the concept of affordances in the analysis of our cases, this research contributes to an increased understanding of the role that technology plays in relation to goal-oriented actors in addressing complex societal challenges.

This research is motivated by the need to situate the domain of studies in ICT’s societal consequences of developing countries, in the ‘mainstream’ of IS research, particularly in responding to the previous call for papers from well-known IS journals [‘ICTs and Societal

Challenges’, Management Information Systems Quarterly (MISQ) Special Issue (Majchrzak et al.

2012), and ‘Making the Developing World a Better Place with High Impact IS Research’,

Information Systems Journal (ISJ) Special Issue (Andrade et al. 2016)]. The lack of theoretical development in research on societal consequences of emerging technologies (e.g. social media, mobile telephony) makes this study timely, relevant, and worthwhile.

1.1.2 A Societal Challenge of Natural Disasters

Among all the complex challenges facing our societies today, natural disasters pose one of the most critical challenges that bring about devastating impacts on our society. Over the decades, the world has been stricken by severe natural disasters, such as earthquakes, floods, tsunamis and storms. Natural disasters are unpreventable events that involve severe physical harms and social disruption in societies (Fritz 1961). According to recent disaster statistics from UNISDR (United

Nations International Strategies for Disaster Reduction), the incidence of natural disasters worldwide has steadily increased over the years. Specifically, countries in Asia and the Pacific are

5 more prone to disasters than those in other parts of the world (UNESCAP 2010). For the period of

2005–2014, 40% of the world’s disaster events occurred in the Asia Pacific region, causing 45% of the world’s economic loss and 60% of total global deaths related to disasters (Asia-Pacific

Disaster Report 2015). Myanmar ranks first as the ‘most at risk’ country in Asia and the Pacific due to its geographical nature, according to the UN Risk Model (Kreft et al. 2014). With the common occurrence of natural disasters, developing countries are more vulnerable than industrialized countries because of a lack of infrastructure, poor preparedness and mitigation measures for disasters and inadequate emergency response during disasters Because natural disasters are inevitable, how to minimize the negative impact of disasters is an important social issue, particularly for developing countries. For example, an important factor in the impact of the

2008 Myanmar cyclone Nargis, killing over 140,000 people in the Irrawaddy delta, was the government’s inability to communicate early warning messages to affected communities (ABCID

2014). Due to the prevalence of disasters worldwide, ICTs have become valuable tools for governments and organisations in enabling information and organizing resources for disaster management in order to mitigate the overwhelming impacts of disasters. Researchers have been exploring the roles of technologies such as Wikipedia, an electronic payment system, Coast Guard navigation system (Majchrzak et al. 2007), web-based crisis management system (Leidner et al.

2009; Pan et al. 2012), Microsoft SharePoint and blogs (Yates and Paquette 2011) in disaster response.

In recent years, social media has emerged as a popular medium for providing new sources of information and rapid communications, particularly during natural disasters (Yin et al. 2012).

The evolution and adoption of social media technologies have given the public the opportunity to seek and harvest information concerning natural disasters and extreme events (Lachlan et al. 2014).

Whereas traditional media primarily facilitate one-way information dissemination, social media

(e.g. Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) create opportunities for two-way interaction among individuals, organisations and the public (Bortree and Seltzer 2009). Thus, social media has become an important alternative information channel to traditional media during disasters. Social media are ‘a group of Internet-based applications that build on the ideological and technological foundations of Web 2.0 and that allow for the creation and exchange of user-generated content’

(Kaplan and Haenlein 2010). With its communicative abilities and efficiency in facilitating coordination, the use of social media during crisis has become a new global phenomenon. For example, during the 2010 Haiti earthquake, the public used Twitter to communicate with international communities to source creative solutions and immediate aid, saving many lives

(Fraustino et al. 2012). In the 2011 Japan tsunami, citizens used Twitter and Facebook to send warnings, request help, share disaster scene information and connect to families and friends

(Skarda 2011). During the 2012 floods in Queensland and Victoria, Australia, Facebook became a primary tool to disseminate real-time information to the public (Bird et al. 2012).

Although social media have been demonstrated to be a unique information source during disasters over the past few years, it remains unclear how exactly social media influence and affect people’s way of performing activities and actions, and their relationships. First, most IS studies in crisis response emphasize social perspectives, thus ignoring the features and functionalities of IT.

For example, Yates and Paquette (2011) studied how social media technologies changed the social dynamic of the response effort in knowledge sharing between different agencies. Because limitations of the theories make researchers simplistic and deterministic assumptions about the effects of IT on human behaviours and organisational outcomes (Majchrzak et al. 2012). Second, existing literature focus on the use of an IT system and application as a whole, without

7 investigating the use and effects of specific features of an IT system (Balci et al. 2014). For example, Leidner et al. (2009) and Yang and Hsieh (2013) examined the use of a web-based crisis case management system in the SARS outbreak in Singapore and the Asian tsunami disaster.

Markus and Silver (2008) stated that it is essential to understand what it is about IT that may contribute to the behavioural and social outcomes of IT use.

Given that societal challenges (such as disasters) are shaped by dynamic and interdependent factors, involving different stakeholders, it is important to examine the abilities and interactions of different actors in the process of IT implementation and use. We argue that in order to achieve social outcomes of ICT use in the context of disaster response, a community should perceive (and realize) the potential and possibilities afforded by ICT. Leonardi (2011) stated that affordance facilitates different users’ perceptions of available opportunities to use technology. A review of the literature indicates that there is currently a lack of research on social-media use in disaster response from an affordance perspective. Using the case of the 2015 Myanmar flood— one of the most devastating flood disasters in recent decades—, our study seeks to address this gap by exploring the affordances that social media can provide a community to manage disaster response effectively. The aim of this study is to provide a comprehensive understanding of how

ICTs impact society in general, specifically to identify how social media was enacted by the individuals, groups and communities in responding to disaster situations and achieving relevant social outcomes.

1.1.3 A Societal Challenge of Financial Inclusion

Information and communication technologies have opened up unprecedented opportunities to introduce significant positive changes across the developing world. In particular, with the rapid

8 penetration of mobile access, there have been considerable improvements in the lives of the poor in both rural and urban contexts.

Globally, an estimated two billion adults are excluded from formal financial services according to the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF)3, most of them in developing economies. Poor socioeconomic development in developing countries is related to the low levels of financial inclusion (ITU 2013a). Poverty has many expressions, the most obvious being a lack of access to financial services such as credit and saving facilities. Access to financial services in affordable ways and at low interest rates is integral to rural development and overall economic growth, directly impacting gross domestic product (GDP) and productivity through more efficient allocation of resources.

Financial inclusion is the provision of financial services to people who are considered

‘unbankable’ and are excluded from the services of formal financial institutions (Myanmar Insider

2015). Financial inclusion is critical in reducing poverty and achieving inclusive economic growth.

When people can participate in the financial system, they are better able to start and expand businesses, invest in education or health, manage risk and absorb financial shocks, all of which can improve the overall quality of their lives, according to the Global Findex 20174.

Over the years, the rapid advances in technology have been changing the way people access and consume financial products. There has been tremendous growth in mobile penetration in many countries around the world and more importantly for this research in a number of developing countries. With the rapid development and growth in mobile technologies worldwide, mobile money services are being adopted all over the world. Mobile money is an enabler for financial

3 https://www.uncdf.org/financial-inclusion 4 https://datacatalog.worldbank.org/dataset/togo-global-financial-inclusion-global-findex-database-2017 9 inclusion in developing countries, bringing affordable financial services to those unserved by traditional financial institutions (Loughnane 2017). Mobile money refers to financial transactions and services that can be carried out using a mobile device such as mobile phones or tablets. These transactions and services are sometimes referred to as mobile financial services and may or may not be linked directly to a bank account (ITU 2013a). With the advantage of the convenience, flexibility and speed of mobile phones, mobile money is gradually becoming an alternative to traditional models of payments, such as cash, cheque or credit cards, and is of growing interest within many societies (Boateng et al. 2019). For example, M-Pesa, a mobile wallet service launched in 2007 by Kenyan cellular network operator Safaricom5 in partnership with Vodafone6, quickly gained popularity, and had over a million active customers within seven months. By 2018 it had more than 33 million M-Pesa customers7. It has become the most successful mobile-phone- based money transfer system in the developing world, generating numerous social benefits by raising the number of banked individuals, increasing the security of money transfers and promoting efficient banking (Mbiti and Weil 2015). Similarly, bKash, launched in 2011 as a subsidiary of

BRAC Bank (a private commercial bank in Bangladesh that lends to SMEs— small and medium enterprises), is a mobile money service that has grown into Bangladesh’s largest mobile financial service provider. It had gained 30 million registered users and 80% of the market share by 2018, due to its easily accessible services, a reliable and secure solution, diverse service scenarios and socially responsible brand culture (Hai and Juan 2018).

5 https://www.safaricom.co.ke/ 6 https://www.vodafone.com/ 7 https://gomedici.com/m-pesa-mobile-phone-based-money-transfer-global-presence 10

Mobile money services are a powerful tool for bringing unbanked and underbanked people into the formal financial sector (GSMA 2014). On a broader level, it has vast potential for addressing societal problems, such as increasing access to financial services for disadvantaged social groups and communities thereby reducing economic inequality and driving economic growth.

This study takes the example of Myanmar, a developing country that I am from, to study the use and impact of ICTs in developing countries in general, and on Myanmar, specifically to explore how Myanmar people develop an understanding of mobile money technology and its role in their lives. Myanmar is one of the fastest growing markets in mobile telecommunications and smartphone usage. Around 2013, the mobile penetration rate was 12%, but the sector went through exponential growth after liberalization of the telecommunications market, and in 2018 there were

56.8 million mobile phone users against a total population of around 54 million, reaching a penetration rate of more than 100% (NANDA 2018). On the other hand, 80% of the population is unbanked in Myanmar while mobile penetration has become extremely high with an estimated

85% of the population using smartphones for daily access to the internet, according to a Digital

Myanmar economy report8. A massive mobile rollout and untapped unbanked population makes

Myanmar an ideal place for mobile money to take over. This case investigates the potential of mobile money in increasing financial inclusion from an affordance perspective using data from different user groups of Wave Money Fintech in Myanmar.

8 https://www.telenor.com.mm/sites/default/files/Telenor_digital_myanmar_en_final.pdf 11

1.2 Research Objectives and Research Questions

This research uses a comparative multiple case-study approach where two cases of ICT uses in Myanmar were selected to advance understandings of the affordances of emerging technologies in addressing societal challenges in the context of a developing country.

The main objectives of the research is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the precise nature of the role of ICTs in complex social problems and to evaluate the evidence about

ICTs’ social consequences in developing countries. In particular, this research aims to exemplify how affordances can enhance our understanding of the mechanism by which ICTs enable or constrain possibilities and opportunities for individuals and groups in the developing world. To achieve the objectives, this study addresses the following research questions:

1. How can the potential of ICTs be harnessed to address contemporary societal challenges

in developing countries?

2. How does social media enable disaster response?

2.1 What affordances emerged from social-media use during disasters?

2.2 How do social-media affordances influence people interactions in disaster response?

3. How does mobile money enable financial inclusion?

3.1 What are the affordances of mobile money?

3.2 How are these affordances perceived and actualized by different stakeholders to

achieve the desired outcomes?

1.3 Research Significance

As a research area in mainstream IS, ICT studies focus on ways in which specific technologies assist in the development of developing countries. The role of ICTs in developing countries varies with different development paradigms. Whereas early research on ICT focused on a technical-oriented view to a more socially-oriented one, a new stream of research has emerged in recent years to further investigate the socioeconomic transformation process through which ICT will deliver its potential (Thapa and Sæbø 2014). Transformative ICT stream uncovers the process by which ICT leverages and improves people lives (Avgerou 2008). Accordingly, scholars argued that ICT research requires a deeper understanding of the process of ICT use and the actors’ roles in the process (Majchrzak and Markus 2012; Thapa and Hatakka 2017).

This research will make contributions to the emerging interest in high-impact IS research in developing countries by adopting an affordance perspective in within-country analysis of the use of technologies in addressing contemporary societal challenges in Myanmar. Formerly one of the least developed economies in Southeast Asia, telecoms developments in Myanmar have undoubtedly transformed the social and economic fabric of the country after liberalization of its telecom industry in 2012. It is anticipated that this research will shed light on how emerging technologies can assist in solving major societal problems within the context of developing countries, by conducting two cases in Myanmar, a least developing country with an explosion of

ICTs in its nascent stage of transition.

1.4 Structure of the Thesis

This thesis comprises 6 chapters.

Chapter 1 presents an introduction that outlines the nature and content of the thesis; it covers a background review on the phenomenon of interest, the research aims and questions, a discussion on the research significance and the structure of the thesis.

Chapter 2 reviews a range of theoretical and empirical literature on ICT research. It also provides a review of related works in the subject area of two cases: social-media use in disaster response and mobile money for financial inclusion. Then, this chapter presents the theoretical concept—an affordance lens in IS research—and describes variations in this affordance lens, such as technology affordance and constraints theory (TACT), types of affordances, and affordance perception and actualisation framework. Chapter 2 concludes with a summary of the literature relevant to this thesis.

Chapter 3 discuss the research design and methodological approach used in this study. It explains rationales for the use of qualitative methodology and multiple case studies. It also presents the data sources: document analysis, website and social-media analysis, interviews, focus groups and observation.

Chapter 4 provides an overview of Myanmar in current ICT development and disaster response situations as one of the societal challenges in developing countries and describes the case of the 2015 Myanmar flood. The chapter then provides an analysis of social-media affordances that emerged and were enacted by different players during the disaster response. The key findings are discussed followed by a summary of case analysis and findings.

Chapter 5 describes the research context about the current issue of financial inclusion as another societal challenge in Myanmar and the potential of mobile money in enabling financial access and achieving socioeconomic benefits to different groups of people, using the case of Wave

Money Fintech. Chapter 5 follows the same analysis and discussion sequence as Chapter 4. It concludes with a summary of the case analysis and findings.

Chapter 6 analyses the key findings on two cases of ICT uses—social media-enabled disaster response and mobile money for financial inclusion—in accordance with two key dimensions of affordance theory (different types of affordances and affordance actualisation process) to discuss each technology use in addressing social challenges in Myanmar by highlighting the importance of exploring multilevel perspectives and the role of user characteristics. It also discusses the theoretical and practical implications of the study and concludes with directions for future research.

Chapter 2. Literature Review

‘Literature review can create a firm foundation for advancing knowledge through identifying the current status, research gaps, and where more research is needed’. Webster and Watson (2002)

2.1 Evolution of ICT Research in IS Literature

ICT has been recognized as an important catalyst for national progress and social transformation (Majchrzak et al. 2012). The developing country context is complex, characterized by the diversity in contexts, situations, work cultures and interest groups. Review of ICT research in developing countries revealed diverse philosophical, theoretical and methodological stances adopted by scholars, studying a range of issues in various social contexts (Avgerou 2008; Walsham and Sahay 2006). Generally, ICT research is divided into two streams: technology transfer, which concerns the adaptation of technological advancement from developed countries, e.g. (Gollakota et al. 2012; He 2004), and social embeddedness, which focuses on the embeddedness of ICT innovation in the social context [e.g., (Brown and Thompson 2011; Puri et al. 2009; Walsham and

Sahay 1999)].

The technology transfer stream explores the relevance of established knowledge and good practice models (e.g. methods, analytical approach or theories) from developed countries, to adapt in developing countries (Avgerou 2010). Several researchers have examined the phenomena of ICT adoption in developing countries such as Telecentres (Pick et al. 2013), enterprise resource planning (ERP) system (He 2004), e-commerce (Datta 2011; Tan et al. 2007), internet/mobile banking (Brown et al. 2003; Tan and Teo 2000) and e-government (Gupta et al. 2008; Venkatesh et al. 2014). Influenced in this stream of research are diffusion of innovation (DOI) theory (Rogers

1962), technology acceptance model (TAM) (Davis 1989), theory of planned behaviour (TPB)

(Ajzen 1985) and unified theory of acceptance and use of technology (UTAUT) (Venkatesh et al.

2003). For example, using the technology adoption and diffusion frameworks of Rogers, as well as Davis’ TAM, Pick et al. (2013) identified the adoption/diffusion factors that increase the use of rural telecentres in India. The results supported Rogers’ dimensions of relative advantage, compatibility, low complexity and observability, as well as the TAM factors of perceived usefulness and ease of use. Similarly, adapted the framework of internet banking adoption in

Singapore (Tan and Teo 2000) that derived from diffusion of innovation theory and a decomposed

TPB (Taylor and Todd 1995), Brown et al. (2003) examined the factors that influence smartphone banking adoption in South Africa and found that relative advantage, trialability and consumer banking needs are influential factors, whereas perceived risk is a major inhibiting factor in the adoption of smartphone banking in South Africa. These studies aim to understand the diffusion of new technology mainly by using a quantitative method in measuring the acceptance and use of technology, from the user’s perception of system characteristics, as well as differences in individual characteristics, at both micro (related actors) and macro (specific group, organisation) levels. However, they do not consider the process of diffusion within the society, thus lacking the social context.

On the other hand, the social embeddedness stream takes the view on how technology innovation and organisational change emerge amid local social dynamics (Avgerou 2010). This stream explores the interaction between technology and society in regard to the construction of new socio-technical structures. To understand how local actors realize, establish and take up the technology into their lives, researchers applied an appropriate theoretical lens or analytical frameworks such as actor network theory (ANT) (Braa et al. 2007; Gao 2007), institutional theory

(Brown and Thompson 2011; Madon et al. 2007), activity theory (Karanasios 2014) or critical research (Lin and Myers 2015; Njihia and Merali 2013). For example, by adopting ANT, Braa et

17 al. (2007) conducted extensive action research and developed a strategy to standardize health information systems (HIS) and information infrastructure in developing countries, considering different healthcare systems and basic infrastructure, standards and practices that are sensitive to the local context. Madon et al. (2009) adopted institutional theory to study digital inclusion projects in India, South Africa and Brazil, and derived four key processes of institutionalisation: getting symbolic acceptance by the community; stimulating valuable social activity in relevant social groups; generating linkage to viable revenue streams; and enrolling government support, all of which are of relevance to all digital inclusion projects in developing countries. Such studies often investigate the perception of individuals at the micro level and extend to related actors at this level within the social context, by conducting a multilevel unit of analysis (Ramadani et al. 2018).

In general, the social-embedded studies fulfil the need for an in-depth explanation of the social context of ICT research in the technology transfer stream.

There have been calls for broader ICTD research that combine the characteristics of both streams (Avgerou 2010; Lin and Myers 2015; Njihia and Merali 2013). To investigate the socioeconomic transformation process further through which ICT will deliver its potential, a third stream of research has emerged in recent years. The transformative ICT stream uncovers the process by which ICT leverages and improves people lives (Avgerou 2008) (p.142–143). Such transformative studies explicitly focus on the role and ways in which ICTs enable transformation such as rural development, poverty alleviation and social/financial inclusion [e.g., (Andrade and

Doolin 2016; Leong et al. 2016; Urquhart et al. 2008)]. For example, Venkatesh and Sykes (2013) used social networks as a guiding theoretical lens to study a digital divide initiative in a rural village in India and found that the social network constructs significantly influenced technology use and contributed to economic benefit. Drawing upon Sen (1999) capability approach to analyse

18 the use of ICTs by a group of refugees in New Zealand, Andrade and Doolin (2016) derived a set of five valuable capabilities that explain the process by which ICT use contributes to migrants’ social inclusion within existing social arrangements and environmental conditions. These studies mostly used qualitative inquiries to explore the transformative role of ICTs in resolving social problems, focusing on the macro level (community, organisation and ecosystem) as a unit of analysis [e.g., (Adam and Urquhart 2009; Dasuki and Abbott 2015; Venkatesh et al. 2016)].

Literature revealed that the role of emerging technologies in developing countries varies with different development paradigms. A transition has taken place from a technical-oriented view to a more socially oriented one (Thapa and Sæbø 2014) and further towards a more transformational view recently.

Among the stated theories still commonly used, many were used for understanding the phenomena of adoption, uptake and resistance of technology. The probable challenges of selecting and using theory for a particular research study could be a lack of understanding because many of the IS theories originated from social science, making it difficult for technical ICT researchers to understand their context and focus (Zewge and Dittrich 2015). Much of this literature tends to be inwards and does not engage particularly with the broader development studies literature, the organisation and management literature or the IS literature (Hayes et al., 2013). Thus editorials encourage IS scholars interested in studying ICT’s societal change, to engage with and draw upon other literature and expand the definitions of theory (Hayes et al. 2013; Majchrzak et al. 2016).

Despite all this attention to the cause of ICTs to address the societal challenges, there remains a prime concern of all researchers that IS research can bring a practical impact to real organisational and societal problem situations and their stakeholders, thus making the developing world a better place (Andrade et al. 2016).

2.2 Social-Media Use in Disaster Response

The term ‘disaster’ is defined as ‘a serious disruption of the functioning of a community or a society causing widespread human, material, economic or environmental losses which exceed the ability of the affected community or society to cope using its own resources’ (National Science and Technology Council 2005) (p. 21), whereas the term ‘crisis’ is characterized by ‘severe threats to life, well-being, or other significantly held values by unpredictable, uncertain, and often urgent event’ (Falkheimer and Heide 2006). Disasters are sometimes equated with crises, but crises can be regarded as organisation based, whereas disasters are community based (Seeger 1998). Disaster management can be generally modelled into four phases namely mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery. Given that disasters are unexpected events and complex in nature, it is vital to mitigating the effects of the disasters as they occur (Albala-Bertrand 2007). Having a good strategy for each of the phases is essential for efficient disaster management; however, disaster response necessitates the speed and effectiveness of the initial effort, involving a quick situational awareness to help authorities respond effectively once the disaster hits. Thus, the effective use of

IT tools is critical during the response phase to engage community networks in order to gather, analyse and disseminate information in a timely manner (Chan 2014). Recognizing the importance of acquiring accurate, reliable and timely information during disasters, people have turned to embrace potential technologies, and ICTs have become valuable tools in facilitating effective response actions in times of disasters (Huang et al. 2010).

There are three types of social support that are critical during disaster events: informational support, emotional support and material support (Orford 1992). Informational support updates communities on the latest crisis information and guides them in unfamiliar situations (Endsley

1988); emotional support includes the provision of care, empathy and well-wishes (Houston et al.

2015); and material support helps channel the emergency supplies to the victims (Orford 1992).

During stressful events such as disasters, it is critical to effectively deliver the right support for the dynamic needs of the users.

2.2.1 Related Work There has been increased attention of researchers in examining the role of ICTs in disaster response during the past decade (Leidner et al. 2009; Pan et al. 2012; Yang and Hsieh 2013). For example, Majchrzak et al. (2007) demonstrated how formal systems (e.g., National Preparedness

System, LocalTexasBank) failed to respond to the Katrina and Rita hurricane disasters and how alternative technologies (e.g., EPAY electronic payment system, Wikipedia and the Coast Guard navigation system) enabled emergent response groups to coordinate knowledge, people, resources and tasks efficiently, thereby substantially improving disaster response for future catastrophes. By illustrating four crises, Pan et al. (2012) examined the role of technologies such as crisis management system, websites and bulletin boards, in enabling crisis response information network structures. Yates and Paquette (2011) examined the role of wikis, and collaborative technologies

(e.g., Microsoft SharePoint) used by organisations, to manage knowledge in responding to the

2010 Haiti earthquake.

Although the use of ICTs is prominent in various contexts, in recent years social media

(e.g., Facebook, Twitter, Flickr) has emerged as an important technology for disaster response due to its instant connectivity and open platforms (Simon et al. 2015). Social media allow users to create and participate in virtual communities where they provide functions of sharing, communicating, publishing, managing, collaborating and interacting with a click of a button among members or the general public (Nah and Saxton 2013). Some previous studies have

21 presented a comprehensive review of literature discussing this phenomenon (e.g., Fraustino et al.,

2012; Simon et al., 2015).

Generally, social media have been described as facilitating online communities where members seek and share information in times of crisis. For instance, Twitter was used to provide time-critical information about tsunami alerts, missing and deceased people, availability of services and road conditions, hours after the 2010 Chile earthquake (Mendoza et al. 2010).

Following the 2008 Sichuan earthquake in China, Qu et al. (2009) found that local citizens used a popular online forum to organize information and to express their emotions about the disaster.

Social media platforms are overwhelmingly useful to create situational awareness and to coordinate actions among affected communities in natural disasters (Abedin et al. 2014). For instance, crowdsourced mapping enabled volunteers to help report on local conditions and allowed rescue teams to focus on other actions (Sigala 2011). Citizens can also provide localized and distributed report using a geo-tagging function—volunteered geographic information (VGI)—to describe disaster situations in real time. For instance, Zook et al. (2010) discussed several web- based mapping services, such as CrisisCamp Haiti, OpenStreetMap, Ushahidi and GeoCommons, that could significantly enhance the logistical systems of relief efforts on the ground in the Haiti earthquake. Haworth et al. (2015) explored the potential role for VGI technologies to foster community engagement in bushfire preparation in Tasmania.

Much of the literature has explored the use of social media in disaster response in various conceptualizations. Research has shown that social media facilitates collective intelligence where large, distributed groups of people solve complex problems (Palen et al. 2009; Vieweg et al. 2008), and other studies have also highlighted the phenomenon of digital volunteerism—how distant others can offer help via interactive platforms (Starbird and Palen 2011). Nan and Lu (2014)

22 examined the role of an online forum in a self-organizing crisis management process in an online community during the 2012 Sichuan earthquake. More recently, Tim et al. (2016) demonstrated how social media can be enacted as boundary objects-in-use to provide important humanitarian assistance during the 2011 Thailand flood.

However, most previous studies have mainly focused on social perspectives such as social structure and interactions among users and outcome behaviour. Those studies have described technology use as a whole, thus disregarding the properties of the technology itself. For example,

Hughes et al. (2008) described how social media enabled social convergence behaviour during disaster events. Bruns et al. (2012) examined the developing networks on the Twitter platform in the Australia floods and highlighted the behaviour of the community such as information, media sharing, help and fundraising, direct experience, and discussion and reaction, based on Twitter usage patterns. Kaewkitipong et al. (2015) investigated how social media changed social structure in knowledge sharing among stakeholders during the 2011 Thailand flood. Ling et al. (2015) explored the social consequences of ICT that examined how social media played a role as a mediating structure in empowering communities in disaster response.

Another stream of research emphasized technological perspectives such as adoption of social media platforms or utilization of the features and functions of social media during natural disasters. For example, Liu et al. (2008) found features of Flickr (e.g., group purpose, tags, images, cross referencing) as the norms of citizen photography in various disasters. Starbird et al. (2010) noted that Twitter features (e.g., reTweet and follow@) offered users new possibilities to share and synthesize information following the 2009 Red River floods. Ehnis and Bunker (2012) examined the use of social media channels such as Facebook and Twitter by Queensland police services (QPS) during the 2010–2011 Queensland flood events and highlighted that Twitter was

23 used as a range amplifier, whereas Facebook was used as a more detailed information platform.

Lachlan et al. (2014) analysed the content of Twitter messages during Snowstorm Nemo by comparing localized and non-localized hashtags from tweets retrieved and suggested that actionable information appears to be more common with localized hashtags.

In fact, theorists have called for a break with traditional IS literature characterized by either technological determinism or social determinism (Markus and Silver 2008; Treem and Leonardi

2012). Existing research on social-media use for disaster response is notably silent on examination of the features of the technology in relation to the social action of users. This knowledge is important for both governments and the public that require an understanding of how social media is being perceived and used by the communities and how these could possibly facilitate disaster response efforts, thus to better prepare for future crises. The concept of affordance provides us with a theoretical lens to look beyond technology features and analyse how and why different users and user groups appropriate and interpret technology features through social interaction, in light of their goals and values (Markus and Silver 2008) and that lead to achieve relevant social outcomes. Table 2.1 synthesizes previous studies on the use of ICTs and social media in disaster response. Table 2.2 shows the summary of literature review.

Table 2.1 Selected Studies on the Use of Technologies and Social Media in Disaster Response Study Disasters/Use of IT Artefact Empirical Findings The Use of ICTs Majchrzak et al. 2005 Hurricane Demonstrated how emergent response (2007) Katrina and Rita / Electronic groups efficiently coordinate payment system, Wikipedia, knowledge, people, resources, tasks, Coast Guard navigation system and technology for disaster response Leidner et al. (2009) 2003 SARS, 2004 Asia Tsunami Proposed a framework of resource / Web-based Crisis Case deployment to shed light on Management System coordination mechanisms during crisis response

Yates and Paquette 2010 Haiti earthquake / Illustrated how social media enabled (2011) Wikipedia, blogs, SharePoint effective knowledge management in a dynamic emergency environment Pan et al. (2012) 2003 SARS (Singapore), Tsunami Examined the dynamics of (Sri Lanka), 2008 Cyclone Nargis information flow and network (Burma), 2005 Hurricane structures, developed a framework of (Katrina) / Web-based Crisis 4 crisis information network structure Management System, Website, (star, pyramid, forest, blackout) Blogs Yang and Hsieh 2004 Asia Tsunami / Web-based Described and analysed the resources (2013) Crisis Case Management System and key capabilities deployed in response to crisis The Use of Social Media Hughes et al. (2008) 2007 Virginia Tech School Explored online social convergence shooting, Southern California behaviour during times of crisis: wildfires / Social media helping, being anxious, returning, (Facebook, Twitter, Wikipedia, supporting, mourning, exploiting, and Google maps, online websites, being curious forums) Liu et al. (2008) 6 disaster events / Flickr Discussed features of Flickr’s emerging evolutionary growth as a community forum for disaster-related community activity Qu et al. (2009) 2008 Sichuan earthquake / a Citizens used an online forum to share Chinese online forum information and express emotions. A self-regulation code emerged to guide their behaviours Mendoza et al. 2010 Chilean earthquake / Assessed the reliability of Twitter data (2010) Twitter as an information source under extreme circumstances Vieweg et al. (2010) 2009 Red river floods, 2009 Twitter users shared various types of Oklahoma grassfires / Twitter information (e.g. geo-location, location referencing) which contributed to enhancing situational awareness in natural hazards Oh and Kwon 2010 Haiti earthquake / Twitter Information from credible sources (2010) suppressed the anxiety level of Twitter community, leading to rumour controlling and high information quality

Lachlan et al. 2013 Winter Storm Nemo / Examined the nature of Twitter (2014) Twitter content and found that actionable information appears to be more common with localized hashtags. Nan and Lu (2014) 2008 Sichuan earthquake / Examined the role of an online forum Online forum in self-organizing crisis management process and found that sensing- understanding-deciding-evaluating process typical of effective organisational crisis management. Kaewkitipong et al. 2011 Thailand flood / Social Examined the use of social media for (2015) media (Facebook, Twitter, knowledge sharing and the evolution YouTube) of social structures among different stakeholders throughout the crisis cycle Ling et al., (2015) 2011 Thailand flood / Social Social media can empower media (Facebook, Twitter, community from 3 dimensions of YouTube) empowerment process: structural, psychological, and resource Tim et al. (2016) 2011 Thailand flood / Social Demonstrated that social media is media (Facebook, Twitter, capable of functioning as 3 different YouTube) types of boundary objects-in-use Vasst et al. (2017) 2010 Gulf of Mexico oil spill / Introduced the concept of connective Microblogging (Twitter) action and presented how social-media use allows multiple actors to take on interdependent emerging roles and actualize connective affordances

Table 2.2 Existing Research Focus and Research Potential of Social Media-enabled Disaster Response Existing Research Focus and Selected Studies Research Potential Contextual Background – Social Media in Disasters

Existing disaster response studies focused on either social or Research Gap: Theorists have called for a break with traditional IS technological perspectives: literature characterized by either social or technological determinism Hughes et al. (2008) described how social media enabled social (Markus and Silver 2008). convergence behaviour during disaster events. The literature has limited our ability to understand how technology and Kaewkitipong et al. (2015) investigated how social media changed social social actors interact (Leonardi and Barley 2010). structure in knowledge sharing among stakeholders during the 2011 It is time to develop better theories about the precise nature of the role Thailand flood. of ICT in complex social phenomenon by focusing not only on the Ehnis and Bunker (2012) examined the use of Facebook and Twitter by features of ICT but also on the social context of the uses of ICT that are Queensland Police Services during the 2010-2011 Queensland flood afforded (or inhibited) by those features (Majchrzak et al. 2012). events and highlighted that Twitter was used as a range amplifier and Facebook was used as a more detailed information platform. Specifically, given the importance and relevance of crisis response to organisations and society, future research might explore the flexibility Lachlan et al. (2014) examined the nature of Twitter contents during the of the existing technology and skill of personnel across involved 2013 Snowstorm Nemo and found that actionable information appears agencies (Leidner et al 2009). to be more common with localized hashtags than with non-localized hashtags. Theoretical Background – Social-Media Affordances Research Trend: Most recently, scholars have emphasized the Prior research discussed the uses and affordances of social media in the affordances of emerging technologies (e.g. social media) in addressing context of enterprise systems in examining human behaviours and complex societal challenges (Majchrzak et al. 2016). related organisational changes.

Methodological Background – Unit of Analysis Research Drive: More research is needed to explore affordances of Existing research explored different types of social-media affordances at social media at a higher level of analysis than the individual, such that the individual and organisational levels: the analysis can scale up to describe the relationship between Treem and Leonardi (2012) reviewed studies of social-media use in aggregated technologies and larger social collectives (Robey et al. 2013; organisations and uncovered 4 affordances of visibility, persistence, Zammuto et al. 2007). editability, and association that enabled community building and access There is a lack of attention about the nature of the relationship between to expertise. affordances in order to examine the different structural levels from Majchrzak et al. (2013) identified four affordances of social media in the which they emerge in their constituent parts (Volkoff and Strong 2013). context of knowledge sharing in work groups. Researchers need to consider not only individual affordances in Mansour et al. (2013) considered affordances specific to wikis: isolation but also the complex interrelations among the affordances as commenting, accessibility, viewabiligy, and validation, at an individual technically or socially constructed (Vaast and Kaganer 2015). level 27

2.3 Mobile Money for Financial Inclusion

Financial inclusion means that ‘individuals and businesses have access to useful and affordable financial products and services that meet their needs including; payments, savings, credit and insurance delivered in a responsible and sustainable way’, according to the World

Bank9. Exclusion from the formal financial system, particularly of the poor, is a crucial problem in developing countries, where more than half the adult population is unbanked (Adaba et al.

2019; Makina 2017). Over the years, there has been tremendous progress in increasing access to financial products and services for underserved communities around the world. The 2017

Global Findex database10 shows that 1.2 billion adults have had access to an account since

2011, including 515 million since 2014. Recent developments in mobile/wireless communication technologies have changed our daily lives. With the widespread adoption of mobile phones, there has been a rise of mobile money services worldwide, including in developing countries. In its simplest form, mobile money is ‘the provision of financial services through a mobile device’ (Donovan 2012). Mobile money services have had a tremendous positive impact on people’s lives and have contributed to increased financial inclusion and economic growth, absorbing financial shocks and reducing poverty (Aportela 1999; Burgess and Pande 2005; Cull et al. 2014). The ubiquity of the mobile phone can bring significant changes, sustainable growth as well as economic opportunities for the large unbanked population in the developing countries (Etim 2014). Mobile money provides consumers with ubiquitous payment possibilities, timely access to financial assets and an alternative to cash payments (Mallat 2007). Mobile money businesses have transformed the traditional ways of transmitting money and transacting business because they offer the ability and the flexibility to top up airtime, pay for utility bills, goods and services, shop online and pay salaries with

9 https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/financialinclusion/overview 10 https://globalfindex.worldbank.org/ 28 one’s mobile phone (Appiah-Danquah 2014). Mobile money can not only extend financial services to the poor but also improve productivity by increasing efficiency and lowering the cost of transactions, improving security, generating new employment opportunities and creating a platform on which other businesses can grow (Donovan 2012). In the developing world, mobile money has strong potential to become an enabler for financial inclusion (ITU

2013b).

2.3.1 Mobile Financial Services (MFS) The term ‘mobile financial services’ encompasses a broad range of financial activities that consumers engage in or access using their mobile phones. Mobile financial services refer collectively to ‘a set of applications that enable people to use their mobile telephones to manipulate their bank account, store value in an account linked to their handsets, transfer funds, or even access credit or insurance products’ (Donner and Tellez, 2008). There are three main types of mobile financial services (see Figure 2.1) with some degree of overlapping among the functionalities offered by applications in each category:

• Mobile payments;

• Mobile money transfer; and

• Mobile banking.

Adapted from ITU (2013) Figure 2.1 Types of Mobile Financial Services 29

Mobile payments refer to ‘peer-to-peer’ (P2P) and consumer-to-business (C2B) transactions for physical goods and services that are made using a mobile phone. Mobile payments cover many types of transactions and fall into two categories: transactions with a remote merchant or proximity payments at the merchant site. In developing countries, mobile payments are used mainly for P2P payments and remittances but are also increasingly being used for utility bill payments and purchase of goods. Mobile money transfer refers mainly to the transfer of money electronically from one person to another using a mobile phone. The transfer can be domestic or international and can also be called a P2P payment. When the transfer is international, it is referred to as an international remittance. Mobile banking allows users to manage their bank accounts remotely from their mobile devices.

The various terms that relate to the use of mobile phones to access, store and transfer or link to an account; mobile banking, mobile payments, mobile money transfer, are collectively referred to as mobile money in this study.

2.3.2 Related Work Over the past decade, there has been a growing body of research into mobile-money adoption in many developing countries (Diniz et al. 2011; Donner 2008; Donovan 2012;

Duncombe and Boateng 2009). Prior work has examined various aspects of mobile money for financial inclusion by both academics and practitioners. For example, Hannig and Jansen

(2010) argued that improved financial inclusion presents opportunities to enhance financial stability. Allen et al. (2012) found that higher financial inclusion is associated with a better enabling environment to access financial services. Sahay et al. (2015) stated that financial inclusion is seen by policymakers to improve people’s livelihoods, reduce poverty and advance economic development. Other research has shown that providing individuals with access to financial services increases savings (Aportela 1999), productive investment and consumption

(Dupas and Robinson 2009) and female empowerment (Ashraf et al. 2010).

A recent review of the literature on mobile payments by Dahlberg et al. indicates that mobile payment research is concentrated on consumer adoption [see (Dahlberg et al. 2015;

Dahlberg et al. 2008; Slade et al. 2013)]. Some studies attempted to determine the critical success factors and barriers to access mobile financial services and wider financial inclusion

(Andreev et al. 2012; Beck et al. 2006; Daud et al. 2011; Demirgüç-Kunt and Klapper 2013).

For example, Daud et al. (2011) examined the critical success factors influencing the adoption of M-money in Malaysia using a technology acceptance model (TAM). The authors found that perceived usefulness, perceived credibility and awareness were positively related to the intention to adopt M-money. Dass and Pal (2011) identified the drivers and inhibitors for adoption of mobile financial services (MFS) among the rural underbanked population of three states in India, and the results indicated that the demand for banking and financial services and the amount of hardships faced in availing these services through the existing channels of delivery can act as strong drivers and that a lack of trust in technology and lack of technology readiness were found to act as barriers to the adoption of MFS. Siddik et al. (2014) studied the behavioural aspects of consumers towards mobile banking in Bangladesh and realized that high internet and SMS cost, security-related beliefs and unawareness of all financial and non- financial transactions possible through mobile banking are the factors responsible for less use of mobile banking in the country.

Previous studies have examined mobile-money adoption based on characteristics of the technology, individual adopters and organisations (de Sena Abrahão et al. 2016; Liébana-

Cabanillas and Lara-Rubio 2017). For example, Chiang et al. (2017) investigated the interface features that can facilitate the acceptance of mobile money in Latin America and found that a clear and straight-forward workflow and good service are the most important factors to encourage potential Latin American consumers of mobile money tools, whereas transaction speed and security are fundamental factors that affect a user’s decision to choose the channel

31 for remittances. Using extended technology acceptance theories, Kim et al. (2010) proposed an m-payment research model, which consists of two user-centric factors and four system characteristics, and analysed the adoption behaviours of m-payment users in Korea, considering two types of adopters (early and late). The results indicated that early adopters value ease of use, whereas late adopters value usefulness of m-payment, and their perceived ease of use is influenced by personal innovativeness. Boateng et al. (2019) adopted the conceptual framework and examined how mobile payment adoption enhances the payment experience of merchants by discovering the drivers and barriers of mobile payment adoption by merchants in the retail sector in Ghana. By combining concepts from collective action theory and platform theory, de Reuver et al. (2015) studied the collaboration between banks and telecom operators in developing joint digital platforms in the Netherlands and found that differing strategic objectives and interest, conflicts, lack of dependencies and governance issues led to dissolution of the mobile payment platform. Other research has focused on how policy-makers and practitioners can create and enable a favourable environment for mobile money to flourish (Dermish et al. 2011).

A review of the literature revealed that there has been growing evidence of the beneficial impact of access to financial services on all aspects of social and economic outcomes at both household and firm levels. However, only a few researchers developed a multi-outlook model for mobile-money ecosystems (Amoroso and Magnier-Watanabe 2012; ISACA 2011;

Khiaonarong 2014). For example, ISACA (2011) explored the relevant m-payment-enabled technologies to examine the relevant security, risk and assurance issues that audit professionals, merchants and financial institutions will want to consider when evaluating and developing m- payment services. There has been arguably little research that offers a comprehensive model promoting consumers’ perceived acceptance of m-wallet systems. Amoroso and Watanabe

(2011) propose a dynamic and comprehensive m-payment adoption framework for

32 encouraging the adoption of mobile payments, coordinating eleven key consumer-related variables: perceived ease of use; perceived usefulness; attitude toward use; facilitating conditions; perceived value; perceived security and privacy; social influence; trust; behavioural intention to use; perceived risk; and the attractiveness of alternatives.

Boateng et al. (2019) claimed that ‘to enable a holistic understanding of mobile money research, it is essential to examine mobile money from multiple perspectives due to the multifaceted nature of the mobile money environment’. This study will take a more holistic approach to explore whether mobile money services can increase financial inclusion in

Myanmar at the macro (ecosystem) level.

In recent years, researchers have called for an improved understanding of the use of

ICTs in addressing societal challenges from an affordance perspective (Andrade et al. 2016;

Majchrzak and Markus 2012; Majchrzak et al. 2012). However, relatively few studies of technology innovations [e.g. (Andrade and Doolin 2016; Du et al. 2019; Wahid and SæbØ

2015)] have applied this approach. Therefore, this study draws on the affordance approach as a theoretical lens and uses qualitative data collected from Myanmar to understand how mobile money services can create opportunities and value for relevant stakeholders in the ecosystem, such as mobile network operators (MNOs), financial institutions, customers, agents, merchants and regulators.

In the following section, we present our review of the affordances literature to discuss further how this theoretical perspective could be useful in explaining the phenomenon of ICT- enabled societal change in developing countries.

2.4 Framing the Research

A recent MIS Quarterly special issue emphasizes that technology affordances and constraints theory (Gibson 1977; Leonardi 2011; Leonardi 2013; Majchrzak and Markus 2012;

Markus and Silver 2008; Treem and Leonardi 2012; Volkoff and Strong 2013; Zammuto et al.

2007) is a lens that is particularly well suited to help IS scholars build a theory about ICT use.

An affordance (or a constraint) is defined as an action potential; it is a relation between a technology with certain features and a users’ intent or purpose to which this technology is to be used. Thus, it focuses on the actors’ goals and capabilities related to potential ICT artefact use, rather than on how ICT artefact can be used. By examining technologies as sets of affordances and constraints for particular actors, IS researchers can explain how and why the

‘same’ technology is used or has different outcomes in different contexts, thus deepening and enriching general and substantive IS theories (Majchrzak et al. 2016). There have been some uses of concepts of affordance and constraints in addressing major societal challenges in the recent MIS Quarterly special issue. For example, Selander and Jarvenpaa (2016) describe how social media afford a social movement organisation opportunities for ‘glocal’ engagement

(simultaneous pursuit of global organisational agenda and personal agendas). Leong et al.

(2016) and Jha et al. (2016) describe how programs to promote the use of online services afford individuals new business opportunities within a depressed region. Deng et al. (2016) show how

Amazon’s platform and policies constrain crowd workers (e.g., from disciplining abusive requesters) while affording them low-paid work. A review of the literature on ICT uses in societal challenges helped us gain an understanding of the underlying meaning and challenges of the role of ICTs in developing countries.

2.5 Affordance Lens in Information Systems Research

The concept of affordances was introduced by Gibson (1986) in the field of ecological psychology as a way of understanding what an object can afford (i.e. the interaction between an actor with the environment, enabled by both the properties of the actor and of the environment).

In the information system literature, several researchers have embraced the affordance concept. Markus and Silver (2008) defined functional affordances as ‘the possibilities for goal- oriented action afforded to specified user groups by technical objects’ (p. 622). To realize these action possibilities, the functional affordances need to be perceived as such, which is dependent on the relationship between the system and user in the context in which information systems are used (Leonardi 2011). As affordances are just potentials for action, some studies recognized that affordances need to be triggered (Volkoff and Strong 2013) or actualized (Strong et al.

2014) by a goal-oriented actor to achieve an outcome. Actualized affordances are defined as

‘the realized potential that arise from the relation between user intentions and technology capabilities’ (Majchrzak et al. 2007; Strong et al. 2014). Majchrzak and Markus (2012) proposed the technology affordances and constraints theory (TACT) in which a technology affordance refers to an action potential, that is ‘what an individual or organisation with a particular purpose can do with a technology’ whereas a technology constraint refers to ‘ways in which an individual or organisation can be held back from accomplishing a particular goal when using a technology’. Technology affordances and constraints are understood as relational concepts such that potential interactions between people and technology, rather than properties of either people or IT artefact alone. A technology affordance perspective frames the action potentials of technologies (Leonardi, 2013; Markus and Silver, 2008) and offers concrete understanding of the uses of the IT artefacts and the related implications for individuals'

35 behaviours (Majchrzak and Markus, 2012; Majchrzak et al. 2016) and organisational changes

(Volkoff and Strong 2013; Zammuto et al. 2007).

Prior research on technology affordance focused on identifying and defining functional affordances (i.e. action potentials) of a particular IT artefact. For example, Treem and Leonardi

(2012) reviewed studies of social-media use in organisations and uncovered four affordances of visibility, persistence, editability and association that enabled community building and access to expertise; Majchrzak et al. (2013) examined social-media affordances of knowledge sharing in work groups such as metavoicing, triggered attending, network-informed associating and generative role-taking; and Seidel et al. (2013) identified affordances of IS in enabling environmentally sustainable work practices. Recent research has moved beyond this approach.

More recently, researchers have been investigating how functional affordances could be perceived, interpreted and actualized by users. For example, Strong et al. (2014) developed a mid-ranged theory of affordance-actualisation in the implementation of electronic health record

(EHR) systems. Tan et al. (2016) examined that Alibaba.com develops competitive actions from the actualisation of IT affordance to attain market leadership. Zheng and Yu (2016) studied the socialized affordances of social media with the perspective of affordance-for- practice in a Chinese charity program using Weibo. Tim et al. (2017) identified three affordances of social media and theorized the process of affordance actualisation in the case of a community-driven environmental movement in rural Malaysia. With a case study of a telemedicine project in a remote mountainous region of Nepal to examine how IT can help solve developmental challenges, Thapa and Sein (2018) developed a concept, Trajectory of

Affordance (ToA) that captures the complex relations between affordances of IT and the role of goal-oriented actors, to trace the process of actualisation. Using affordance-actualisation (A-

A) theory as the theoretical lens, Du et al. (2019) conducted a case study of blockchain implementation in an organisation in China and identified three affordances of blockchain in

36 the organisation and a process model whereby these affordances are actualized. Table 2.3 summarizes a list of selected studies on affordances of ICTs in organisations.

Table 2.3 Selected Studies on Affordances of Technologies and Social Media Source Methodology Concept / Context Contribution Zammuto et al. Theoretical Affordances emerge from the Identified 5 possible (2007) intersection of IT and affordances organisational systems

Markus and Theoretical ‘Functional affordances’ Theoretical Silver (2008) exposition/extension

Majchrzak and Theoretical ‘Technology Affordances and Relational concept of IT Markus (2012) Constraints Theory’ artefacts and users

The Use of ICTs Leonardi (2011) Case Study ‘Imbrications’ (Human and Created imbrication material agency associated metaphor to explain with technology use)/a organisational change computer simulation technology for automotive design

Leonardi (2013) Case Study Network change in Theoretical extension (3 organisations /a computer different affordances: simulation technology for Individualized, shared, automotive design collective)

Bernard et al. Case Study Process model Developed a process (2013) model of affordance perception and actualisation

Pozzi et al Literature Affordance theory in IS Developed an affordance (2014) Review discipline theoretical framework

Strong et al Case Study How implementing an EHR Developed a mid-range (2014) system in a healthcare theory of affordance- organisation leads to actualisation organisational change

Seidel et al Case Study IS-enabled green Identified 4 important (2014) transformation / sustainability functional affordances transformation IS

Thapa and Sein Case Study Telemedicine project in Developed a concept, (2018) Nepal Trajectory of Affordance (ToA)

Du et al. (2019) Case Study Fintech in China/ affordance- Identified three actualisation (A-A) theory affordances of block chain

The Use of Social Media Treem and Literature Organisational affordances / Identified 4 affordances: Leonardi (2012) Review Social media technologies Visibility, Editability, Persistence, Association

Dyrby and Case Study How political parties adopt Identified 3 main Jensen (2012) social media as part of their categories of political campaign strategy affordances: to facilitate, in Danish 2011 election/ to project, to create Facebook

Majchrzak et al. Case Study Organisational knowledge Identified 4 affordances: (2013) sharing / Social media Metavoicing, Triggered technologies Attending, Network- informed Associating, Generative Role-taking

Raja-Yusof et al Case Study Explored cyber-volunteering Validated 12 affordances (2016) behaviour in NGOs/ of social media Facebook, WhatsApp

Zheng and Yu Case Study Examined the socialized Adopted the perspective (2016) affordances of social media of affordances-for- in the process of collective practice actions in NGOs/ Weibo micro blogging site

Tan et al. (2016) Case Study Development of Digital Examined actualisation Multi-Sided Platforms of IT affordances and (DMSPs)/Alibaba.com competitive actions

Tim et al. (2017) Case Study Community driven Identified 3 affordances environmental movement in of social media, rural Malaysia /Facebook, uncovered unintended Twitter, YouTube consequences, and theorized the process of affordance actualisation

Whereas most of the previous studies discussed affordances in the context of enterprise organisations, more recently, scholars have emphasized the affordance concept in examining the role of ICTs in addressing complex social problems (Majchrsak et al. 2016). For example, the affordance of social media for ‘glocal’ engagement (simultaneous pursuit of global organisational agenda and personal agendas) in a social movement organisation (Selander and

Jarvenpaa 2016); the capabilities of ICTs in creating new identities of migrants without losing touch with distant relations (Andrade et al. 2016); and the new business opportunities individuals gain from online services within a depressed region (Jha et al. 2016; Leong et al.

2016). However, there is no study examining the affordances of social media in the context of disaster response as well as identifying the affordances of mobile technology in enabling financial inclusion. The technology affordance perspective serves as an appropriate lens for the present study because it allows researchers to understand the precise nature of a technology

(Majchrzak et al. 2012). Thus, it is particularly suited for examining the role of emerging technology, such as social media and mobile technology in our research because it provides an understanding of how a specific technology becomes perceived and used in similar and different ways across various social environments (Vaast and Kaganer 2013).

2.5.1 Types of Affordances Central to relational understanding is that different users can have different goals when using the same IT artefact. Affordances permit researchers to frame theoretically ‘that one technology can support multiple affordances, and, consequently, that each member of the same social group can enact a different affordance or set of affordances when using the same technology’ (Leonardi, 2013, p. 751). Affordances can be distinguished between individualized, collective and shared affordances, as shown in Table 2.4.

Table 2.4 Types of Affordances Types Description Individualized An affordance that enables the user to do something with a specific feature Affordance of technology that others cannot do and will benefit from it. Shared Affordance An affordance that is shared by all members of a group, and it represents similar use of the technology’s features by all members for a common goal Collective An affordance that is collectively created by members of a group and that Affordance allows the group to do something collectively that it could not otherwise (Leonardi 2013) accomplish. This can be the result of pooled individual affordances in the form of differential feature use to achieve the group-level goal.

The present study adopts this conceptualization, considering that in addition to uncovering affordances, researchers should pay attention to the nature of the relationship between affordances in order to examine the different structural levels from which they emerge in their constituent parts (Volkoff and Strong 2013). In the context of disaster response, affordances that social media offer need to be conceptualized at a higher level of analysis than the individual, such that the analysis can scale up to describe the relationship between aggregated technologies and larger social collectives (Robey et al. 2013; Zammuto et al. 2007).

Extant literature revealed that there is a need for multilevel analysis as the process of ICT use in developing countries is a complex phenomenon and it typically involves actors at various levels (Sahay and Walsham 1995). Most of the studies in the literature mainly focus on the individual level of analysis, thus it is important to study the interaction of different actors on the process of IT implementation and use. To our knowledge, there has been relatively little research on the material properties of social media that grant different users with different possibilities of action, and how these properties facilitate crisis response activities and contribute to different outcomes. Majchrzak et al. (2016) emphasized that by looking at technologies as sets of affordances (and constraints) for particular actors, IS researchers can explain how and why the ‘same’ technology is used and has different outcomes in different contexts, thus deepening and enriching general and substantive IS theories. This research sets

40 to adopt the concept of technology affordances to examine the unique features of the technology (i.e. social media and mobile technology), in relation to personal characteristics of goal-oriented actors, possibilities for action, actualisation of affordances and relevant outcomes it affords in specific societal challenges (i.e. a natural disaster, financial exclusion).

2.5.2 Affordance Perception and Actualisation Framework

Figure 2.2 Theoretical Framework of Affordance Perception and Actualisation inspired by Pozzi et al. (2014)

Pozzi et al. (2014) proposed the theoretical framework that was adapted from the model of affordance perception and actualisation, originated from Bernhard et al. (2013) (see Figure

2.2). This is a four-step model based on temporal-causal relationship between affordances existence, perception, actualisation and effects. The cognition process is the first step where affordances exist from the interaction between IT artefact and organisation (or it may represent individuals, as in the original model from Bernhard et al.). The recognition process is the second step, where the actor needs to perceive or recognize IT affordances. Third, the affordance is actualized as the behaviour after the actor perceived the potential for action to achieve the intended goals. Finally, this behaviour will produce immediate concrete outcomes

(i.e., effects in the long term).

2.6 Summary

This chapter reviews the theoretical and empirical literature on ICT research and presented the evolution of ICT research, with discussions on technology adoption and user behaviour, ICT enabled transformation, theory and methodology used, and level of analysis in different paradigms. The chapter then focuses on the literature regarding social-media use in disaster response, including the facts, definitions, uses and impacts of ICTs and social media in disasters and debates in IS literature. It also provides a list of selected studies on the use of

ICTs and social media in disaster response and a summary of the literature review in tables.

Next, this chapter reviews mobile money research in its encompassing terms: mobile payment, mobile banking and mobile money transfer in enabling financial inclusion and bringing socioeconomic benefits to the large unbanked population in the developing countries. It presents the characteristics and benefits of mobile money, enabled by mobile phones and mobile telephony, current research trends, gaps in the literature and potential research in an ecosystem perspective. The chapter then develops a theoretical framework—an affordance lens—as a worthwhile research approach for this study, given a conceptual understanding of theoretical gaps and potential areas existing in the current research. A list of selected studies on affordances of ICTs in organisations, including the most influential papers and updated articles is provided in a table. The chapter also describes different dimensions of affordances such as technology affordance and constraints theory (TACT), types of affordances, and affordance perception and actualisation framework, all of which are used to analyse the two cases in Chapters 4 and 5.

Chapter 3. Research Methodology

This chapter describes the methodology that this research utilised, including the research approach, methods and cases adopted to understand the phenomenon of using ICTs to address societal challenges in developing countries. This research is an interpretive case-study approach that employs multiple data-gathering techniques: document analysis, website/social- media analysis, semi-structured interviews, focus-group discussions and observations. The chapter starts with a discussion of the general research approach and explains the rationale for doing qualitative research and using the case-study method. Then, it presents the selection of two research cases and an explanation of using multiple data sources. It ends with the details of data collection and analysis of each case study to identify the affordances of emerging technologies in managing complex social problems in Myanmar.

3.1 Research Approach

Generally, all research makes ontological assumptions (i.e. about the nature of reality) and epistemological assumptions (i.e. about acquiring knowledge of reality) (Patton 2002). In the information-system domain, most research pursues either a positivist perspective or an interpretive perspective (Anderson 2011). The positivist approach is a structured method that employs deductive logic and empirical observation to extract possible relationships between variables and concepts (Neuman 2006). Positivist studies seek primarily ‘to test theory, in an attempt to increase predictive understanding of the phenomena’ (Orlikowski and Baroudi 1991)

(p.51). On the other hand, the interpretive approach concerns in-depth examination of the phenomenon within its social context, constructing a representation of how the actors within the phenomenon interpret their social reality (Orlikowski and Baroudi 1991). The interpretive studies in IS/IT seek to understand social life (e.g. to explain how people develop and use

IS/IT) and to construct meaning in natural settings (Mingers and Willcocks 2004). An

43 interpretive study allows researchers to immerse themselves in the community and gain a rich understanding of the influences of ICT interventions (e.g. social media, mobile technology).

In this research, the use of ICTs is conceptualized as a sociotechnical network (Ibrahim

Dasuki 2012) that concerns both social and material influences on technology use, particularly focusing on ICT affordances that help people tackle societal problems and improve lives in a developing world. Exploring the use of ICTs from a sociotechnical perspective, we chose interpretivism as the most relevant research approach for examining the social consequences of the interaction between people and IT artefacts. Interpretive research sees social reality from the perspective of user interpretations of the meanings of actions. It allows researchers to comprehensively examine social aspects, such as history, culture and politics, more effectively than other research practices (Orlikowski and Baroudi 1991).

To understand the research phenomenon, using a qualitative methodology captures detailed insights within its context. Because the use of ICTs in addressing social problems (e.g. disaster response, financial inclusion) is complex, multifaceted and contextual, it requires examining social reality in natural settings rather than using structured methods. Since this research explores how ICTs influence community in a broader context than simply determining the level of adoption and usage, the case-study method is well suited to exploratory research

(Siggelkow 2007). The technology-affordance perspective is adopted for theoretical sensitivity

(Klein and Myers 1999) throughout the data collection and the analysis process, to make sense of different users’ perceptions of emerging technology for managing complex societal challenges.

3.2 Case-Study Method

A case study is ‘an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident’ (Yin 2003) (p.13). Researchers use case studies primarily to find answers to ‘how’ and ‘why’ research questions (Pan and Tan 2011; Walsham 1995). To understand sociotechnical phenomena in a developing country, a qualitative case-study method was chosen because it is a rich, flexible method of explaining complex interactions among users, organisations and technology (Myers 1997).

A case study can contain either a single case or multiple (i.e. two or more) cases. Thus, the researchers must consider the wisdom of making a single-case study or doing a multiple- case study to understand the phenomenon. Multiple cases allow researchers to understand the differences and the similarities between them (Baxter and Jack 2008; Stake 1995). Yin (2003) suggests that the use of multiple-case studies has advantages when different events with some comparative factors have occurred. Researchers can analyse the data both within each situation and across situations. An all-embracing fact is that the evidence generated from a multiple-case study measures strong and reliable (Baxter and Jack, 2008). Using multiple-case studies, the researcher can create a more convincing theory, since the suggestions are more intensely grounded in several items of empirical evidence. Thus, multiple cases allow wider exploration of research questions and theoretical evolution (Eisenhardt and Graebner 2007).

This research used a comparative multiple-case-study approach, selecting two cases of

ICT usage in Myanmar to obtain increased understandings of the affordances of emerging technologies in addressing complex social problems in the context of a developing country.

Comparative case studies may be selected when there is a need to understand and explain how features within the context influence the adoption of specific technologies (Goodrick 2014).

The comparative approach using multiple-case studies has advantages in specifying the links

45 between people and IT artefact, as well as associated consequences. Qualitative case studies have the potential to provide a theoretical model that reveals the enabling (and constraining) roles of ICTs and contributes to the phenomenon.

3.3 Research Cases

The selection of the cases was based on their significance and prospects for yielding insights into theory building and answering the research questions. Two case studies were used to offer different ways to advance understanding of the use of ICTs in addressing crucial, yet under-researched, societal problems in Myanmar, explored at micro and macro levels of analysis. Due to the complexities of ICT use in developing countries, a multilevel perspective allows researchers to obtain new insights regarding the various features of an IT artefact, the possibilities for action, and the outcome it affords from using specific technology. These cases were particularly chosen to achieve the research objectives identified in the research design.

The first case was selected to investigate the emerging use of social media in the 2015 flood disaster in Myanmar at the micro (community) level. It focused on how individuals (e.g. victims, volunteers, government officials) harnessed the power of Facebook social-networking site for flood relief. The 2015 Myanmar flood was one of the most catastrophic disasters in recent decades. More importantly, the disaster represented the first paradigm shift in which social media played an important role as a communication medium during a crisis in Myanmar.

This flood disaster provides a unique context in which to examine how social media enabled local communities to respond to disaster situations and achieve relevant social outcomes.

The second case was selected to explore how mobile technology provides an effective means of increasing financial access and brings socio-economic benefits to the country. It looked into the current issues of financial exclusion and potential for mobile-money adoption at the macro (ecosystem) level, in terms of sociocultural, technology development and industry

46 trends associated with the case of Wave Money.11 This was the first Fintech company to receive a mobile-financial-services licence12 from the Central Bank of Myanmar, which currently offers mobile-money services in the country. Myanmar’s financial sector is the least developed of all in a region where less than 10% of the population has access to the formal financial system (Foerch et al. 2013). The provision of mobile financial services becomes favourable due to the rapid growth of the telecom industry and the massive mobile rollout, creating great potential to provide those services to underserved populations with affordable access to smartphones and the proliferation of applications. As Myanmar is one of the last major untapped markets in the world, this setting represents an ideal situation for exploring the evolving mobile-money sector’s role in promoting financial inclusion and its economic impact in the context of a developing country.

3.4 Data-Collection Methods

This section describes how data were collected and analysed in the two cases of ICT use in Myanmar. The rationale for the data-collection methods is explained and qualitative analysis of case data is discussed.

Qualitative research offers several ways to collect data. Documentation, archival records, interviews and observations are most common in a case study (Yin 2003). Using multiple methods can increase the potential for acquiring relevant data and strengthen the triangulation of evidence (Eisenhardt 1989).

The comparative research on the use of ICTs in addressing complex social problems was explored and analysed through several data-gathering techniques, including document analysis, website and social-media analysis, interviews, focus-group discussions and observations. These were used to obtain a holistic view of the use of ICTs from different

11 Wave Money Myanmar https://www.wavemoney.com.mm/ 12 http://www.irrawaddy.com/business/wave-money-receives-mobile-financial-service-licence-from-central-bank.html 47 informants, regarding how they perceive and appropriate ICTs with regard to developmental outcomes. This research addresses the overarching Research Question: ‘How can the potentials of ICTs be harnessed to address contemporary societal challenges in developing countries?’, and specifically in Case 1: Question 1 (‘How does social media enable disaster response?’) and

Question 2 (What affordances emerged from social-media use during disaster and how do social-media affordances influence people’s interactions in disaster response?); as well as in

Case 2: Question 1 (How does mobile technology enable financial inclusion?) and Question 2

(How are affordances of mobile-money apps perceived and actualised to achieve desired outcomes by different stakeholders?). Tables 3.1 and 3.2 illustrate the overall research design and data-collection methods.

Table 3.1 Overall Research Design

Phenomenon ICTs and Societal Challenges Research Paradigm Interpretive

Methodology Qualitative Research Methodology Approach Comparative Multiple-Case-Study Approach

Contexts Disaster Response Financial Inclusion

Cases Myanmar Flood 2015 Mobile-Money Adoption (Wave Money Fintech)

IT Artefact Social Media (Facebook) Mobile Technology (Mobile-

Money App)

Level of Analysis Micro (Community) Macro (Ecosystem)

Research Questions How does social media enable How does mobile technology

disaster response? enable financial inclusion?

Theoretical Lens Affordance Lens

Table 3.2 Data Collection Methods used in Each Research Case Research Cases/ Methods Case 1 Case 2 2015 Myanmar Flood Wave Money Fintech Document Analysis ○ ○ Website/Social-Media ○ ○ Analysis Interviews ○ ○ Focus Group ○ Direct Observation ○

3.4.1 Document Analysis Case-studies research uses documents as an explicit data-collection tool (Yin 2003).

The analysis of documents defines fundamental concepts, identifies trends and issues in ICT use, and generates potential interview questions. Both research cases involve reviewing documents to acquire relevant knowledge. Case 2 (Wave Money Fintech) especially uses documentation as a major data-collection method because mobile financial services have recently arrived in Myanmar and information regarding Myanmar mobile-money adoption is limited in the form of published academic papers. It is only available from such sources as local

Myanmar and English newspapers, press releases, and industry reports.

Reviewed documentation includes definitions and concepts associated with societal challenges, technology affordances, social-media technologies and crises, mobile money for financial inclusion, policy reports from government institutions, international reports, news articles and academic papers. To understand the origin of ICT research, refereed-journal literature was reviewed to investigate current issues in ICT initiatives and interventions in various countries in general, and specific theoretical and empirical studies on the current phenomenon of social-media-enabled disaster response for Case 1 (2015 Myanmar flood) and the mobile-money phenomenon for Case 2 (Wave Money Fintech).

Adopting the concept that affordances are relationships between the material properties of an IT artefact and the capabilities of an actor, potential affordances were identified by examining the features of specific technology in relation to those features and individual abilities. Technology features were identified through the analysis of relevant documents, such as technical reports, product brochures and user manuals. Specific features of technology were also observed from the practical use of the technology, i.e. Facebook’s social-networking site, and the Wave Money mobile app.

3.4.2 Website/Social-Media Analysis Analysis of websites helps researchers explore the online presence of users, to learn how individuals are using ICTs to tackle social problems. In this study, the website analysis was used especially for the case of 2015 Myanmar flood, to examine how different actors (e.g. victims, volunteers, government officials) participated and interacted on Facebook’s social- networking site during the disaster. The website analysis was conducted for the period from the floods’ onset in August 2015 until they receded in October, and online sites, including

Facebook, government and NGO websites and online news agencies (e.g. BBC, CNN), were revisited throughout the study whenever necessary. The analysis of social media focused on how various actors used Facebook, how Facebook users connected and interacted with each other, and what roles they played in disaster relief. The sources of social-media data included information and screenshots from more than 50 Facebook pages of citizens, government officials, agencies, professionals, NGOs and news media responding to the flood disaster.

In contrast, for the case of Wave Money Fintech, the use of website analysis was minimal, occurring only for initial exploration of the organisation website for the organisation’s profile, products and services provided and the user manual for the mobile-money app.

3.4.3 Interviews Interviews are an important data-collection method in qualitative research because they provide rich descriptions of the social phenomenon from different perspectives (Myers and

Newman 2007; Yin 2003). This research used semi-structured interviews to develop a full understanding of the perceptions and experiences of various actors involved in the case of the

2015 Myanmar flood and Wave Money Fintech mobile financial services.

To explore an overview of the phenomenon (Pan and Tan 2011), purposeful sampling was used to select key informants who could share their knowledge and useful information about each study. The selection of interview informants was deliberately aimed at people actively involved in disaster response using social media, particularly Facebook for Case 1, and major stakeholders in the mobile-money ecosystem for Case 2. Key informants were selected for the cases by the user profile on the Facebook page and by request through personal contacts with involved organisations. An email outlining the purpose of the study and the interview procedure was sent to the selected informants. In accordance with the ethics approval requirements of the Human Research Ethics Advisory (HREA) Panel of the Business School at the University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia, a consent form was created and attached, to explain interviewee rights while participating in the research, such as confidentiality and withdrawal of participation should any concern arise about the study. Upon receiving the informant’s reply, an interview appointment was arranged for an appropriate time and venue. A snowball sampling method was used to recruit more participants, that is a chain referral method in which key informants are requested to further recommend potential candidates who could contribute meaningful information to the study (Biernacki and Waldorf

1981).

Interview guides were prepared before the interviews, informed by the literature and structured in two sections. For Case 1, the first section included general questions about the role of informants in the community and their understanding of the nature and use of social media in emergency situations; the second section focused on specific questions regarding how social media was used during a disaster, the capabilities and challenges of social-media use in disaster response, and any observable outcomes from using social-media in flood relief.

In Case 2, the first section included general questions about what the mobile technology enabled and the roles that actors played in enabling mobile financial services and realizing their goals. The second section focused on affordances that mobile technology (i.e. mobile-money app) offers in facilitating financial transactions, how different actors enact their potential and how this contributes social and economic benefits. These initial sections were extended when important aspects of specific technology use were revealed during interviews, to record relevant questions to ask in future interviews.

3.4.5 Focus Group The focus group is a method of qualitative research consisting of interviews in which a small number of participants are asked about their opinions on a particular topic (Morgan

1996). For the case of 2015 Myanmar flood, the researcher conducted a focus-group interview in a non-profit organisation (NPO) involved in the disaster-response operation in such roles as promoting fundraising and organising aid distribution. The focus group comprised five persons: a manager of the organisation, a public-relations officer, a journalist, an accountant, and an IT staff person. The experiences of all participants were elicited in a semi-structured and open-ended format, allowing the talk of each participant to stimulate other participants in the group. The researcher acted as a moderator to ensure that everyone expressed his/her views and that the sequence of replies was randomised (David and Sutton 2011). In these discussions, participants shared the capabilities and difficulties of using social media (Facebook) in flood-

52 relief activities—for example, how Facebook helped boost the fundraising post on the organisation’s Facebook page, and how the actors faced different situations in distributing aid, such as plentiful clothes in some locations and no provision of food in other affected areas, due to lack of distributed information for situation updates and coordination among emergency respondents on Facebook.

3.4.6 Observations Observations offer the researcher the opportunity to gain additional insights through experiencing the phenomena. The researcher can study the participants and describe existing situations and behaviour of people engaging in activities in their real-life context (Ritchie and

Lewis 2003).

Apart from interviewing the users for their perceptions of the technology and its utilisation, observation is an alternative means of capturing relationships and connections between technology and users, which instantly identifies challenges and affordances in use.

This research included a few hours of direct observation for Case 2 (Wave Money Fintech), where the Yellow Wave roadshow campaign, held in various locations, engaged with customers in raising awareness of mobile financial services. The researcher simply followed the flow of events, and no interruption occurred for other participants during observation, including those in charge of Wave Money Fintech, handset distributors, agents and customers at the event. Through observation, the researcher could understand the financial needs of customers and the process of accessing a mobile-money application, including SIM-card registration, Wave Money app installation, opening an account, depositing money and making financial transactions. Observations were recorded as field notes. Approximately six hours of observations were conducted in three different campaigns, and five pages of observation notes were collected. These observations revealed the potential and the constraints of mobile-money

53 adoption, as the researcher was able to see first-hand the relationships between technical features of mobile-money applications and social actions of users in natural settings.

3.5 Data Collection

This research involved two phases of data collection: phase 1 (preliminary) and phase

2 (fieldwork). The preliminary phase focused on the collection and exploration of data from various secondary sources for initial understanding of the study phenomenon, and the fieldwork phase involved onsite data collection and in-depth examination of the emergence and enactment of technology affordances, to answer the research questions. During the fieldwork phase, the primary source of data collection was semi-structured interviews (Myers and

Newman 2007).

(a) Case 1: The 2015 Myanmar Flood In late July 2015, the Cyclone Komen caused Myanmar some of the worst flooding disasters in history. The flood persisted for over two months and affected almost 1.7 million people in 12 of the 14 States and Divisions. Data collection was started after the floods occurred in August 2015. Archival data were initially collected from social media, particularly

Facebook, in the first phase of data collection. A few popular Facebook accounts were identified based on the number of their followers, likes and shares. Some user-generated contents were observed by screening most influential posts, pictures and videos. Those pre- existing and emerging Facebook groups and individuals primarily dedicated to disaster information and relief efforts were referred to as ‘social-media communities’. The collection of social-media data yielded information and screenshots from more than 30 Facebook pages that included government officials, agencies, professionals, NGOs and news channels that were reporting and responding to the flood disaster. Additional secondary data were collected from local Myanmar and English newspapers, journals, government websites, international NGOs’ reports (e.g. UNOCHA), other online media (e.g. CNN, BBC, Channel News Asia) and news

54 reports that published and broadcast about the flooding event from different perspectives. After collecting the documents and online sources, a summary of the events was created by analysing the initial data. This case description provided the researcher with an initial understanding of the situation and guided planning for subsequent data-collection processes (Pan and Tan 2011).

The second phase started in October 2015. A few targeted people were asked for interviews through primary contacts. Using a snowball sampling method (Biernacki and

Waldorf 1981), key players who experienced critical flood-response events using social media were identified, such as local NGOs, professionals, and government officials. Before data collection, an interview guide was prepared, which included two sections. In the first section, questions were intended to acquire information about the informant’s role in the community

(e.g. community leader, celebrity) and to identify what social-media (i.e. Facebook) features were utilised in combatting the flood disaster. The second section was designed to better understand the purpose for which Facebook was used in relation to its material properties and social actions of its users. Thus, the questions were intended to reveal how Facebook functioned, for example, as a channel for information, communication or coordination, and how different actors interacted with Facebook for relief activities, such as publishing flood updates, recruiting volunteers and organising fund-raising events. The interview guide was pilot tested with one flood victim and one volunteer on Viber. The interview questions were further formulated in a way that would permit comparison across different user types. Research access was negotiated with potential participants and granted in late October 2015. Onsite data collection started in November 2015, comprising semi-structured interviews and a focus group.

Before the interviews, the interview guide, including sample interview questions and a consent form, was sent to the interviewees by email for informational purposes. A total of 28 interviews were conducted—21 personal interviews and a focus group of 5 people in Yangon, at various venues chosen by the informants for their convenience, and 2 telephone interviews with the

55 victims from affected areas. The list of interviews appears in Appendix A. Table 3.3 summarises the data sources. The field trip took approximately five weeks. Since the study of social-media-enabled disaster response is exploratory in nature, the interviews and the focus group were in open and natural discussion format. Interviews were conducted in both Myanmar and English, typically lasting between 45 and 90 minutes. All interviews were digitally recorded with permission, and where necessary, some important points were noted. The recordings were later transcribed for data analysis.

Table 3.3 Data Sources (Case 1 the 2015 Myanmar Flood) Source No. Data Type Period

PHASE 1 Archival Data Secondary data collected August 2015 onwards from multiple sources Social-Media

Analysis (Facebook)

Individual, Group Pages >30 Posts, Screenshots >50

Relevant Documents Local Newspapers, journals, Throughout the study

news articles, government websites, NGO reports, online media footages PHASE 2

Fieldwork Primary data collected from November–December onsite interviews with 28 2015 Interviews Community Leader informants 1 Government Officials 2 Organisations 4 NGOs 3 Victims 3 Volunteers 8 Students (Oversea) 2 Focus Group Volunteers 5 Total 28

(b) Case 2: Wave Money Fintech

Wave Money is a joint venture of Norwegian telecom operator Telenor (51%) and the

YOMA Bank (49%) (Foerch et al. 2013), leveraging the distribution reach of an international mobile operator and the local expertise and cash-management capabilities of a leading private bank, to provide instant, safe and convenient mobile financial services through a nationwide agent network in Myanmar.

As mobile-money implementation in Myanmar was quite recent and evolving, the data collection began with gathering secondary data sources in the form of online news articles (e.g.

The Myanmar Times, Today), internal publications (e.g. industry report, white paper) and information from the organisation websites (Wave Money, Telenor Myanmar13, Yoma Bank14) in phase 1 of data collection. These kinds of documents involve government policies, press release, internal case studies, testimonials and user manuals of the Wave Money app.

These initial data were supplemented by information collected directly from semi- structured interviews in phase 2 of data collection. Case access was granted in May 2017, from the main organisations: YOMA Bank, Telenor Myanmar and Wave Money. Interviews were conducted face-to-face in two rounds. In the first round, major stakeholders from three firms were interviewed about the launching of initial services—cash in/cash out, money transfer, airtime top-up—in July 2017. Some users were also interviewed for the adoption of those mobile-money services. The second round of interviews was carried out in May 2018, with the users of additional services offered afterwards—bill payment, salary payment and merchant payment—about how mobile money enabled them to do things differently, as well as with some agents and merchants about how they realised mobile money’s potential in their businesses. Using a chain referral sampling method (Biernacki and Waldorf 1981), informants

13 https://www.telenor.com.mm/ 14 https://www.yomabank.com/ 57 were identified, including the senior managers of key firms, agents, customers and merchants, as well as an industry observer and government officials from financial institutions. A total of

26 interviews were conducted at an average of 60 minutes in length, depending on the availability of participants. The list of interviews appear in Appendix D. Table 3.4 shows a summary of data sources. A set of standard questions was created as an interview guide (Myers and Newman 2007), focusing on the background of the research context (i.e. mobile money for financial inclusion and the development of mobile financial services), the initiatives and interactions of the major stakeholders, the purposes of using mobile-money apps, functionalities and benefits expected and resulting outcomes. Specific questions asked of each informant helped to obtain an understanding of their explicit knowledge and experiences acquired from the activities (Pan and Tan 2011). Interviews were concluded when no additional insights or information were presented. All interviews were digitally recorded with the consent of informants, and the recordings were subsequently transcribed for data analysis. Data collection was completed when theoretical saturation and redundancy was reached in interview responses (Lincoln and Guba 1985).

Table 3.4 Data Sources (Case 2 Wave Money Fintech) Source No. Data Type Period PHASE 1 Archival Data Secondary data collected from June 2017 onwards organisation websites and

Facebook Pages

Website Analysis Press release, products and Yoma Bank services, case study, Telenor Myanmar testimonials, pictures, location

Wave Money maps, mobile-money app, user manual Relevant Documents Government policies, industry Throughout the report, white papers, brochure study

PHASE 2

Fieldwork

Interviews Primary data collected from 1st round onsite interviews with 26 June–July 2017 Senior Managers 4 Technician informants 1 Government Official 1 Organisations 3 Agents 4 Business 5 Customers 8

Total 26 Direct Observation Field notes (SIM card 2nd round Yellow Road registration, Wave Money May–June 2018 Campaign App installation, opening account, depositing money, (Mobile money making transactions) awareness and customer engagement)

3.6 Data Analysis

As the purpose of this research is to identify the affordances of technologies in addressing complex social problems and examine their positive, negative and unintended consequences, the two cases were used to discover and compare the specifics of different technology use in Myanmar. This research constructed both case studies by reviewing documents, website and social-media analysis, interviews and (where appropriate) focus groups and observations.

Data were analysed simultaneously with collection, exploiting the flexibility of the case-study method (Eisenhardt 1989). The data analysis was iterative and occurred in several phases. Interview transcripts and case notes created during and shortly after the interviews were the main data sources for the analysis. In the first phase, specific categories were identified from the dataset and included different actors and their roles (e.g. NGOs, managers, and government), the capabilities of technology (i.e. social media, mobile technology), the benefits and challenges of using it and the specific outcomes. Next, these categories in the dataset were

59 combined into broader themes. The analysis of interviews and focus-group data were accompanied by the analysis of websites and social media (e.g. updates on Facebook), then complemented with the analysis of notes from observations, where appropriate. Through the different iterations of data analysis, various aspects of technology use were revealed as the themes became increasingly concrete. In the second phase, those themes were further refined as affordances perceived and actualised to achieve desired outcomes (e.g. facilitating disaster response activities; promoting financial services). The analysis of all empirical materials was used to develop a detailed framework for each case study in the research.

(a) Case 1: The 2015 Myanmar Flood Data were analysed at a community level where individuals, groups and government interacted with each other as an online society during the flood disaster. The participants were divided into three main categories: victims (people affected by the flood); volunteers (general public, including professionals, donors, celebrities and organisations such as local NGOs, emergency responders, business enterprises); and government (responsible agencies and authorities), who presented as social-media users.

The review of the crisis-response and social-media-related literature identified an initial set of themes pertinent to social-media use in disaster situations, which were used as a guiding lens for subsequent analysis (Pan and Tan 2011). According to the definition of ‘technology affordance’ (Majchrzak and Markus 2012), the researcher took account of the properties of both user and technology to uncover affordances of social media in this study. User properties were analysed through observation of collected posts on Facebook and conversation in interviews, to understand the users’ potential and intentional use of social media during a disaster. Technology properties were identified through analysis of the social-media features and functionalities of Facebook. Whenever a user utilised a technology feature beyond

Facebook functionality, it was considered a differential technology feature embedded in the

60 social media. For example, the inclusion of YouTube, Google Drive, and Google Earth URLs within posts were identified as utilising other collaborative technologies.

Interview transcripts were read and reread to extract the main themes that participants discussed and to capture the classification of similar insights. Next, a set of themes was created in relation to the theoretical concepts from the literature. To manage the voluminous amount of empirical data, a narrative was created to describe the events and activities that occurred in the flood disaster. In addition, the features and functionalities of social media, the perceived values of users and the effects of social-media uses were documented in a visual map (Langley

1999).

The data were then coded using a combination of open, axial, and selective coding

(Strauss and Corbin 1998) to map data to a set of themes. Open coding is the process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualising and categorising data (Goulding

1999). The data were categorised by looking at events such as posting flood information, sharing photos and videos of flood scenes, fundraising and recruiting volunteers. Participants described actions related to each social-media affordance type from the perspectives of information access and sharing, communication, and coordination and collective action. Axial coding is the process of exploring the relationships among categories by arranging data that were disorganised during open coding (Corbin and Strauss 1990). This coding uncovered relationships among technology features, user roles, actions taken and relevant outcomes. In a further step, selective coding identified the core category, systematically related it to other categories, validated those relationships and refined the categories as necessary for further development (Corbin and Strauss 1990). The process identified the affordances of social media

(Facebook) that made disaster-response efforts available and facilitated flood-relief activities.

Based on the emerging data from an in-depth analysis, Table 3.5 reveals the emergence and the enactment of social-media affordances during the disaster response.

Table 3.5 Emergence of Categories related to Social-Media Affordances in Disaster Response from Data-Analysis Process First-order Concepts Second-order Categories Themes Victims

- Potential to record photos and post about floods to instantly inform friends on Facebook Affordance: - Potential to spread emergency Crisis Awareness information and receive assistance Professionals Potential to create, Actualized Outcomes: gather, disseminate, Informational support - Potential to publish expert opinion (e.g. and respond (to) crisis- (disaster situation, weather forecast) in a timely manner to related information donation sources, help facilitate disaster preparedness volunteering), mental support (sympathy Authorities/Emergency Responders messages), material - Potential to deliver real-time flood support (transport, relief situation (e.g. water level of the dam) aid) - Potential to motivate and engage volunteers, generate funds Citizens - Potential to collect relevant vital information and monitor the disaster - Potential to express emotional support and affection to the victims - Potential to participate in fundraising and volunteering for flood relief

Volunteers Affordance:

- Potential to identify each other and Relief Coordination Potential to connect bond relationship like-minded people and - Potential to share emergency practices, Actualized Outcomes: facilitate coordination flood response plan Informational support for flood relief - Potential to organise fundraising, recruit (emergency practices, volunteers, and distribute relief aid to distribution points), the affected areas through Facebook material support post and share (monetary fund, relief aid)

CSR Group Affordance:

- Potential to communicate within the Volunteer Mobilisation

group anytime/anywhere via Facebook

Actualized Outcomes: messenger Potential to mobilize - Potential to record and share about the Informational support and organise group relief activities between members and (flood scenes, donation members the group records), material support

- Potential to notify the location and (relief aid)

update information

Professionals - Potential to form special interest group, Affordance: exchange knowledge and expertise Crowdsourcing - Potential to collect, process, and

interpret time-sensitive information Actualized Outcome: Potential to self- - Potential to link resources and create Informational support organise and establish optimal solution (emergency alerts, collaboration Government aggregated disaster report – flooding graphs, - Potential to source credible information localized aerial maps) and effectively organise response plan - Potential to integrate and deliver up-to- date information

(b) Case 2: Wave Money Fintech

The data were organised based on their ‘general shape’ (Pan and Tan 2011). From the review of literature on the adoption of mobile money and technology affordance, a set of themes and subthemes were identified that served as a theoretical lens to guide subsequent analysis (Strauss and Corbin 1998). These themes and subthemes included the features and functionalities of the mobile-money application, the capabilities of major stakeholders in the mobile-money ecosystem and the benefits and challenges of mobile financial services.

The data from the interviews were analysed by looking at events such as mobile financial transactions of cash in/cash out, money transfer, bill payment and merchant payment.

Field notes taken from direct observations of the Yellow Wave roadshow program (customer- engagement campaign) during the field trip were also used to corroborate the data. To organise data, the visual mapping strategy (Langley 1999) was used to document in a diagram users’ key roles and goals, the emergence of affordances and their enactment. A narrative also summarised key activities of mobile-money adoption and resultant outcomes.

Data analysis began by reading through interview transcripts and secondary data to identify and code the concepts as they emerged from the dataset (e.g. various perceptions and potential actions of stakeholders involved). Then, the emergent first-order concepts were

63 clustered into second-order themes to enable viewing the concepts through the theoretical lens

(Pan and Tan, 2011). For example, asking customers about how Wave Money enabled financial services led to deriving first-order concepts, such as potential to store, send and receive money ubiquitously through mobile phone and potential to pay bills and make online payment instantly. These concepts were clustered into the second-order theme of potential to access financial products previously unavailable, an affordance of financial accessibility that customers perceived. Finally, emerging themes were categorized to define the capabilities of mobile money (i.e. Wave Money app, portal) and to determine how different stakeholders within the ecosystem enacted affordances and the associated outcomes. Data analysis proceeded to identify the affordances of the mobile-money app that promote financial inclusion by making financial services available to actors involved in the process of mobile-money adoption. Table 3.6 illustrates the emerging aspects of mobile-money adoption from the perspective of different stakeholders. These emerging themes were used to develop a theoretical framework when theoretical saturation was reached (Glaser and Strauss 1967), through iterations of data, analysis and theory development (Eisenhardt 1989).

Table 3.6 Emergence of Categories related to Mobile-Money Affordances in Enabling Financial Inclusion from Data-Analysis Process First-order Concepts Second-order Categories Themes Customers Affordance: - Potential to store, send and receive Financial accessibility money ubiquitously through mobile Potential to access phone financial products/make Actualized Outcome: - Potential to remove middlemen (e.g. financial transactions Empowerment/Better hundi) for money transfer previously unavailable management of finance - Potential to pay bills, make online

payment instantly - Potential to reduce the risk of carrying cash

Agents Affordance: - Potential to reach customers and serve Potential to engage with Engageability OTC services and sign up new - Potential to secure microloan from customers Actualized Outcome: financial Institution Earn disposable income - Potential to generate additional income

Merchants Affordance: - Potential to facilitate payments options Potential to generate Transactivity - Potential to offer alternative/affordable more transactions way of making payment Actualized Outcome: - Having access to new markets and new Increased sales, revenue sources customer service

Bank

- Potential to connect to the unbanked and Affordance: widen customer base through mobile Value Creativity money

- Potential to develop innovative credit and Potential to create value Actualized Outcome: saving products by building credit added services Reach new customer identities from customer data segments - Potential to collaborate with other service

providers - Potential to offer small business loans to agents and merchants MNO Affordance: - Potential to grow agent networks, Scalability collaborating partners, and customers Potential to expand - Potential to develop credit scores and business quickly Actualized Outcome: facilitate quicker customer assessment Increased revenue - Potential to drive usage of mobile money

Regulators Affordance: - Potential to enact rules and regulations Potential to bring Inclusivity - Potential to increase individual access to millions of people into appropriate financial products and formal financial system Actualized Outcome: services Increased financial - Potential to provide efficient services by inclusion leveraging mobile money to streamline

government payments

3.7 Summary

This chapter details the research design and methodological framework for this study.

It justifies the use of a multiple-case-study methodology and the research methods for the data collection and analysis.

The interpretive case-study approach is chosen as appropriate for developing an in- depth understanding of the phenomena of ‘ICTs for societal challenges’. It also describes collection of qualitative data using multiple sources: documents, websites, interviews, focus groups and observations. Finally, the description of qualitative data analysis examines in detail how the data was analysed. The following chapters present the case descriptions, findings and discussions of the two case studies.

Chapter 4. Case Study 1: Social-Media Use in Disaster Response

4.1 Research Context

Myanmar is one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia. It has been kept isolated from the world for more than half a century, ruled by the military junta. However, with democratic reform in 2011, the country is at the edge of political, economic and social transformation. Due to the liberalisation of the telecommunications industry, the rollout of ICT in Myanmar is setting the stage for impelling Myanmar to the path of growth and progress.

Between 2012 and 2015, mobile-phone penetration increased from 7% to 60% and exceeded an estimated rate of 85% in 2016. With an official population of 53 million, the country reached

36 million mobile subscribers in 2015, making it the fourth-fastest-growing mobile market in the world (Ericsson 2015). By 2018, the total population mobile-phone-usage rate had reached over 100% in Myanmar, according to the Ministry of Transport and Communications Myanmar

(MIZZIMA 2018). With the growing availability of smartphones and increasing access to the

Internet, Facebook has become a popular social-media tool in Myanmar because it is the only platform that generates a lot of local contents (FrontierMyanmar 2015). Reportedly, Myanmar had 7 million Facebook users as of November 2015, and that had increased to 16 million in

December 2018, according to Internet World Statistics15. Since its government has embraced the importance of providing citizens with open access to technology, Myanmar has a strong personality and its own distinctive potential in a society where change is all around (SWIA

2015). This setting represents a unique situation in which to explore how Myanmar populations participate in its growing information society and the societal impacts associated with greater

ICT use in times of crisis.

15 Asia Internet Stats: http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats3.htm 67

4.2 Case Description

Myanmar has a tropical monsoon climate and always experiences flooding in the monsoon season, with landslides and flash floods a common occurrence. In July 2015,

Myanmar suffered the worst flooding disaster in recent decades. Torrential rains starting on 16

July caused floods and landslides in several parts of Myanmar. The Cyclone Komen that made landfall in Bangladesh exacerbated the situation by bringing strong winds and heavy rains in

Western and Northern Myanmar, which resulted in severe and widespread inundation across

12 of the country’s 14 States and Divisions. Many roads, houses, farmlands, and bridges were washed away, and local airports were shut down in Kalay, the worst-hit area of the northern

Sagaing region, and Sittwe, the capital of western Rakhine state. The disaster persisted until

September 2015 and displaced almost 1.7 million people; a total of 132 people died. Half a million houses and 1.15 million acres of farmland were swamped, including large parts of

Myanmar’s ‘rice bowl’, the Irrawaddy Delta. Affected areas suffered MMK 231.3 billion

(US$ 192.8 million) in direct economic losses (NNDMC 2015).

Despite the emergency situations, the government failed to release timely information on the extent of the disaster. The state of emergency was declared on 31 July, only after two weeks of rainfalls and flooding (CSO August 2015). Given the lack of an early-warning system and preventive measures, the government admitted its ‘weak’ response to massive floods on 4

August 2015 (The Mirror August 2015). Although the government initiated the activation of an Emergency Operations Centre (EOC) with the support of the United Nations Development

Program (UNDP), the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

(UNOCHA), and the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) on 5 August, admittedly coordination, information management, and emergency-response procedures were not working perfectly (Refugees International 2015). Government agencies used to convey uniform messages through traditional media such as printed newspapers, and broadcasting on television

68 and radio stations. The Myanmar government also relied on existing and often undermanaged official websites to publish limited information. In fact, the Myanmar government’s preparedness, response, and management of this massive flood were apparently inadequate in the face of the emerging disaster.

Figure 4.1a. Tropical Cyclone Komen Figure 4.1b. Flooded area of Sagaing drenching Myanmar (30 July 2015) Region, Upper Myanmar (2 August 2015)

Source: NASA/JAXA/SSAI, Hal Pierce https://i.pinimg.com/736x/db/7d/2a/db7d2a46c2bb42c4529a018d4bab2d50--local-news.jpg

As the situation evolved, people were demanding up-to-date, consistent, and localised information. Due to the government’s sluggish response, criticisms mounted, tempting comparison with the 2008 Nargis disaster—the most devastating tropical cyclone worldwide in history, killing nearly 1.4 million people. The military government in power at the time failed to communicate early-warning messages and to deliver humanitarian assistance to the affected communities, while actively blocking international organisations from providing aid

(ABCID 2014). Undoubtedly, the people of Myanmar had little trust or confidence in the current quasi-civilian government’s ability to handle the crisis and turned their attention to social media. Due to recent improvements in Myanmar’s telecommunications infrastructure and increasing access to smartphones and the Internet, many residents could monitor the flood situation through social media and share information (e.g. flood updates, affected areas,

69 donation sources) on Facebook. Several Facebook-group pages had appeared instantaneously with the floodwaters, and existing individual and group pages had eventually increased followers. For example, one of the earliest donation pages, ‘Save Myanmar Flood Disaster’, was created on 1 August 2015, and in a few days it had more than 100,000 ‘likes’

(MyanmarTimes August 2015). The Brighter Future Myanmar Foundation page, created for humanitarian assistance by KBZ Bank, had increased by nearly 50,000 followers after the flood-relief efforts in August. Despite widespread disaster, Myanmar society had shown resilience and determination in this time of crisis (ActionAid September 2015). For a moment in time, regardless of political affiliation, socioeconomic standing, and geographical distance,

Myanmar showed up to help. In light of the flood response, individuals and organisations, as well as military and government officials, took their roles based on needs. This flood disaster demonstrated how the social movement momentum was taking off in Myanmar by harnessing the power of social media.

4.3 Case Analysis

At the onset of disaster, social media became a primary information channel for community members in Myanmar. People used Facebook as a public space for accessing information, particularly about what really happened during the floods, where to find sources and contribute and who was responsible, as well as for communicating with their friends, work groups, social communities and authorities to seek and offer help. The capabilities of social media to broadcast and harvest information, as well as to facilitate dynamic interaction, provided new and unique opportunities for victims, volunteers, professionals and organisations to inform each other about disaster events, such as weather forecasts, water levels and emergency situations which created awareness of the crisis. Exhibit 1 illustrates how social media was adopted by individuals to publish and obtain crisis-related information in the wake of flood events.

Exhibit 1. Capabilities of social media for information creation and dissemination

In late July, the flood first hit the impoverished northern Sagaing Region. Due to weeks of relentless monsoon rains and flash floods, transportation, electricity and communication were disrupted and access to affected areas became a major challenge. In the worst hit area of Kalay, the students and teachers were blocked in at the Computer College hostels surrounded by a sea of rainwater for days, and the local force’s attempt to deliver aids by boat failed, due to rapid river currents (TheIrrawaddy 2015). A local student, T.T. Ray, explained how social media helped spread emergency information and deliver and receive assistance. ‘One of the trapped students posted a status on Facebook that there was a pregnant teacher in due delivery at flooded campus. It was spread very fast and reached to the president. Soon a military helicopter successfully rescued and sent the teacher to the hospital and delivered aids to the students’.

Immediate access and delivery of information and extensive reach of social networks allowed people to connect with needed resources speedily and authorities to more easily locate flood victims than in the past.

Figure 4.2a. A post of appreciation to Figure 4.2b. MRCS announcement of the president for the rescue mission flood donation information

Moreover, the visibility of social-media posts allows people to see pictures and videos of the devastation and motivate them to act. Daw S. S. Maw, a deputy director of Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS), explained how social media enabled response agencies to raise awareness and generate funds.

‘When people saw the posts and photos of MRCS distributing emergency supplies in the affected areas, many donors turned up to contribute and a number of volunteers joined us. Unlike Nargis disaster when we were totally dependent on traditional media and international aids, this time we had received over 100 million US dollars (in equivalent to MMK) from local sources, thanks to social media’.

During the disaster, people used social media not only as an open source to disseminate information but also as an effective tool to coordinate relief actions. At the peak of the floods, social media was activated as a sharing mechanism for facilitating relief efforts among members of the public. People used Facebook particularly as a means of sharing information, fundraising, and engaging volunteers. The capabilities of social media to share data and knowledge allow people to identify each other’s interest and potential, bond in relationships and expand their network, thereby enabling coordination of flood relief. In the same way, social media became an efficient communication tool between responders and organisations in relief operations. Members of groups facilitated their aid distribution using Facebook and mobile phones, as these provide virtual avenues for two-way communication. The capabilities of social media to facilitate interpersonal and group interaction provide users with efficient communication on the ground. Exhibit 2 illustrates how volunteers communicated and coordinated their relief efforts and how those efforts were leveraged through Facebook.

Until mid-August, the magnitude of the flood had increased. In response to the ongoing disaster, social media played the role of crowdsourcing medium, enabling new communication and collaboration pathways across different societies. Facebook provides a platform to locals, responders and government to interact and collaborate, thereby enabling information and knowledge exchange and producing optimal solutions. Exhibit 3 illustrates how social media enabled collaboration between local communities and government, and how it facilitated response actions.

Exhibit 2. Capabilities of social media for coordination and communication

In early August, the flooding became worse as the cyclone Komen drifted over the Northern Bay of Bengal. To support the impacted communities, the public, including students, employees and celebrities, organised various aid efforts via Facebook. Organisations had released the latest information regarding donations and contributions on Facebook. A local DJ explained about the use of Facebook in promoting fundraising events by celebrities in coordination with a popular event organiser.

‘It’s a sense of community! I have my own Myanmar DJs official group but I joined U Aye’s group to promote awareness by posting and sharing the event status to our network of contacts that attract and motivate people to come donate money and goods for flood victims’ (Y.N. Soe, DJ).

‘Facebook is a fast growing social network! People who see my status and posts are not just my friends or followers, but friends of my friends of my friends, once they react on it (i.e. like or comment or share or repost). The fundraising events were successful with the outpouring of public support and in favor of stars’ power through coordinated network’ (M.M. Aye, event organiser).

Figure 4.3a. A post of fundraising events Figure 4.3b. Air KBZ announcement of promoted by celebrities on Facebook free cargo services and schedule

Within days after the devastation, the hard-hit areas were unreachable by either ground routes or waterways to deliver emergency supplies to the impacted communities. Private airlines offered free cargo services to carry donated items for flood victims in upper Myanmar. A bank chief technical officer explained how social media enabled connectivity and facilitated rapid and direct communication between responders and volunteer organisations. ‘Social media is very active, we know everything immediately! When we had trouble delivering aids to our bank members in Kalay, we saw the post from Air KBZ providing free airlift to disaster zone by a schedule. We communicated with them directly on the ground and send relief materials to the affected area with their help’ (K.S. Lin, Yoma Bank).

Exhibit 3. Capabilities of social media for collaboration and collective action

Since the early days of the floods in the worst-hit area of Kalay in Northen Sagaing division, a local community emerged as a flood-information center, ‘Kalay Plain Aid and Support Group (KPASG)’ on Facebook, constantly sharing and updating information and news about the disaster situation, such as water levels, live pictures and videos of affected areas and shelter locations (e.g. monastery). The group leader, T.Z. Lin, explained how they sourced information and provided up-to-date, localised information to the public and emergency responders on social media. ‘We collected data (e.g. affected populations, essential items, donation lists) from local authorities and community leaders such as head of township and monk, and obtained information from various local sources such that victims shared the pictures of devastation, volunteers interviewed with locals, and observed about the damages (e.g. road blocked, broken bridge) etc. Then we post all information on our Facebook community page collectively’.

Fig ure 4.4a. Live videos with locals Figure 4.4b. A post of flooded pagoda about critical events in Kalay

The Minister of Information (MOI), Y. Htut, explained how this initial crisis information from a local group on social media enabled government and response agencies to effectively organise response plans for resource allocation and distribution.

‘We need local information! I followed this local group (KPASG) on Facebook to obtain accurate and instant updates about the flood so we know what happened in which area. Thus, we could collaborate with them about immediate needs as to expedite the rescue efforts and prioritise the relief aid’.

In all, this case study demonstrates how different stakeholders, such as citizens (victims, volunteers), organisations (business, NGOs), and government agencies interpersonally communicated with each other through social media during the flood disaster and how that, in turn, affected a variety of social activities, including likelihood of sharing disaster information, expressing emotional responses, coordinating relief efforts, taking collective actions and attributing responsibility.

Now, we present detailed interpretation of findings from our analysis, highlighting multiple concepts related to social-media affordances that guide and influence (or constrain) human action and determine the way in which people and technology related to each other during the 2015 Myanmar flood.

Adopting the technology-affordance concept, we emphasise the potential interactions between the technology with particular features and the users with particular purposes and characteristics. In this study, we focus on the technology as social-network sites, specifically

Facebook, the most dominant social-media tool in Myanmar at the time of the 2015 flood. We refer to user characteristics as ‘user role’ in relation to their expertise or professional role, such that the user of an IT artefact has an individual capacity for activity (Bernhard et al. 2013); and to ‘user goal’ in the context of existing affordance definitions, where a potential user has a particular goal in a given task situation (Markus and Silver 2008).

From analysis of data, we identified four affordances as they emerged in relation to the underlying material properties of social media and user characteristics in the context of disaster response. Table 4.1 presents how material properties of social media (technology) and user characteristics (people) are intertwined in creating functional affordances (i.e. action possibilities) that, when actualised, lead to affordances of crisis awareness, relief coordination, volunteer mobilisation and crowdsourcing as the key manifestation of disaster response activities, thereby achieving relevant social outcomes, as discussed in the literature review.

4.3.1 Affordance of Crisis Awareness During natural disasters, access to information is essential. Social media provide access to relevant and vital information from both official and non-official sources (Taylor et al.

2012). This relates to certain features of Facebook that we identified as information access, such as profile and wall post (status, photo, video, hyperlink), and interaction, such as add friend, follow, like and comment features. Individuals interpreted these material properties of

Facebook as affording action possibilities for information creation, gathering and dissemination, such as emergency situation, emotional messages, correction of misinformation and opinion expression (see Table 4.1).

Most users presented with an understanding of information access and interaction features of social media, as these Facebook functions provide information for the arena and setting of dynamic interactions (Sutcliffe et al. 2011). With the perceived functionality of

Facebook, the users reported attaining certain goals and utility that were often different for every user. Moreover, the users attributed different values to functionality (DeSanctis and

Poole 1994), such as personal identity, immediacy, openness, visibility, real-time, connectivity and interactivity (see Appendix B). Social media enables not only open access to information but also interaction among users through conversation about user-generated content (Huang et al. 2010). The following comments captured the user’s perceptions and actions possible through social media.

As a citizen, one user explained the use of Facebook in collecting information to monitor the flood as the situation unfolded.

‘Previously, situational information, e.g. mudslides, road conditions, missing person etc., were not available on mainstream media. There was a total information blackout in Nargis disaster. Now everything is on social media in real time. Emergency responders, volunteers, donors, and journalists post up-to-minute information on Facebook’. He added, ‘I just followed the most influential Facebook pages such as Dr.

Tun Lwin, local and international news media (e.g. Seven Days, Eleven Media Group, CNN, BBC, Channel News Asia), relevant government agency (e.g. Ministry of Information), and some business groups which actively perform humanitarian activities (e.g. KBZ Bank, Htoo Foundation etc.). Through the posts, we could have discussions and responses to the needed help such as donation sources, volunteer information etc’. (Y.W. Htoo, volunteer).

Another significant example of using social media to disseminate information was Dr.

Tun Lwin’s Myanmar Climate Change Watch (MCCW) page.

‘Unlike Nargis disaster where government failed to broadcast my weather forecast to the public, now I can post my predictions open on Facebook. Once my posts are accurate, people just follow my page. During the recent flood, the number of followers increased about 50,000 from 3 million to 3.5 million’ (Dr. Tun Lwin, meteorologist).

Being a renowned meteorologist since the Nargis disaster, he became an opinion leader after his retirement from the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology (DMH), and his provision of timely and accurate information helped facilitate disaster preparedness nd response for local communities and emergency responders. He had over 15 million followers at the time of writing the case in 2017, as the most famous public figure in the country. In other ways, social media can be used to express support and affection (Lachlan et al. 2014). A bank chief technical officer explained,

‘When we saw the post of our bank member’s house under water in Kalay, we immediately responded him (in comments) to express our care and support, as the help is on the way. Then we posted a statement that YOMA Bank Yangon will initiate 50 million MMK to provide relief aid to the affected members, and we received more donations from our branches shortly after’ (K.S. Lin, Yoma Bank).

In early August, rumours and inaccurate information were disseminated as the situation worsened, especially about the condition of the dams overflowing and bursting. Social media was used to correct misinformation from the authorities. A local authority from the Irrigation

Department (Magwe) responded to the public by staying up all night at the dam and constantly uploading the status and photos of its real-time conditions on Facebook.

‘I would remain here until the dam burst’ (S.M. Lwin, engineer).

Understanding the functionality of Facebook for information dissemination and with his dedicated role and goal of countering the rumour, he took an action that eventually dispelled the rumours and relieved the fear of residents. He gained the public’s trust and became a social- media hero with more than 20,000 followers after the post and was honoured by the president for his effort in response to the public concern (New Mandala 2015).

These statements expose how social media created a space for actions related to creation, gathering and dissemination of information. From an affordance perspective, users will appropriate certain features of technology only when they perceive that those features offer them affordances for action, but if those features are not appropriated, their material properties cannot afford an outcome (Leonardi 2013). For instance, a victim perceived a specific feature of Facebook social media (e.g. status, photo) that would afford him potential action (i.e. information dissemination). To achieve a particular goal (i.e. to contact friends and to get help), he appropriated an action (i.e. actualisation of posting status and photos of the flood), which created awareness of the crisis.

We conceptualised the actualisation of these action possibilities enabled by Facebook’s information access and interaction features on social media as crisis-awareness affordance.

Facebook afforded information creation, gathering and dissemination that raised awareness of the crisis, as people could monitor the flood situation and take actions at a speed and on a scale otherwise impossible, which, in turn, led to relevant social outcomes, in terms of informational support (e.g. weather report, water level), mental support (emotional messages), and material support (rescue transport, monetary fund, relief aid).

Drawing on Leonardi’s concept of affordances, this affordance can be explained as individualized affordance. Such affordance was individual, enacted by a person who was able to do something that others could not do, in relation to the characteristics of both the technology and the user) and benefitted from it (Leonardi 2013). In this context, individuals who executed the crisis-awareness affordance would gain social support, status, or power and become the centre of attention in the community, due to their ability to facilitate the benefits (e.g. victims received support, professionals became more famous or powerful by increasing followers, and government officials gained trust and recognition).

4.3.2 Affordance of Relief Coordination Social media allow people to establish connections and links with other individuals who are similar to them, as users sharing posts and having real-time discussions (Simon et al. 2015).

This relates to certain features of Facebook that we identified as content sharing, such as share

(post, note, photo, video, hyperlink); tag; hash tag; instant message features (see Table 4.1).

These material properties of Facebook were interpreted by individuals as affording action possibilities for sharing data, information and knowledge, recognition of like-minded people, and building networks. The interviewees presented an understanding of content-sharing features of Facebook with regard to its functionality and perceived values, such as mutual interest, transparency and massive reach (see Appendix B).

Around mid-August, the floods were moving southward. While Myanmar emergency services were overwhelmed by the size of the disaster, the downstream regions were much in need of protective actions. Volunteers teamed up on Facebook to coordinate relief efforts. For example, two volunteers explained their partnership through Facebook.

‘Only by social media, we came together! I saw many people sharing Dr. Myint’s posts of emergency practices from Nargis (e.g. how to make a raft with a tube and a rope, how to purify rainwater, etc.) on Facebook. I connected with him to organise fundraising and distribution of relief aid to the Irrawaddy region. We collected 79

donations about 115 million MMK within a week and also recruited volunteers for packaging and delivery of relief aid through our Facebook social network’ (Ko Navana, politician)

‘Sharing documents and photos of relief operations (e.g. donation list, number of packages and distributed areas) makes transactions open and transparent, which attracts more people to contribute’ (Dr. M. M. Myint, freelance disaster-management specialist).

From an affordance perspective, these volunteers as goal-oriented actors perceived a specific feature of Facebook (e.g. share, tag) that would afford them potential action (i.e. sharing knowledge, building trust and network). To achieve particular goals (i.e. to raise fund and to recruit volunteers), they appropriated actions (i.e. actualisation of sharing and tagging of posts and photos of response plan), which enabled them to coordinate relief efforts. We conceptualised the actualisation of these action possibilities enabled by content-sharing features of Facebook as relief-coordination affordance. Facebook afforded connection of similar people that facilitated relief coordination as volunteers united in flood response and achieved relevant social outcomes in terms of material support (monetary funds and relief aid).

4.3.3 Affordance of Volunteer Mobilisation

Social media can be utilised to mobilise and organise populations to achieve various objectives and update them with the most up-to-date information, which might not be available through alternative channels (Taylor et al., 2012). This relates to certain features of Facebook that we identified as communication features, such as group chat, voice/video call, inbox message/attachment, and check-in. (see Table 4.1). These material properties of Facebook were interpreted by individuals as affording action possibilities for facilitating communal activities within the group in relief operations. The interviewees presented an understanding of communication features of Facebook with regard to its functionality and perceived values such as communality, ubiquity and location awareness (see Appendix B).

A volunteer explained the use of Facebook as an efficient communication tool in distribution of relief aid to the affected areas.

‘We were working mobile! For mission on the ground, we used ‘group chat’ on Messenger or Viber, as it allowed us not only to communicate within the group anytime anywhere but also to attach documents and directly send the photos and videos of relief mission (e.g. flood scenes, donation of relief items to the victims) back to the head office, which were posted on our main KBZ page collectively to the public’. He added, ‘We also used ‘check-in’ feature to notify our location and share information about immediate surroundings. When facing unexpected incidents (e.g. car broke-down, road blocked, and shortage or damage of relief aid), we know who in our network was nearby to call for action, as well as the head office could track our movement and support as necessary (e.g. sending back-up, changing plan, etc.)’ (T.H. Kyaw, KBZ Bank).

From an affordance perspective, the group members as goal-oriented actors perceived a specific feature of Facebook (e.g. group chat, check-in) that would afford them potential actions (i.e. interaction among members on the go, keeping the record of the relief mission).

To achieve particular goals (i.e. to report first-hand information to the group, to communicate with each other), they appropriated actions (i.e. actualisation of calling and sending messages to each other and instantly updating information) that enabled communal activities within the group. We conceptualised the actualisation of these action possibilities permitted by communication features of Facebook social media as volunteer mobilisation affordance.

Facebook afforded two-way communication between members of the group, which facilitated mobilisation of people and resources, which led to achieving relevant social outcomes in terms of informational support (flood-relief information) and material support (distribution of relief aid).

Drawing on Leonardi’s concept of affordances, both relief coordination and volunteer mobilisation affordances can be explained as shared affordance that they represent as

81 communal within a group, and all members of a group used the similar feature of technology

(e.g. share, tag, chat) to complete the tasks that align with the group’s goal (Leonardi 2013). In this context, members in the group shared similar capabilities in using Facebook and accomplished their tasks successfully.

4.3.4 Affordance of Crowdsourcing

Social media allow capable crowds to participate in various tasks, e.g. to collect, process and interpret time-sensitive information (Gao et al. 2011). This relates to certain features of Facebook that we identified as collaboration (e.g. embed in post, tag, group), and managing and presentation (e.g. privacy settings, albums) features (see Table 4.1). These material properties of Facebook were interpreted by individuals as affording action possibilities for group formation, linking resources and keeping/displaying information. The interviewees showed an understanding of collaboration, managing and presentation features of Facebook with regard to its functionality and perceived values such as accessibility, integrity, confidentiality and recordability/reviewability (see Appendix B).

As the flooding persisted, there was a significant demand and need for maps and spatial information in order to implement an effective response. The emergency responders must receive information on the location of the afflicted population and how best to reach them promptly (Zook et al. 2010). Due to the dearth of available geo-information, a volunteer group engaged in an effort to get high-quality satellite images of flooded areas collected, processed and made available to the public using social media, enabling the public to see where the floods were occurring and if the flood was progressing toward their locations. A passionate environmentalist summarised this collaborative work:

‘With a personal contact from Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement (MSRR), I organised a group of GIS experts through Facebook. Requested and supported by the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), we obtained satellite

images of Myanmar flooded areas and created localised maps using integration of GIS technology and social-media tools such as email, Google Earth, Google Drive and Facebook. Most often, we managed to share GIS maps within the group through embed- in links. The resulted maps were posted to the public as a catalogue of photos in specific albums to record chronologically and review easily’ (U M. M. Than, professional).

Since the lack of information complicated emergency-response efforts in the early days of the flood, this initiative could be regarded as a new kind of crowdsourcing within different communities, and that undoubtedly helped with the coordination of relief and aid services in

Myanmar.

Meanwhile, the government began to realise the need for utilising the power of social media to instantly broadcast and amplify emergency warnings to the public. The Minister of

Information (MOI) explained the collective action leveraged by social media:

‘Through Facebook social network I connected with U Than to collaborate with his group of resourceful people to integrate and deliver information. In coordination with other agencies, such as Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation (MOAI) and the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology (DMH), we aggregated a diversity of reports including the graphs of water levels (rivers, dams) over the days, potential rains and red-alert areas such as landslide dams, together with their GIS maps to visualise data for relief decision making’ (Y. Htut, Minister).

Being the Minister of Information and the president’s spokesperson, he took the role on behalf of government agencies to accumulate and distribute localised, time-sensitive information to the public through multi-channels such as SMS alerts, ministry websites and

Facebook pages as well as traditional media of radio, TV and newspapers. Thus, people and emergency responders could determine the magnitude of the disaster and take appropriate actions.

From an affordance perspective, the professionals as goal-oriented actors perceived specific features of Facebook (e.g. embed in post, group, album) that would afford them potential actions (i.e. formation of GIS group, referencing and keeping files). To achieve a particular goal (i.e. to create localised flood maps), they appropriated actions (i.e. actualisation of creating group, collecting, sharing, processing and presenting flood images), which enabled sourcing information and expertise, and creative solution. We conceptualised the actualisation of these action possibilities permitted by collaboration, managing and presentation features of social media as crowdsourcing affordance. Facebook afforded professionals the ability to form a special interest group and integrate multiple components to/from other storage or applications that ultimately created crowdsourced information, which led to achieving relevant social outcomes in terms of informational support (e.g. geo-spatial information, aggregate crisis report).

Drawing on Leonardi’s concept of affordances, this collaborative effort can be explained as a collective affordance by which members of the group used differential features of technology to achieve a common goal (Leonardi, 2013). This is an aggregated affordance created by a group of people including professionals, international agencies and government, allowing all members of the group to perform a task together, which could not be accomplished solely with individual effort. Thus, a collective affordance resulted from pooled individualised affordances. In this context, all members in the group represented the use of different technology features (e.g. Facebook group, GIS, Google Drive), necessary for completing non- interdependent tasks that, when pooled, achieved the group-level goal (i.e. creating and providing geo-location maps).

We present a summary and a figure to illustrate how our findings could inform existing research in the next section.

Table 4.1 Identification of Social-Media Affordances in Disaster Response Material Properties Users Characteristics Action Actualisation Social Outcomes Illustration of of Social Media User Role User Goal Possibilities (Examples) Affordances (Facebook) 1. Crisis-Awareness Affordance Individualized Affordance Citizens To monitor the flood Information gathering Citizens collected Information support

Information Access situation, participate in (establish connections information and reacted to (donation, volunteering

Features: Profile, Wall flood relief and conversations the posts sources), Mental support

Post (Status, Note, Photo, among individuals) (sympathy messages) P Vi

To provide timely and Information A meteorologist posted Informational support

Professional

Video, Hyperlink)

accurate information dissemination (express weather predictions (crisis preparedness)

expert opinion) G C

Interaction Features: To contact friends, seek Information A student posted a status Information support Add Friend, Follow, Like, Victim Vo Comment for help creation/dissemination about the pregnant teacher (crisis awareness), Mental (publish emergency at the flooded campus support (sympathy information) messages), Material support (rescue transport, relief aid)

Government To correct Information An irrigation officer Information support (flood misinformation creation/dissemination constantly uploaded the updates), Mental support (update situation) real-time photos of the (relief of fear) dam 2. Relief Coordination Affordance Shared Affordance Content Sharing Volunteers For fundraising, Recognition of like- Volunteers teamed up on Information support

Features: Share, Tag, volunteer recruitment, minded people, Facebook, reported each (emergency practices,

aids distribution network building other/to the donors about distribution points), Material Inbox Attachment, Event

the flood relief plan support (monetary fund, Vo Vo

relief aid)

3. Volunteer Mobilization Affordance Communication CSR Group For first-hand Facilitating communal Members recorded relief Information support (flood Gp M Features: Group Chat reporting, immediate activities within the mission, sent back to the scenes, donation records), Instant Message, Voice/ contact group group, communicated each Material support (relief aid) Video Call, Check-in other 4. Crowdsourcing Affordance Collective Affordance Professionals To create geo-location Group formation, GIS experts collaborated

Collaboration, maps linking resources, with a government agency

Managing and managing and to obtain satellite images

Presentation displaying information from an international body G Features: Embed-in and created localized maps Information support P

post, Tag, Group; Privacy (crowdsourced information)

To provide aggregate Sourcing credible A Minister cooperated with

settings, Album Government report, deliver information, the professionals and other I emergency information accommodating agencies to aggregate to the public diversity of reports information, and amplified flood alerts to the public

Captions: P – Professional, G – Government, C – Citizens, Vo – Volunteer, Vi – Vitim, Gp – Group, M – Members, I – International body

4.4 Summary

The case study of the 2015 Myanmar flood offers a valuable opportunity to understand possibilities enabled by emerging technology (i.e. social media) in addressing a societal challenge.

Particularly, our study provides a sociotechnical view of the practice of social media in a disaster and the potential outcomes of these interactions in disaster response. The case provides an empirical examination of how different stakeholders such as citizens, organisations and government agencies interpersonally communicate with each other through social media during a flood disaster and how that in turn affects a variety of social activities, including likelihood of sharing disaster information, expressing emotional responses, enabling dynamic interaction and taking collective actions.

Our approach in analysing the case was first to understand the capabilities of social media in disasters by looking at the key roles social media played in disaster response. Particularly, we observed the capabilities of Facebook (i.e. possibilities for action) in enabling information access, communication, coordination and collaboration, which resolved obstacles during the disaster and facilitated relief actions. Based on the empirical data, we identified the affordances of Facebook in relation to its underlying features and user characteristics and examined how they were actualised in specific examples. Once the affordances were identified, we conceptualised these affordances as different types—individualised, shared and collective (Leonardi, 2013), as they emerged from the relationships between their constituent parts (Volkoff and Strong, 2013). We then examined how different affordances interacted and affected each other. This explained how and why the same technology is used and yet has different outcomes in different contexts

(Majchrzak et al., 2016). We also highlighted how affordances served to identify the potential for social change offered by social media.

First, our analysis finds that Facebook affords different ways of creating crisis- awareness—i.e. it enables individuals to engage in an open public space for creation and consumption of information under their own responsibility (Seidel et al. 2014). We observed how this affordance grants every individual the ability to contribute and obtain crisis-related information independently, using specific feature(s) of Facebook, and thus enabling an individualised affordance. Consistent with Leonardi’s (2013) study, our findings confirm that users appropriated a specific feature (or a combination of different features, e.g. status, photo, comment) of Facebook and consequently enacted a number of different individualised affordances for creating awareness of crisis.

Next, our data shows that Facebook affords relief coordination—i.e. it enables connection between people and facilitates coordination, influenced by shared interest (i.e. humanitarian assistance). We observed how such affordance through Facebook grants individuals the ability to unite for a common goal (e.g. fundraising) using similar features of Facebook (e.g. share, tag) and, thus, creating a shared affordance. Similarly, our data describes Facebook affording volunteer mobilisation—i.e. enabling deployment of people and resources by facilitating communication among group members. We observed how such affordance by social media allows groups to organise and communicate with members for immediate updates with a common goal (i.e. aid distribution), using similar features of social media (e.g. Facebook messenger or Viber), and thus creating a shared affordance. Echoing Leonardi’s (2013) work, our findings indicate that social change occurred when a group of users appropriated the features of the technology in similar ways.

Finally, our case demonstrates that Facebook affords crowdsourcing—i.e. it enables communities to self-organise and establish collaboration. This aligns with previous studies emphasising the potential for ‘crowdsourcing’ via social media to increase situational awareness

87 during crisis events (Gao et al. 2011; Liu et al. 2010). We observed how different communities could flexibly crowdsource for required resources (i.e. geo-location maps) without formal planning and restrictions. Specifically, individuals conducted non-interdependent tasks, utilising differential features of technology embedded in Facebook to achieve a group-level goal, thus forming a collective affordance. Many studies have documented that social media is capable of facilitating collective behaviour (Palen et al. 2009; Vieweg et al. 2008), with which the findings of this study accord. Community members used differential technology features (e.g. GIS, Google

Drive) within Facebook to acquire flood-related information, thus enacting a collective action in the immediate aftermath of the floods.

Similar to Strong et al. (2014)’s findings of individual-level and organizational-level affordances in the healthcare organization, within the community each affordance can be simultaneously actualised by many individuals, depending on their goals, and each individual may enact multiple affordances. Furthermore, these different affordances are interrelated in various ways, and their actualisation may contribute to achieving multiple outcomes, as Figure 4.5 shows.

For example, anybody who enacts an individualized affordance of crisis awareness can also enact relief coordination as a shared affordance with other contact(s) in their network. Furthermore, they can promote enacting a collective affordance of crowdsourcing in a special-interest group, given their own perception, ability and responsibility (i.e. individualised affordance) in disaster response.

The case findings demonstrate that affordance is an individual-level concept (i.e. a potential for an independent actor to take actions to achieve a goal of that individual). In addition, a group-level affordance can be enacted such that the potential actions enabled are associated with achieving group-level outcomes in support of group-level goals. These group-level outcomes are produced by the collective actions of individuals.

Figure 4.5 Relationships between Affordances, Users, and Outcomes in the Community in Disaster Response

This study is significant because it contributes to our understanding of the role of social media in facilitating social interactions during disasters, by focusing on a country that has recently opened up to the world after decades of isolation, previously lacking access to the technologies and information, and where social media has become the only channel available to citizens to engage in the public affairs of the country.

The case of the Myanmar flood in 2015 demonstrates how Myanmar responded to the nation’s worst disaster since Cyclone Nargis and how the social change took off by the communities facilitating crisis-response activities different from the past, such as information dissemination, volunteering, fundraising and crowdsourcing through the use of Facebook’s social network. Due to the magnifying effect of social media, flood relief was fast and transparent; otherwise, it might have followed the 2008 incidents where the Cyclone Nargis killed more than

1.4 million people (ChannelNewsAsia 2015). In retrospect, the main communication means during 89 the 2008 Cyclone Nargis were largely printed media (newspapers, journals), government broadcasts (radio, television) and merely 2G cellular phones and SMS services, in which communication between different stakeholders was one way, not in real time, and less transparent than the social media available during the 2015 flood. Particularly in a country where communication with government is characterised by formality and timidity, the public expression of keen reactions during this time of disaster shows that people communicated in ways that they would never have experienced in an open, public place prior to social media. Our findings also expanded what we know about disaster-response outcomes by presenting social benefits gained from the use of social media, such as enabling faster response time due to real-time information sharing; greater rescue opportunities and lifesaving through effective communication; and larger donations via social-media campaigns and crowdfunding. Overall, the social-media use in

Myanmar flood shows the nature of the country’s transition, such that social media has the power to influence the way people interact with each other, to change ways of doing activities as well as their relationships (Leonardi and Barley 2008) in the context of disaster response.

4.4.1 Important Issues from Social-Media Use during Disaster Response in Myanmar

While there were actual and potential advantages in using social media in the 2015 disaster, there exist several issues that we address related to the use of social media from the reality of flood response in Myanmar.

First, the case revealed that the Myanmar government initially underestimated the potential of social media for crisis management. Government agencies did not understand how social media is used and, therefore, could not utilize it in the most effective means possible. This is evident in our data that apart from the case of the Minister of Information’s Facebook page, the government was barely visible in social media through posts or comments. Minister Ye said that government

90 officials are reluctant to use Facebook because they see it as a place full of criticisms about the government.

‘I am the one who is most active and has many followers (over 3.5 million, by the time of interview in December 2015) among government officials, and regularly interacting with the public on Facebook’. He urged that ‘I think social media provides us a good place to publicize and to take responsibility as a government, by hearing the voice of people, interacting and responding to the public’s concerns’.

Because active engagement with social media can help increase public trust in a government agency, which is a key resource for effective crisis communication (Giroux et al.

2013), the government should liaise with the public using social-media technologies. Social media provide an outlet whereby government agencies can share information, establish a presence, build a network such as followers on a Facebook page, and obtain feedback from the public (Kietzmann et al. 2011). Given the quick interactive nature of social-media platforms, government actors who do not engage the social-media space or fail to provide regular postings and responses to public interactions could risk their credibility (Zurich, 2013). If the Myanmar government had perceived the value of social-media affordances, they would have been more prepared for using social media to communicate with its agencies as well as the public, thus managing emergency responses effectively during the disaster.

Second, it was observed that social media was primarily used among members of different social network in Myanmar. During the disaster, the proliferation of social media as an uncontrollable communication platform had created information inconsistency, redundancy, and rumours among all social communities (Kaewkitipong et al. 2012). The greater use of social media during a crisis has led to ‘information overload’ as an unintended consequence. One responder claimed that,

‘We don’t know which page is valid to believe when critical information pops up’.

Because the use of social media by individuals or groups within their social network cannot be fully managed in the disaster response, the government needs to set up an information hub where people can inform, report, and upload the images of incidents, and responsible officials or a professional body should verify incoming information and eliminate false information. Our data indicated that due to the lack of co-ordinated and distributed information about what was taking place, and what was needed in relation to the floods, there were significant overlaps or unattended support in some affected areas between emergency responders. Thus, it is important to provide an interactive platform that allows a two-way exchange between the government and the public, to identify inaccurate information, and to disseminate useful information promptly that will help increase the effectiveness of co-ordination among the social networks.

In addition, for the government to implement social media as a tool for disaster response, it is important to adopt some measures and protocols that frame the clear process in making decisions among participated actors when handling the emergency situations. As U Than highlighted an operational issue during the flood relief:

‘Technology is not a problem, it is the protocol that matters! Someone has to be ready to take charge in times of crisis!’. He explained that ‘When we detected two spots of landslide dams in Chin state and Sagaing division from satellite images, we don’t know where to report and who is responsible for the assessment, delivery of emergency messages and executing evacuation procedures. We could not release this kind of information about potential risk to the public without authorization, avoiding chaos. Collaboration with Minister Ye through Facebook personal network facilitated appropriate action-taking and we were truly blessed to help our country someway in this time of crisis, thanks to social media’.

Third, there is a need to improve the digital literacy of users to realize the potential of social media and its impacts on society (SWIA, 2015). It was evident that during the floods people shared old posts of floodwaters in specific local areas as well as fake photos of similar disasters from other regions, whether intentional, exaggerated or accidental. Since the floods had been recurring, these posts confused the responders and misled them in response actions. Information that is false, inaccurate, or outdated could complicate situational awareness of a crisis and hence hamper relief efforts (Lindsay 2011). To harness the social-media affordances, the public should be educated on the correct use of social media and the potential effect of information dissemination. For example, by providing community training or launching the awareness-raising campaign for severe weather or seasonal disease that aims to inform and encourage people for preparedness efforts within families and their community using social media such as how to contribute messages, comments, responses, and discussions, that can then be promoted and communicated across various networks. In this way people being familiar with social-media use for emergency practices will become responsible citizens when facing and participating in future crisis.

Chapter 5. Case Study 2: Mobile Money in Myanmar

5.1 Research Context

The United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF)16 reports that two billion adults are excluded from formal financial services, most of them in emerging and developing economies.

Financial inclusion is an essential element in the economic development in emerging markets and successful implementation of digital finance systems in such markets could increase GDPs of all emerging economies by 6% (USD 3.7 trillion), by 2025, according to the McKinsey Global

Institute17. Financial inclusion means that ‘individuals and businesses can access and use a range of affordable and responsibly-provided financial services offered in a well-regulated environment’

(UNCDF 2017).

The recent advances in technologies (such as mobile phones and IOT gadgets) are transforming the way people access and consume financial products. The arrival of mobile financial services and Fintechs in the past years has opened up new opportunities in the Southeast

Asian market (Fintechnews Singapore 2017). As mobile-money services are a powerful tool for bringing unbanked and underbanked people into the formal financial sector, emerging countries are relying on mobile money operations as one of the main banking mechanisms to move their economy further forward (Morente 2017). In less than a decade, especially in developing countries, mobile money is rapidly evolving and making a tremendous impact on the economy and the lives of citizens (DailyTrust 2016).

16 https://www.uncdf.org/financial-inclusion 17 https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/employment-and-growth/how-digital-finance-could-boost-growth-in-emerging- economies 94

Myanmar is one such market, with great potential to benefit from the growth and evolution of mobile financial services. Formerly one of the least developed economies in Southeast Asia,

Myanmar has become one of the fastest-growing developing markets, having shed junta rule and implemented reforms in 2011. A gradual paradigm shift to a technologically driven economy has been powered by the liberalization of the telecom industry and licensing in 2013 of two telco giants

(Norway Telenor and Qatar Ooredoo) to join the state-owned incumbent, Myanmar Posts and

Telecommunications (MPT). Since opening to foreign competition, Myanmar’s telecom sector has been booming, and its mobile market has become increasingly dynamic and competitive. A single

SIM card priced at $1500 in 2011 had drastically dropped to $1.50 in 2014. Mobile penetration rates have increased rapidly in recent years, from 7% in 2012 to 90% in 2016 (Myanmar Times

2016). As of 2016, three companies were providing mobile-phone services in Myanmar, including

Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT), owned by the government and Japan’s KDDI;

Ooredoo Myanmar, based in Doha, Qatar; and Norwegian-owned Telenor Myanmar. In January

2017, the fourth operator, Viettel of Vietnam, entered the market by partnering with a Myanmar firm (backed by Myanmar’s military), creating the Myanmar National Tele and Communications

Co, Ltd (Mytel) (The Irrawady 2018). Based on the data from 2017-18, mobile phone penetration rate in Myanmar has exceeded 100 % (56.8 million mobile phone users where the total population was 54 million), while over 80% of people access the internet via smartphones. Of the number of total mobile subscribers, MPT has 22 million subscribers, Telenor 19 million, Oreedoo 9 million and MyTel 3.2 million (Myanmar Times 2018). According to OpenSignal,18 current 4G availability in Yangon, the capital city of Myanmar, is at over 80%, which is the fourth highest among ASEAN cities, following Bangkok, Singapore and Jakarta (AEC Connect 2018).

18 https://www.opensignal.com/sites/opensignal-com/files/data/reports/global/data-2019- 05/the_state_of_mobile_experience_may_2019_0.pdf 95

5.1.1 Overview of Myanmar Banking and Financial Sector Since economic reforms in 2011, the Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM) became an independent entity according to the Central Bank of Myanmar Law enacted on 11th July, 2013.

Myanmar had four state-owned banks, 27 private domestic banks, 13 foreign banks with 44 foreign bank representative offices, and 25 non-bank financial institutions by the end of 2018. The banking sector accounts for the majority of financial sector assets and is dominated by the four state banks—Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank, Myanmar Investment and Commercial Bank, Myanmar

Economic Bank and Myanmar Agriculture and Development Bank—and three large private banks:

KBZ Bank, AYA Bank and Co-Operative Bank. As of September 2018, the state banks held

31.14% of the banking sector’s total assets, while the private banks and foreign banks held 57.67% and 11.19% respectively19.

Myanmar is predominantly a cash-based economy. Payments for goods and services, including salary payments, government transfers and utility payments, are made almost exclusively in cash (Martinez 2016). Myanmar has an embryonic banking system. Nationwide, the outreach of banks is limited: there are 1,500 branches, 2,000 ATMs, 6,000 point-of-sale (POS) terminals and 1.9 million Myanmar Payment Union (MPU) debit card users. The MPU has been the sole payment processing gateway for banks to access credit card networks. Nearly all ATMs and POS terminals are located in urban areas (Htun and Bock 2017). In Myanmar, only about 23% of adults have a regulated financial product or service from a formal financial institution, such as credit (line/card), savings, insurance or payments. More than 77% of the population remains unbanked and only 2% hold debit cards. This is higher for urban adults than their rural counterparts. Considering the huge unbanked population in Myanmar, with bank branches and

19 https://www.cbm.gov.mm/sites/default/files/report/final_comfirm_2018_annual_report.pdf 96 services inaccessible in most rural areas, mobile financial services have become an important means of financial inclusion, given that Myanmar has the highest mobile phone penetration in the region (above 100%).

The new government of Myanmar, led by the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu

Kyi, has taken the leading role in driving forward the financial access agenda of inclusive economic growth in the country. The CBM has focused on financial inclusion and established the regulatory framework for mobile financial services (MFS) (Drees-Gross and Annamalai 2016).

The CBM issued a Mobile Banking Directive in December 2013 that established a bank-led model for the provision of mobile banking services. In March 2016, the CBM issued a regulation on MFS.

The MFS regulation has led to the expansion of a wider range of financial institutions and non- bank entities, such as mobile network operators (MNOs) and third parties. Fintech companies are capitalising on Myanmar’s rapid development and increasing smartphone and internet penetration by offering digital financial products (Hynes 2016). Myanmar can be considered the perfect test case for Fintech.

5.1.2 Fintech in Myanmar

Compared to its Southeast Asian neighbours, Myanmar has a relatively small Fintech industry, with around a dozen Fintech ventures. In comparison, Singapore boasts more than 200

Fintech companies, and Malaysia nearly 100 (Fintechnews Singapore 2018).

The CBM has approved 8 (out of 24) private banks to offer mobile banking services. Bank- led mobile money offerings are closed-loop systems with a mostly urban agent network numbering in the hundreds; they are not interoperable at this time. MFS regulation requires the MNOs or any non-bank entities to first set up a dedicated entity as an MFS provider (Htun and Bock 2017). As of January 2018, there were three key MNO-led MFS players in Myanmar: Wave Money, Ooredoo

Myanmar and MPT JO Mobile Financial Services. In October 2016, Wave Money, a joint venture between Norwegian telecoms operator Telenor and Myanmar’s Yoma Bank, became the first MFS provider to acquire a licence under the non-bank financial institution licensing regime to provide

MFS in the country. Ooredoo Myanmar Fintech is a subsidiary of Ooredoo Myanmar20, planning to offer the new mobile money service M-Pitesan, which will allow customers to send money instantly within the country (P2P), buy airtime and make payments. Ooredoo has chosen to work with Co-Operative Bank as its banking partner, and is awaiting licence approval from the CBM

(Gaung 2017). State-owned Myanmar’s Posts and Telecommunications (MPT)21 has a joint operation agreement with Japanese firms KDDI and Sumitomo. As per MFS regulation requirements, MPT is in the midst of setting up a dedicated company called MPT JO MFS and is expected to submit its application for an MFS licence as soon as company registration is completed

(Htun and Bock 2017).

Alongside Wave Money, several other non-bank ventures in Myanmar are providing mobile payment services. For example, OK Dollar22, a unit of local firm Internet Wallet, is another mobile payments provider. OK Dollar allows users to buy airtime, flowers and movie tickets, share bills and rent with friends, order pizza, shop online and more. Other noteworthy Fintech startups in Myanmar include TrueMoney23, a company originally from Thailand, which launched operations in Myanmar in October 2016. TrueMoney focuses on cross-border payments and remittance services, especially money transfer between Thailand and Myanmar (Fintechnews

Singapore 2018).

20 https://ooredoo.com.mm/portal/en/index 21 https://www.mpt.com.mm/en/ 22 https://www.okdollar.com/index.php 23 https://truemoney.com.mm/index_eng.php 98

As the financial environment and technology have changed in Myanmar, this context represents a unique setting to explore how Myanmar leverages these opportunities and demonstrates the potential of financial inclusion in the country. It is worthwhile to study how

Fintech companies can change the way that users interact with financial organisations, as well as their potential to reach new users who were outside financial systems. It is particularly interesting to look at how a Fintech company such as Wave Money benefits from first mover advantage in unlocking the potential of mobile money to increase individual access to appropriate financial products and services.

5.2 Case Description

Wave Money, launched in 2016 as a joint venture between Telenor (51%), First Myanmar

Investment (44%) and Yoma Bank (5%), is the first and leading mobile financial services provider

(MFSP) that allows users to send and receive money via their mobile phones, without the need for a bank account (Digital Money Myanmar 2019). Wave Money offers two simple services: (i) Wave

Shop Transfer and (ii) Wave Account. Any person with a valid legal picture identification (e.g.

National Registration Card (NRC), passport, driving licence) can transfer money over the counter at a Wave Shop, but only Telenor subscribers can open a Wave Account (Loughnane 2017). Wave

Money initially operated airtime top-up and domestic remittance services in August 2016, further expanding into bill payments, merchant payments, and salary disbursements in mid-2017.

Wave Money has established a vast network of wave shops, typically overriding local stores which act as Wave Money retail points. The local stores owners are termed ‘agents’, or in the local language ‘Kosaleh’. Through the network of agents, customers can deposit and withdraw cash (against their electronic accounts). Account opening fee and annual account fee are free of charge. Agents receive a commission for every transaction as they help people set up their accounts

99 and make transactions. Transaction fees range from 400MMK to 4000MMK (US$0.25 to US$2.5), depending on the type of transaction. As a MFS provider, Wave Money generates revenue via end- user transaction fees. Wave Money’s monthly revenue has grown by 22% from January 2017 to

January 2018 while the growth of monthly transfer volumes hits 31% during the period (Frontier

Myanmar 2018). Its mobile agent network has expanded to include over 40,000 Wave shops across

86% of Myanmar, which is 16 times the number of bank branches in the country (Digital Money

Myanmar 2019). The firm had covered all geographical regions in Myanmar, with its services reaching to 283 out of the total 330 townships in the nation (Consult-Myanmar 2018).

Wave Money in Myanmar had reached over seven million people by the end of 2018, equal to 35% of the adult population, the majority of whom were previously financially excluded. In

2018, the total volume transferred through Wave Money equalled approximately 2% of the country’s GDP. The rate of e-commerce partners is growing at about five companies per month, and e-commerce services now account for 20% of the firm’s mobile-wallet transactions. Aiming for ambitious growth in the country, Wave Money plans to develop international remittances, loans, credit and savings products, in cooperation with microfinance institutions (Gaung 2017).

Table 5.1 provides an overview of Wave Money Fintech in Myanmar. As Myanmar used to be the last frontier-market in the world, this situation creates a prime environment in which to explore how Fintech could capitalise on this unique moment in Myanmar’s transformation to become more financially inclusive and bring socio-economic benefits to the country.

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Table 5.1 Overview of Wave Money Fintech in Myanmar Overview

Establishment MNO-led Fintech established in 2015; received mobile financial services licence from Central Bank of Myanmar in 2016

Ownership Telenor (51%), FMI (44%)* and Yoma Bank (5%)

Offerings 1) Wave Shop (Over the Counter Services) - Money Transfer - Airtime Top-up

2) Wave Account (Mobile App services) - Money Transfer (To account and non- account) - Airtime Top-up - Bill Payment (utilities) - Online Payment - Balance Check and Transaction History - Bank-to-wallet and Wallet-to-bank

Agent Networks More than 40,000 agents nationwide (86% coverage of all states and regions), as of 2018

Customer Base 7 million active users while 1.5 million people registered on Wave App, as of 2018 * Yoma Strategic Holdings (YSH) had acquired a 34% stake in Wave Money from FMI in 2018 Sources: (Consult Myanmar 2016; Hynes 2016; Loughnane 2017; Telenor group 2016; Williams 2018)

5.3 Case Analysis

Using the technology-affordances lens (Majchrzak and Markus 2012), our analysis identified different affordances of mobile money from the perspectives of major stakeholders in the mobile-money ecosystem, such as customers, agents, bank, mobile operator, merchants and regulators. Particularly, we draw on the theoretical framework of Pozzi et al. (2014), adapted from the model of affordance perception and actualisation originated by Bernhard et al. (2013). The purpose of building on that model is to examine the process of how affordances emerge from the relations between technology’s properties and actor’s characteristics, how the actors perceive

101 affordances of the technology according to their own goals, and how the perceived affordances are actualised, in the context of a mobile-money ecosystem.

Financial technology (Fintech) is changing the way people access and use their money.

Globally, 37% of business to consumer (B2C) payments are digital (Salazar 2019). In Myanmar, the vast majority of the population do not have access to the formal banking system, and 70% of

Myanmar’s poor live in rural areas. Fintech has emerged as a new entity that can help Myanmar increase financial inclusion. The potential of Fintech to address the societal challenge of financial exclusion and to offer affordable and reliable financial services to the underserved population was perceived by the CEO of Wave Money as early as 2017, as he stated:

‘In a country where mobile penetration is 90% and an estimated 85% of the population uses smartphones while about 30% of the population had formal access to a financial product, this is a unique opportunity to empower the unbanked with the power of the mobile technology’ (Brad Jones, Wave Money).

Wave Money is the first licenced Fintech, a MNO-led model leveraging the distribution reach of an international mobile operator (Telenor) and the local expertise and cash management capabilities of a leading private bank (Yoma), which provides instant, safe and convenient mobile financial services through a nationwide agent network in Myanmar. Customers are the key to acceptance and adoption of mobile payments. Wave Money is targeting domestic migrant workers as a primary use-case. In Myanmar, many young people migrate to urban areas, such as Yangon and Mandalay, to find jobs that will earn them a reliable source of income. According to the 2014

Myanmar Population and Housing Census,24 there are over 9 million migrant workers primarily located in urban areas. With only some 1,500 branches in a largely rural country, the practice of

24 https://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/2014-myanmar-population-and-housing-census-thematic-report-migration-and- urbanization 102 remitting money was a time-consuming and expensive process until recently. Wave Money enables people to wire money home to the family in a matter of minutes.

5.3.1 Affordance 1: Financial Accessibility

First, mobile money affords customers the potential to make financial transactions. Various customers perceived the potential of mobile money to store, transfer and receive money ubiquitously, independent of time and location. One migrant worker expressed how the reduced cost of accessing the formal banking system allows him to access financial products that were previously unavailable.

‘It was difficult before as my family do not have a bank account. I have to go and send money via ‘hundi’, a third-party money transfer service, in the distance or travel back to the village in person. Now I can just send a text to move the money to my children back home; the advantage is that it now takes very little time to transfer money! And these stores are accessible around the clock for my family to cash out’ (Migrant worker).

Wave Money also enables customers to settle utility bills directly from the app (500MMK fee per transaction). Mobile money was perceived as especially convenient in making bill payments, as customers commonly experienced utility payments at the service providers’ location as crowded, and now enjoy avoiding a long queue by paying remotely from a mobile phone.

‘The best thing of mobile money is that if you are on a trip or urgent for the due payment, you don’t have to go to the point of sale, just to conduct the transaction using the app, it’s easy, convenient, and fast’ (Customer).

With inflation25 of over 15% between 2007 and 2009 peaking over 30% in 2008, divisibility of Myanmar currency has become poor as smaller bank notes are scarce and transferability is limited since cash-based transaction require larger and larger transport of physical

25 https://www.statista.com/statistics/525770/inflation-rate-in-myanmar/ 103 bank notes. These negatively impact trade. With unlimited divisibility, mobile money facilitates trade, making it easier to pay and receive exact payment for the services (and products) they consume. Transferability of currency is also improved since the need to transport physical bank notes is eliminated. Our data shows that farmers and traders transfer small sums of money on a regular basis to their suppliers in the city via Wave money.

‘Making deposit on my mobile account makes my routine smooth and safe! No need to carry loads of cash. With the Internet connection available on my mobile device, I can check the nearest agent to cash-in/cash-out when travelling to purchase agricultural products or collect money from the distributors in town, thanks to Wave Money’ (Farmer).

The perceived value that the customers mentioned most often was the potential to make convenient, fast and safe financial transactions. Mobile money services have reduced customer’s reliance on cash. Therefore it increases the customer’s financial security and decreases the inherent risks of cash handling, such as counterfeit notes, loss and theft. The removal of middlemen for money transfers creates increased transparency (World Economic Forum 2012).

Now that customers playing different roles had perceived affordances of access to financial services, our case demonstrated that individuals could make financial transactions through the mobile-money platform (i.e. WavePay app) provided by Wave Money Fintech. This affordance is termed ‘financial accessibility’. The concrete outcome of financial accessibility was better management of the individual’s finances for day-to-day living, which leads to achieving the ultimate goal of increasing financial inclusion by empowering the unbanked in Myanmar.

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Our analysis revealed that affordances emerged from the interaction between IT artefact

(i.e. WavePay app, portal) and the actors. In the process, the goal-oriented actor perceived the potential affordances (depending on the role he/she plays in the mobile-money ecosystem) and the actualisation of perceived affordances leading to achievement of an intended goal, as Figure 5.1 illustrates. Emergence

Properties of Perception Effect WavePay app (top-up, cash-in, payment, bills) Affordance of Actualisation Better Financial management of Accessibility finances

Goal-oriented actor (Customers)

Figure 5.1 Actualisation of perceived affordance (Financial Accessibility)

5.3.2 Affordance 2: Engageability

Mobile money affords agents the potential to engage with customers and build trust. Trust is critical to the success of mobile money model since people have preconceptions that currency is tangible. The very idea of intangible virtual money is alien to them. Since the potential customers already trust their local agents, Fintechs exploit their agent network to provide training to potential customers. In other words, agents are the key to the distribution of mobile financial services. They also helps Fintechs reach rural population where a large proportion of underserved people live.

They allow easy access for customers who would otherwise have to travel further from their homes to remit or pay bills (World Bank Group 2017).

Local business owners who perceived the potential of mobile money (on smartphones) to acquire customers by promoting the products and services, became the Wave agents. Most consumers in Myanmar with very limited knowledge about digital services find using mobile apps

105 difficult. Mobile-money solutions can leverage the greater display and user-interface flexibility that the touchscreens on smartphones provide (Lien et al. 2015). A mobile-store owner explained how he deals with customers for mobile-money adoption:

‘Getting customers to try a new technology (e.g. WavePay app) is a challenge. Only when you earn their trust to the product, the use is guaranteed. When they come to my shop for SIM card or mobile top-up or handset purchase, I recommend the potential packages, and I encourage them to use Wave Money mobile app’ (Agent 1).

People have preconceptions of the banking services. They had negative experiences with long waits and bureaucracy. Therefore, they are reluctant to visit a bank to get financial services such as remittance especially if the amount is meagre. For many of them, it is only natural to adapt mobile money due to the convenience it brings.

‘As an old person, I was not familiar with the latest technology, but a Wave agent walked me through the registration process of WavePay app, it’s easy to use! Now I am able to receive my pension into my mobile wallet, free from previous hassles in bank, and withdraw my money at any of the Wave Shops in my neighbourhood. If I have any questions, I simply ask them for help!’ (Pensioner).

The practice of providing over-the-counter agent services in downloading the app, installing on the cell phone, signing up an account, and making a deposit presents how they relate to the affordance of engagement with customers through mobile phones and apps.

‘Once customers see that the transaction is successful and convenient, they adopt it. Now I can make money working as a Wave agent, making around 200 transfers a month’ (Agent 2).

The perceived value that the agents mentioned most often was the potential to gain customer trust and earn commission. Providing mobile-money services to people in their communities, agents receive a large income; some agents stated that they earn more than $50 a

106 day. The more transactions the customers make, the higher the agent’s commissions are. The chief sales officer of Wave Money announced:

‘There are more than 1 billion Myanmar Kyat (US$12 Million) for agent commissions in 2018. This is fantastic for their revenue. As the higher the agents’ disposable income goes, the more they can spend; this contributes to the positive impact on economy growth’.

Once affordance of mobile money in engaging customers had been perceived by the agents, our data indicated that Wave Money enabled agents to attract and interact with people about the awareness and use of mobile money. Fintech could also build trust through its instant, convenient and reliable financial services conducted on cost-effective smartphones and an app with an easy- to-use interface. We observed that agents established social interaction with customers by capturing customer attention and promoting the use of the WavePay app. This affordance is termed

‘engageability’. It would not be possible if the agents did not reach the customers and understand their needs for the adoption of the mobile-money application. As a goal-oriented actor, agents perceived the potential of mobile money to engage customers for income generation, and they were able to actualize this affordance. The concrete outcome of engageability was the agent’s earning disposable income by gaining potential customers by trust building in using mobile-money services (see Figure 5.2).

Emergence

Properties of Perception Effect Smartphones, WavePay app Actualisation Affordance of Earn Engageability disposable income

Goal-oriented actor (Agents)

Figure 5.2 Actualisation of perceived affordance (Engageability)

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5.3.3 Affordance 3: Transactivity

Mobile money affords merchants the potential to facilitate cashless payments and generate more transactions. Mobile money enables immediate payment regardless of physical location of the sender and receiver and it is available regardless of weekday or weekend. This creates opportunities for businesses to increase their volume of transactions, offering customers more ways of making payments.

Wave Money previously introduced the ‘Pay with Wave Money’ product26, enabling cashless payments to B2C e-commerce companies for goods and services. By registering Wave account and deposit money, customers can shop online using ‘Pay with Wave Money’, or link

Wave account to their traditional bank account (from Yoma Bank) and make payment via online banking using the Wave app27. Merchants can benefit from mobile payment due to the increased spending and having access to a large pool of customers with guaranteed payments. Business costs can be reduced by mobile payment, due to less cash and check-handling costs. One owner of an online store explained:

‘Some customers do not have a bank account to pay for online shopping. Mobile money allows us a great flexibility to do business, sales are increasing as we offer customers an alternative and affordable way of making payments like ‘Pay with Wave Money’’.

Recently, Wave Money opened its Application Programming Interface (API) in Myanmar and launched a developer portal, providing merchants with a plug in payment functionality to their ecommerce websites and apps, to facilitate digital payments in connection with their e-commerce businesses and customers (Press Release 2017). Since digital payments also open access to new

26 https://www.wavemoney.com.mm/wp-content/uploads/htd_Developer-Portal-Press-Release-Final-ENG.pdf 27 https://www.wavemoney.com.mm/pay-with-wave-2/ 108 markets, many merchants and suppliers are already realizing the value the digital transactions add.

An entrepreneur of a clothing brand shared his view:

‘We could catch impulse buyers as payments are easier that speed up transactions, and real-time data makes better cash-flow management. Digital transactions yield greater efficiencies!’.

The perceived value that the merchants mentioned mainly was efficiency—being able to conduct transactions with reduced time and cost. We observed that merchants could expand their market reach by offering previously inaccessible customers a cashless secure payment alternative.

Once affordance of generating more transactions had been perceived by the merchants, our analysis revealed that mobile money enabled merchants to facilitate payment options and increase the number of transactions. This affordance is termed ‘transactivity’. As goal-oriented actors, merchants perceived the potential of mobile money in making their payment processes more transactive, and they were able to actualise this affordance. The concrete outcome of transactivity was increased sales due to higher volume of transactions enabled by the Wave Money platform

(see Figure 5.3).

Emergence

Perception Effect Properties of WavePay app, Developer Portal Affordance of Actualisation Increased Transactivity sales

Goal-oriented actor (Merchants)

Figure 5.3 Actualisation of perceived affordance (Transactivity)

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5.3.4 Affordance 4: Value Creativity

Mobile money affords banks the potential to create value-added services and widen the reach of customers beyond its branch networks. Through partnership with a mobile operator for mobile-money business, the bank will be in a position to develop innovative credit and saving products that will reduce transaction costs and give the financially excluded masses access to a broad range of financial services (Jones 2016a). Mobile money provides the bank with a massive amount of transaction data that can be analysed to develop new products and strategies. The Chief

Technical Officer of Yoma Bank stated:

‘Through the establishment of wave money, we are connected to the unbanked and able to bring them into a digital-banking system by creating and offering innovative products’.

With 1.5 million people registered on Wave app and another 7 million monthly active users, Yoma could build credit identities from customer data about their behaviour. In 2017, Yoma

Bank introduced SMART28, a convenient digital banking product which offers services to customers who are unable to physically access to a Yoma Bank branch. SMART allows its customers to manage their money anytime anywhere, with multiple benefits, such as the first bank online application, free smart-to-smart transaction fees, free MPU debit card (Myanmar Payment

Union/integrated bank-card system), access to any ATM with no transaction fee, any mobile top- up with a 4% discount (Oredoo, Telenor, MPT, MyTel), and shopping at any MPU POS locations and online. SMART users have automatic access to all the features of Wave Money account linkage to over 30,000 Wave Shops throughout Myanmar. It has been successful with over 120,000 customers in a year. Out of the bank’s 450,000 customers, 27% are using SMART (Yoma Bank

2018). SMART recently added new innovative features—SMART Payroll and SMART Salary

28 https://www.yomabank.com/digital-banking-experience-in-myanmar-with-smart.php 110

Advance4—which enable employers to manage monthly payroll processes efficiently and employees to receive 20% of a salary advancement conveniently and instantly via its App.

‘It’s like now I have access to my personal credit, no need to wait for a payday or to save up to buy expensive items, and in case of emergency, having my salary advancement in a SMART card makes me feel secure and convenient, even not to worry about transaction fee or repayment!’ (Staff, Yoma Bank).

Next, Yoma Bank launched SMART Credit29 in early 2019, by entering into strategic partnerships with Wave Money and the Union of Myanmar Travel Association (UMTA), which offers small business loans (30 million MMK) to its agents and members. An agent of a convenient store explained:

‘This SMART credit digital loan helps us to manage liquidity and smooth cash flows. Sometimes we’re short of cash on hand to handle customers’ withdrawal requests, or electronic value in my mobile wallet was used up to perform customers’ cash deposits. Now, with immediate access to a line of credit, I can reserve enough cash on hand as well as just transfer money from a SMART account to a Wave account whenever necessary; it saves time and is cost-effective, I can serve more transactions now!’.

Most recently, the bank has partnered with Shop (shop.com.mm) sellers with its latest digital small-business loan product (50 million MMK), SMART Credit Plus,9 and being on- boarding new merchants. The bank reported achieving significant growth in new customers and average transactions per customer, with a 70% repetition rate (Yoma Bank 2019 May). Yoma

Bank’s innovative digital-banking solutions, in collaboration with the digital information service provider Experian, was awarded the Best Data and Analytics Initiative, Application or

29 https://www.yomabank.com/yoma-bank-to-provide-digital-small-business-loans-to-shop-com-mm-sellers.php

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Programme30 at the Financial Technology Innovation Awards Programme 2019. The CEO of

Yoma Bank said:

‘We were lucky to have founded Wave Money! They’re getting us that consumer market. We can plug our balance sheet into their distribution. That’s huge!’

The perceived value that the interviewees mentioned primarily was the bank’s potential to offer more interactive services linked to digital banking, conveniently and cost-effectively. Once affordance of creating value-added services had been perceived by the actors relevant to Yoma

Bank, our case demonstrated that the bank enabled to create the right products at the target customers by evaluating the customers’ credit-worthiness from transaction data, through the use of a mobile-money platform. This affordance is termed ‘value creativity’. As a goal-oriented actor, the bank perceived the potential of mobile money for developing innovative digital offerings, such as microloans for start-ups, and they were able to actualise this affordance. The concrete outcome of value creativity was reaching new customer segments not previously accessible, by widening the product portfolio, thereby seizing market share (Finastra 2018) (see Figure 5.4).

Emergence

Properties of Perception Effect Wave Money app, Portal Actualisation Affordance of Reaching Value Creativity new customer segments Goal-oriented actor (Bank)

Figure 5.4 Actualisation of perceived affordance (Value Creativity)

30 https://www.yomabank.com/yoma-bank-and-experian-awarded-the-best-data-and-analytics-initiative-application-or- programme-at-the-financial-technology-innovation-awards-programme-2019.php 112

5.3.5 Affordance 5: Scalability

Mobile money affords mobile operators the potential to scale up quickly through growing a network of agents, collaborating with partners, and increasing customers, thus generating new revenue streams.

Launched in October 2014, Telenor Myanmar has been a leading telecom operator, providing affordable and reliable 2G and 3G services in Myanmar. In June 2017, Telenor officially launched its 4G/LTE services. In April 2018, it conducted a joint network speed trial in collaboration with Ericsson and achieved the record-setting 1 Gbps on its 4G/LTE network (The

Myanmar Times 2019). At present, Telenor possesses Myanmar’s best mobile 2G/3G/4G network with more than 8,300 sites nationwide and more than 100,000 points-of-sale, serving over 19 million customers across all states and regions (Telenor Myanmar 2019).

In August 2016, Telenor entered a strategic partnership with Yoma Bank to establish Wave

Money. As a MNO-led model, mobile operator Telenor Myanmar (largest shareholder with a 51% stake in partnering with FMI and Yoma Bank) expanded the reach of financial services in the country by leveraging the existing distribution networks. Since its inception, Wave Money has focused on expanding the agent networks. In 2018, the number of Wave shops grew from 15,000 at the start of the year to 40,000 by the end of 2018, covering 86% of the country (Press Release

2019).

For mobile operators to be competitive in the mobile market, affordable data plans are a key driver in encouraging first-time users to go online from their mobile phones. Telenor Myanmar has introduced more creative price plans to attract and retain its customers.

‘We use Telenor out of other operators because they offer attractive packages (e.g. combo plan to accumulate monthly data, double bonus promotion on special day, 50% cash back

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from game-items purchase, tailored data for music and movie lovers) and the speed is fast. Even more, you can order food and buy bus tickets from your mobile phone, it’s ALL easy just to top up with Wave Money app!’ (Student)

Pricing plays an important role, as customers are willing to pay for accessibility and convenience. As consumers and merchants widely adopt payment by mobile phones, the company increased their revenue as they enjoy a larger customer base. The company gained more than 7 million subscribers in 2018. Wave Money’s monthly revenue has grown by 22% from January

2017 to January 2018, while the growth of monthly transfer volumes hit 31% during the period

(Consult-Myanmar 2018). The CEO of Wave Money announced in 2018:

‘Both transactions and revenue have grown considerably. We now have the biggest distribution network among mobile money services here’.

Head of product and digital department confirmed that:

‘Our Wave Money wallet-to-wallet transfer is enjoying double-digit month-on-month growth’.

Heavy investment in the market and its extensive distribution network contributed to the growth (Consult-Myanmar 2018). In March 2018, Yoma Strategic Holdings (trading as YOMA in

Singapore Exchange) acquired a 34% stake in Wave Money from First Myanmar Investment

Company Limited (FMI) for US$19.4 million (Williams 2018). This provided opportunities not only for Singaporean investors but also global funds to invest in Myanmar’s Fintech as Singapore

Exchange (SGX) is a reputable global market. Wave Money CEO Brad Jones said:

‘Obviously, the market opportunity is huge. We see new entrants as complementary to digitize cash in Myanmar. We are willing to cooperate with other banks and telecom operators’.

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Currently, Wave Money cooperates with CB bank, KBZ, Global Treasure Bank and

Myanmar Economic Bank (MEB), allowing customers to make payments more accessible and convenient (Consult-Myanmar 2018). The expansion of Wave Money lies in its ability to capitalise on the resource base of a diverse set of investors and partners. Recently, Telenor Myanmar has partnered with Experian,31 the world leader in information services, to help the unbanked populations to access credit from financial institutions. As mobile operators are the owners of the customer data, a customer’s history of airtime top-up can be used as a proxy indicator to determine the creditworthiness of prospective borrowers and can be used as a feature in determining loan approval process (GSMA 2012). By leveraging Experian’s ecosystem of partners, including financial institutions, Telenor Myanmar can facilitate individuals’ prequalification for securing microfinancing (unsecured loans equivalent to US $1,000 and below) and credit cards (equivalent to US $1,000 and below) at no cost (Telenor Myanmar 2018 December). Disbursing loans and collecting loan repayments can drive increased usage of the mobile-money platform, leading to increased revenue.

‘The company has achieved scale and it is soon to be profitable!’ (CEO, Wave Money)

The perceived value that the interviewees mentioned primarily was the mobile operator’s potential to expand business quickly by leveraging the existing assets of agent networks and telecom data. We observed that mobile money offers Telenor Myanmar the ability to develop credit scores and facilitate quicker assessment of customers for loan facility. By facilitating the development of innovative microloans using a mobile channel, Telenor Myanmar can rapidly sign up new customers and drive usage of mobile money.

31 http://www.experian.com.my/telenor-myanmar-and-experian-partner-to-accelerate-financial-inclusion-for-unbanked- subscribers 115

Once affordance of driving business growth had been perceived by the actors associated with the mobile operator Telenor Myanmar, our findings suggested that Telenor Myanmar has achieved scale by increasing new customers through the provision of quicker and easier access to credit from financial institution (Yoma Bank). This affordance is termed ‘scalability’. As a goal- oriented actor, Telenor Myanmar perceived the potential of mobile money to grow business by developing a predictive model to provide the unbanked with access to loans that were not available before, and they were able to actualise this affordance. The concrete outcome of scalability was increased usage of mobile financial services using the Wave Money platform, thereby increasing revenue (see Figure 5.5).

Emergence

Properties of Perception Effect WavePay app, Portal Actualisation Increased Affordance of Scalability usage of MFS/revenue

Goal-oriented actor (MNO)

Figure 5.5 Actualisation of perceived affordance (Scalability)

5.3.6 Affordance 6: Inclusivity Mobile money affords regulators the potential to increase financial inclusion and drive inclusive growth by creating the right regulatory framework. As financial inclusion is a critical element of economic growth, Myanmar’s government expressed strong commitment to the reforms required to enhance access to finance across the country (Shine and Chau 2018). In 2013, the government drafted the Myanmar Financial Inclusion Roadmap (2014–2020),32 which targets to increase financial inclusion by 10% in 6 years (from 30% in 2014 to 40% by 2020) and adults

32 https://www.lift-fund.org/sites/lift-fund.org/files/publication/UNCDF_myanmar_fi_roadmap_3_Apr_2015.pdf 116 with more than one product from 6% to 15%. As representatives of Making Access Possible

(MAP) expressed:

‘We strive to increase access to formal financial services and ensure that people around the country have the financial means and tools they need to improve the lives of their families and communities’.

Given that digital financial services could transform the lives of poor and marginalised people in Myanmar, the government is playing an important role in allowing mobile operators and subsidiaries to provide the right services. In March 2016, the Central Bank of Myanmar issued the

Regulation on Mobile Financial Services33 in order to create an enabling regulatory environment for efficient and safe mobile financial services in Myanmar. MFS regulations support a tiered

‘know your customer’ (KYC) policy that makes it far easier for anyone to open an account. Having registered their own SIM card, customers can conduct small-value transactions up to a maximum daily limit of 50,000 kyat without showing a proof of ID (Htun and Bock 2017). The product manager of Wave Money anticipated:

‘This is the first step of government’s initiative to create a responsible and dynamic financial environment, which enables us to verify the identity of customers and monitor the potential risks of illegal intentions through customers’ activities’.

The government and people of Myanmar can expect the considerable benefits from having mobile money networks put in place. It enables the government and NGOs to pay salaries, social benefits, and pensions efficiently. Government could provide efficient services through partnerships with mobile-money providers to streamline their payments. As distribution of physical cash (such as salary payments and government disbursements) are expensive and

33 https://www.cbm.gov.mm/sites/default/files/regulate_launder/_fil-r- 01_mobile_financial_services_regulation_eng_final_website_4-4-2016_-5.pdf 117 insecure, using digital channels for these payments reduces administrative cost and leakage substantially, and creates transparency.

Recently, under the direction of the Union Minister for Planning and Finance, Wave Money and Myanmar Economic Bank (MEB) partnered to enable pension payment to be more convenient for government pensioners as part of a nationwide financial inclusion drive (Press Release 2019).

A township manager of MEB said:

‘As the country goes through digitisation, we are very pleased to collaborate with and receive the payment service from Wave Money to enhance the solutions to our pensioners. The collaboration reduced the workload at the bank so that we can take care of other day- to-day operations better. For the pensioners, mobile money enabled easier access to their funds, and they can waive cash-out fees for up to two withdrawals per month; that makes the service even more accessible’.

According to the 2018 MAP survey,34 adults with access to at least one formal financial product increased from 30% in 2013 to 48% in 2018, an almost two-thirds increase in financial inclusion, against a target set in 2014 of 40%. There are over 6 million more adults with access to formal financial services now than in 2013, while adults with more than one formal financial product also increased to 17% from 6%.

‘This increase in access to formal financial services is really encouraging. It means that people across Myanmar are increasingly able to save, invest and prosper through their use of formal finance services. Financial inclusion is not only for the benefit of the minority, but also to attain shared prosperity for all throughout the nation’ (Deputy Minister, Ministry of Planning and Finance).

34 http://finmark.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Myanmar_Diagnostic_2018_CB3_repro.pdf

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The perceived value that the regulators mentioned primarily was the potential to increase individual access to appropriate financial products and services, by establishing the right conditions for mobile money to grow. We observed that mobile money and digital financial services offered a path to greater inclusion in Myanmar.

Once affordance of enabling financial inclusion had been perceived by the regulators, our case demonstrated that the regulators enabled bringing millions of people into a formal financial system by creating an enabling regulatory environment. This affordance is termed ‘inclusivity’.

As a goal-oriented actor, regulators perceived the potential of mobile money for increasing financial inclusion with provision of supportive policies, laws and regulations, and they were able to actualize this affordance. The concrete outcome of inclusivity was promoting an inclusive financial sector that could lead to achieving the ultimate goal of inclusive growth in Myanmar (see

Figure 5.6).

Emergence

Perception Effect Properties of Wave Money app, Portal Actualisation Affordance of Achieve Inclusivity inclusive growth Goal-oriented actor (Government)

Figure 5.6 Actualisation of perceived affordance (Inclusivity)

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5.4 Summary

This chapter presents the affordances of mobile money and the actualisation process in the context of mobile technology for addressing societal challenge of financial exclusion in the developing country of Myanmar. We explore how Myanmar leverages the opportunity of mobile technology—particularly mobile telephony, in terms of a mobile-money app—and demonstrates the potential for financial inclusion in the country. We find that mobile money has transformed the lives of many, particularly underserved populations in Myanmar.

Adopting the relational view of technology’s properties and actor characteristics

(Majchrzak and Markus 2012), we emphasize the features of IT artefact and the characteristics of users, in terms of their roles, abilities, goals, and perceived values, in creating the mobile money affordances within the ecosystem. Table 5.2 illustrates how affordances emerge from the interaction between the mobile technology (i.e. Wave Money app, portal) and the actors, how the goal-oriented actor perceives the potential affordances (depending on the role he/she plays in the mobile-money ecosystem) and how the actualisation of perceived affordances leads to achievement of an intended goal. Specifically, we examine how the customers have adopted mobile money, how the mobile financial-service provider (MFSP) has managed to reach the unbanked through its mobile-money services, how the network of agents has performed in registering new customers and how government has created an enabling regulatory environment to achieve inclusive growth in the empirical setting of Wave Money Fintech.

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Table 5.2 Framework of the Affordance Perception and Actualisation in the Mobile-Money Ecosystem Emergence Perception Actualisation Effects Mobile Technology Users Characteristics Action Illustrative Quotes Concrete Outcomes Features User Role/ User Goal Perceived Value Possibilities Abilities 1. Affordance of Financial Accessibility

Customers/ Airtime top up, Mobility, ubiquity, Enabling financial ‘Now I can just send a text to Empowerment/ better

Awareness of MFSs, cash in/cash out, immediacy, transactions move my money back home management of ability to afford money transfer, reduced time, from my wave account and they finance/access to mobile phone, basic bill payment, convenience, safety, can cash out at the nearest wave services/changing life literacy & technology salary payment, speed, shop around the clock’. (A style skills pension payment, compatibility, ease waiter) merchant payment of use, UI flexibility 2. Affordance of Engageability

Agents/Social To generate Entrepreneurship, Engaging ‘When customers see a Earned disposible interaction, knowing additional revenue earning comission customers, Building successful transaction in front of income customers needs, stream trust their eyes, they start trusting!’ product knowledge (A mobile store owner)

3. Affordance of Transactivity Smartphones, Mobile money App, Merchants/ To facilitate Speed up Generating more ‘Sales are increasing as we offer Increased sales, Developer portal competitiveness, mobile payment transaction time, transactions customers an alternative and customer investment, transaction/to reduce cash affordable way of making service/enhanced (Wave Money) technology self- increase impulse handling cost, payments like ‘Pay with Wave image efficacy purchase efficiency Money’’ (Online store owner) 4. Affordance of Value Creativity Bank/Cash Branding/To Credibility, Offering value ‘We are now connected to the Reached new customer Management attract new Deposit added services, trust unbanked and able to bring them segments customers mobilization earning into a digital-banking system by offering innovative products’ (CTO, Yoma bank) 5. Affordance of Scalability MNO/Distribution To create new Understanding Credit scoring, ‘Disbursing loans (by Increased reach (Agent revenue channel consumer behavior introducing creative determining the creditworthiness revenue/new network) pricing of customers) and collecting partnerships loan repayments drive increased usage of the mobile-money platform’ (Product Manager, Wave Money) 6. Affordance of Inclusivity Regulators/ Impose To create an Efficiency, Leveraging mobile ‘People across Myanmar are Enhanced financial regulations, Create enabling transparency money to increasingly able to save, invest inclusion/Achieving tax incentives environment/To government and prosper through their use of inclusive growth build an inclusive payments formal financial services’ financial sector (Deputy Minister, Finance).

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The case provides a holistic view that mobile money offered different affordances for different actors in the mobile-money ecosystem. Six types of mobile-money affordances — financial accessibility, engageability, transactivity, value creativity, scalability, and inclusivity— which, associated with the ultimate goal of increasing financial inclusion, were identified and their actualisations within the ecosystem were explained using the process model of emergence, perception, actualisation, and effect (Pozzi et al. 2014). The evidence suggests that different affordances enhance benefits of mobile money use, ranging from empowerment of unbanked to participate in the financial system, and stakeholders to achieve desired goals that contribute to better socio-economic outcomes.

In addition, the case confirms that socio‐cultural and historical contexts surrounding the actor play a vital role in which affordances are ‘constructed’ (Tharpa and Sein 2018). For example,

‘trust’ is a big issue especially in Myanmar, being a cash-based society. To be an agent, a store owner carefully considered which services to partner with. One agent explained, ‘Many mobile- money operators approached me but I refused most of them like ‘OK dollar’ to sign up because it was not associated with a bank or a mobile operator’. It appeared that people have concerns about safety in putting money over the phone. This aligns with previous studies claiming that affordances are relevant for examining users with specific needs, goals, and practices (Zheng and Yu 2016) in a particular historical, cultural, and social context (Fayard and Weeks 2014). Drawing on the findings of the Wave Money case, we create a table describing the enabling and constraining factors related to the evolution of mobile-money ecosystem that shape the degree to which individuals can enact affordance perception into actualisation. Table 5.3 highlights the personal, environmental, socio-cultural, technological, and political factors that can inform the challenges and new opportunities available to mobile money stakeholders in developing economies.

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Table 5.3 Enabling and Constraining Factors in the Evolution of Mobile-Money Ecosystem in Myanmar Enabling Factors Constraining Factors Personal Consumer awareness (of MFS) Lack of skills in the use of mobile Ability to afford mobile phones and phone airtimes Inability to comprehend English Motivation (e.g. changing lifestyle) Lack of digital literacy (most people never use digital content) Insufficient income (to deposit, save, transfer, and spend) Environmental High smartphone penetration Poor infrastructure (unreliable power (Infrastructure) Wide agent network (90% of supply, unstable mobile network growing agents in 2019 gives Wave signal, limited POS terminals) Money competitive advantage) Low merchant adoption Affordable data plans Limited access to online shopping (only a few outlets provides digital payment with Wave Money) Socio-cultural Popularity of smartphones and Cash-based society social-media use among citizens Lack of trust in bank (due to previous banking crisis in 2003) No app culture Technological Telenor largest 4GSuperLTE Lack of interoperability (Telenor network (90% coverage of the SIM card is required to sign up country) Wave account) Lack of standardization Political Government support Lack of consumer protection (fraud, Established MFS and KYC secure service, illegal money regulations laundering) Lack of tax incentives

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Chapter 6. Conclusion

The phenomenon of ‘ICTs and societal challenges’ is the most recent emerging area in IS research. In this research, we empirically analyse two cases in Myanmar by adopting an interpretive approach with the aim of investigating and reflecting on the use of ICTs in addressing complex societal challenges in the context of developing countries. Myanmar represents a unique example through which to generate new knowledge within this area. To understand better the potential that ICTs have to help solve societal challenges, we look at the material properties of specific technologies and how they interact with actors in the specific context, affecting society.

The findings demonstrated that the realization of a technology affordance was different for different user groups due to different intentions of technology use in the specific context.

6.1 Theoretical and Practical Implications

Case Study 1: Social Media in Disaster Response In the first study, we analysed the 2015 Myanmar flood case to uncover the affordances of social media that facilitated disaster response in the community (micro level). This study contributes to the emerging literature on the use of social media in disaster response in the developing country context. An empirical examination of the 2015 Myanmar flood from an affordance perspective complements the existing crisis management studies that primarily focus on either social or technological perspectives by adopting a relational view of material properties of technology and social actions of users. We identify four social-media affordances that can support future studies aiming to capture and understand the significance of materiality as well as various possible interactions between people and technology. Beyond identifying the affordances of emerging technology, this study also advances the understanding of social-media-enabled disaster response by conceptualizing these affordances into different types: individualized, shared,

124 and collective affordances suggested by Leonardi (2013). In terms of the level of analysis, our study is one of the first that explores how affordances are created in the communities, thus contributing to the affordance literature in IS. In general, IS research tends to exclude higher, aggregate levels of analysis of communities (Walsham et al. 2007). Much IS affordance research has examined affordances at the individual (Leonardi 2011; Majchrzak and Markus 2012; Mansour et al. 2013), small groups (Fayard and Weeks 2014; Vaast and Kaganer 2013), and organisational

(Burton-Jones and Volkoff 2017; Leonardi 2013). Recent IS research has started to consider affordances at the community level (Tim et al. 2018; Vaast et al. 2017).

This study contributes to this novel research on technology affordances by taking further the conceptualization of affordances at the community level. More importantly, this study represents an early attempt that explores different types of affordances of an emerging technology, i.e. social media (Facebook) in the context of disaster response. The individualized, shared, and collective forms of social-media affordances in an online community (i.e. Facebook social network), highlighted in this study can inform management of the effects of using social media in a crisis-response system and enable us to understand the different outcomes that may be achieved.

Conceptualizing different types of social-media affordances provides insights into how different groups of users appropriate new technology in ways that vary by the users’ abilities, goals, and values in the community as a whole. For example, large donations received by the Myanmar Red

Cross Society during the flood proved an outstanding culture of generosity in the Myanmar community that makes Myanmar the world’s most generous nation according to the Charities Aid

Foundation World Giving Index35 over the years. Given the contextual differences, a study at the

35 CAF World Giving Index https://edition.cnn.com/2016/10/26/world/world-generosity-index-caf-2016/index.html

125 community level of analysis in developing countries can also promise to contribute to an understanding of ICT use in other communities of developed countries, which enables IS researchers to extend technology affordance theory.

This study responds to the call from Markus and Silver (2008) for research on examining the characteristics of users that have not been addressed appropriately in prior IS research. Except for a few empirical studies [e.g. Strong et al. (2013); Seidel et al. (2014)] that examined the user characteristics, this has been an integral part of affordances concept since its origination in psychology focusing on the attributes of the user that play an important role for a certain activity.

We observed that an affordance can arise from the interaction between technology and actors, however, not all actors may be homogeneous in their intentions and actions in using technology features. An actor may be an individual with personal goals, or an individual filling a role intended to support a common goal of a community, such that the actor may be a group of people—in this case, a GIS team and a CSR group, who performed collective actions and achieved different relief outcomes.

The findings of our study demonstrate how different users and user groups perceive social- media features, interpret, and appropriate affordances based on their goals and expertise, in responding to a disaster. Through a thorough examination of social-media feature use, this study revealed how individuals and groups of individuals constituted complementary roles in coordinating their work and providing relief. By identifying different types of affordances enabled by different users, this study provides a better understanding of the roles of user characteristics, possibilities for action, and unique outcomes of social-media use, thus deepening existing theorization of technology affordance in ICT research. From a methodological point of view,

126 future studies could enrich existing data by surveying citizens, providing a more holistic approach to the perspective of the use of social media in disaster situations.

This study also provides important practical insights. The findings of this study can be used to explain why organisations and government agencies should utilize social media for disaster response. Following the diversity of reactions via social-media use to emergency situations can help responders understand who is involved or how to get more directly involved, as well as how the responses to the situation may need to validate and consolidate in the online communities.

Understanding how the characteristics of people influence their perception and reaction to disaster response through social media will help policy makers use social media for identifying and engaging appropriate citizens and social networks in their crisis management actions. Beyond identifying how the public uses social media during disasters, this study helps governments and crisis managers to evaluate which social-media features are more effective in convincing the public to take desired actions during disasters and to facilitate interactions between users in the same and different communities (e.g. local versus overseas volunteers, cross-professional alliance) thus to prepare better for future crises.

By using social-media technologies, governments could revolutionize infrastructure, build enabling conditions, and ultimately make policy decisions to develop and foster the use of internet- based crisis-response systems. This can bring significant benefits to government, organisations, emergency response agencies, and citizens faced with other societal challenges. By harnessing the power and presence of internet technology and social networks, the way in which responders and residents deal with future crises can be improved and great numbers of lives will be saved as governments and NGOs find better ways to integrate social media, crowdsourcing, and collaborative tools into traditional crisis-response systems.

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With respect to technology design, identifying specific material properties of Facebook that are relevant to manifestation of disaster response activities will help social-media designers and content providers create new features or improve existing features of social media. Although social media is a relatively new technology and has not been designed in the first place to support humanitarian aid in disasters, technology companies have recently been taking initiatives to design and launch useful features related to emergency situations. For example, in 2016 Facebook launched a ‘Facebook Live’ feature that uses the camera on a computer or mobile device, allowing users to communicate information in real time by broadcasting live video to Facebook. Facebook has continuously introduced a ‘weather’ feature to plan a trip and a ‘community help’ feature as an update to the existing ‘safety check’ feature where people can find each other locally to provide and receive help when disaster happens. ‘Fundraisers’ is also a new feature allowing the public to raise funds in the cause of events. It is worth noting that creating an automatic recommendation system that provides emergency updates such as nearest shelter location, resource distribution channel, transport route, etc. would be helpful in times of crisis, utilizing location-based technologies.

Case Study 2: Mobile Money in Myanmar

To provide a better understanding of how ICT can help solve societal challenges, the second study explores the potential of mobile money in promoting financial inclusion in Myanmar in the context of developing countries. This study responds to calls for IS research to investigate the use of new technologies and phenomena that go beyond the organisational level (Kane et al.

2014; Majchrzak et al. 2016; Wattal et al. 2010). The literature revealed that with few exceptions

(e.g. Strong et al. 2014), there is a lack of extant research on the process(es) through which the

128 affordances of technology are actualized (Thapa and Sein 2018) and the actor’s role in the process

(Thapa and Hatakka 2017).

In examining how mobile technology—particularly mobile telephony in the form of mobile money—enhances financial inclusion, we have extended Pozzi’s affordance perception and actualisation framework to a macro (ecosystem) level and explicitly described the individual role of social actors in perceiving and actualizing affordances of mobile-money application. We explained that how an affordance was actualized differed between individuals (in the ecosystem) depending on their abilities and understanding (Volkoff and Strong 2013). We interpret the role of the user’s characteristics, such as professional expertise, in the affordance emergence process and thereby reveal the importance of user’s abilities (e.g. awareness, technology skill, position) in realizing technology affordances. This study identified six specific affordances to demonstrate the process of affordance perception and actualisation as articulated in prior research (Pozzi et al.

2014). The findings revealed that the same technology facilitated different affordances by different actors and that variations in affordances lead to different outcomes.

This study contributes insights to both research and practice. It is built on rich pieces of empirical evidence (case study) to elaborate on how mobile technology can be used for different affordances by the stakeholders in the emergence of the mobile-money ecosystem which can facilitate financial inclusion and bring socio-economic benefits to the country. Adopting the affordance actualisation framework, this study will help scholars and practitioners to appreciate the key mechanisms by which different stakeholders perceive and actualize mobile-money affordances in their business transactions in Myanmar.

Findings from this study can offer practical and policy recommendations to the government, organisations, and civil society regarding how government agencies can create the

129 right regulatory model for financial services to flourish and provide affordable financial solutions to the underserved areas of the country; and how major stakeholders in the ecosystem should work towards creating an enabling environment. For example, mobile operators to introduce more creative pricing (innovative data packages, emergency credit services); financial institutions to offer value-added products (microloans by using credit scores); software developers to create attractive local content; and handset manufacturers to develop easier-to-use versions of popular handset brands; etc., to increase access to credit and savings and prompt new business creation thereby reducing economic inequality and driving inclusive growth.

This study contributes to the mobile-money literature by offering insights into how mobile money can be adopted within an ecosystem. It also contributes to the technology affordance literature by shedding light on the affordance of mobile technologies in the context of mobile money. Because the affordance actualisation lens is multilevel (Strong et al. 2014), this study considers both micro- and macro-level concepts in response to the call for more multilevel IS research (Burton-Jones and Gallivan 2007). A multilevel perspective allows researchers to reconcile the discrepancy between the micro and macro, and obtain new insights (Nan and Lu

2014) regarding how mobile technology can be harnessed to facilitate financial access and increase financial inclusion. It is hoped that this study will serve as a foundation for developing a holistic and empirically supported theoretical framework for a mobile-money ecosystem and provide academia and practitioners with insights into unlocking the revolutionary potential of mobile technologies.

6.2 Limitations and Future Research

To explore the emerging phenomenon of the role of ICTs in addressing societal challenges, this research adopts the theoretical lens of affordances to examine the use of emerging technologies

130 in solving major social problems in a developing country. Specifically, the first study provides a deeper understanding of how and why people create and consume crisis-related information through social media. The affordance approach allowed us to identify different affordances of technologies and how different users and groups of users perceived and actualized those affordances differently. Our case study of the 2015 Myanmar flood case illustrates that social media transformed the way citizens, organisations, government, and crisis management agencies think and act creatively, improvising new means of addressing the challenges posed by a disaster.

Harnessing this collective action is a creditable goal for future crisis-response systems.

A limitation of this research lies in the tenets of qualitative research (Lincoln and Guba 1985), this study cannot claim that the phenomenon of ICT’s societal change has been explored exhaustively.

The generalizability of the findings may be limited due to the interpretive nature of this research.

Regarding the first case of social-media-enabled disaster response, future research can extend to identification and modelling of other types of social-media affordances in crises as well as verification of these affordances in other settings. Such studies would also provide an opportunity for comparing affordances across a variety of technologies and contexts, which is critical to building a research stream on affordances (Majchrzak and Markus, 2012). Affordances do not merely enable actions, they can also constrain actions. Thus, not only looking at the power of social media to influence people’s way of doing things and their interactions, future empirical studies should pay attention to how social media constrains what people do and the ways in which people interact. Another valuable research avenue would be examining the working mechanisms or processes by which users appropriate and interpret affordances and to develop theory further about how each affordance is actualized by individuals or groups of individuals and how potential outcomes (e.g. social change) emerge from the various individual actualisations.

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Regarding the second case study, because mobile money is in its nascent stage in Myanmar, the data were collected during the initial launching period and revisited when providing more services, thus perceptions and interpretations of actors may not be well developed. However, we produced valuable insights about the phenomenon on how people use particular technology differently to achieve desired social outcomes and interpreted our findings using existent theory in conjunction with the thick description of the empirical case to theoretical concepts. It is worth to extend this as a longitudinal study to find out the real impact of mobile money on the digital economy as the industry matures. Wave Money Fintech is a MNO-led model and there are other mobile financial service providers (MFSPs) established as bank-led models. To resolve the importance of interoperability issues, research into investigating the collaboration between MFSPs is one promising area. Overall, unlocking the potential effects of technology for different user groups provides further understanding and theoretical explanation of the use of other emerging technologies in different contexts, such as virtual reality (VR) technology in education and healthcare; and drone technology in crisis management.

Taken together, this research contributes to the high impact research in developing countries for the IS community as it is indigenously situated in a developing country, particularly the under-researched area of Myanmar, to understand how ICTs help tackle the contemporary issues and contribute to socio-economic development. Other developing countries will also benefit from learning the practical and policy implications of this study. We hope that this research could draw the attention of scholars and policy makers to how to harness the power of emerging technologies in contributing to the solution of a variety of social problems, from a sociotechnical perspective and therefore enrich the IS research avenue.

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APPENDICES Appendix A. List of Interviewees (Case 1) Participants Description User Role Focus Groups Flood victims Flood victims were people who affected Victim by the 2015 Myanmar flood Volunteers Volunteers were people who offered their Volunteer help freely in relief activities during the flood Interviews Dr. Tun Lwin Former Director General of the Community leader Department of Meteorology and Hydrology who predicted the Nargis Cyclone disaster in 2008 but the military government blacked out the information to the public. After retired he became an opinion leader as he regularly forecasts and explains the weather situation in Myanmar Climate Change Watch (MCCW) page on Facebook since 2009. Due to his expertise and publicity, the page has currently over 17 million followers. Kyaw Soe Lin Chief Technical Officer of YOMA Bank Business group/ (+2 bank members) Limited, who effectively managed the Victims flood relief operation (provision of care, fundraising, relief aid distribution) for the affected bank members through YOMA Bank Facebook group Ye Wint Htoo IT Manager, Myanmar Payment Solutions Citizen Services Co. Ltd Ko Navana A Politian who has a number of followers Volunteer (a team of 2 and organized the flood relief activities partners) Dr. Maung Maung Myint A medical doctor who involved in disaster Volunteer (a team of 2 response during Nargis 2008. He was one partners) of the active social-media users sharing his experience on Facebook and appeared on TV talk show during the 2015 flood about ‘people voices on natural disasters’. Thaung Htike Kyaw Deputy General Manager, a group leader Local NGO (+4 members) of the Bright Future Myanmar Foundation of KBZ Bank, one of the most influential CSR groups, which initiated the flood relief efforts.

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U Maung Maung Than An environmentalist who organized a Volunteer/professional (+3 GIS experts) group of GIS experts to create flood maps aimed at sharing geo-spatial information with the public, to help facilitating the relief activities. U Ye Htut The Minister to the Ministry of Government Information (MOI) and the spokesperson of the president who represented the government and released emergency information to the public during the flood. Daw San San Maw A deputy director of the department of International NGO disaster management at Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS), who organized and oversaw the flood aids and food distribution activities Maung Maung Aye A popular presenter who is very active in Volunteer (representing using social media to communicate with celebrities) public. He promoted celebrities’

fundraising event through Facebook to

help flood victims with relief aids at the affected areas. Yan Naung Soe (DJ A famous local DJ who actively Volunteer Wine) participated in raising awareness of flood donation on Facebook, by joining Maung

Maung Aye’s group. Thant Zin Lin Founder of ‘Kalay Plain Aid and Support Local community group Group’ Facebook page. Kalay was the

worst hit township in Sagaing division and

the page was created as a channel to update the public and emergency responders about the situation. Thawng Thawng Ray A local student who witnessed and Victim/volunteer

involved in distribution of emergency messages and supplies.

Khine Pwint (+ UNSW Oversea students who organized a Volunteer Myanmar students) fundraising event by selling Myanmar food and souvenir at the University of New South Wales (Australia) for donation to the flood victims in Myanmar.

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Appendix B. Sample of themes emerged from the interview transcripts and the field notes related to the social media-enabled disaster response

Sample Social Media (Facebook) Perceived Sample Excerpts from Themes Features Functionalities Values Transcripts/Field Notes

Information

Access Features

Information Profile The ability to project or Personal identity, ‘It is my expertise, I used creation describe individual Openness space technology and numerical weather personality and interest prediction (NWP) on Facebook products to interpret Myanmar climate change. With my knowledge and dedication, Facebook enabled me to create my identity, build network and publish my weather predictions openly to the public’ (Dr. Tun Lwin,

meteorologist)

Information Wall Post (status, The ability to upload and Immediacy, ‘Once my house was dissemination picture, video, publish media content Visibility, Real- flooded, I posted a status hyperlink); (text images, audio, time about the flood on my YOMA Bank Facebook video, hyperlink) on wall group. Instead of calling which supports visible individually, I could history reach my colleagues online immediately’ Newsfeed The ability to view (Victim, YOMA Bank). selective broadcast of ‘Images of devastated

events and changes to town, roads, including other’s wall and profile my friend’s house under in the network water, and people affected from floods, had Notification The ability to receive an shaken our hearts’ alert when someone (Member, YOMA Bank) posts something new in ‘I wanted to prove that the network the dam was safe, so I posted real-time water levels of the dam on Facebook to ease the chaos’ (S.M. Lwin, engineer)

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Interaction

Features

Information Add friend, The ability to connect Connectivity ‘I follow or like the gathering Follow and receive information influential Facebook pages, and I make ‘see from contacts individuals first’ for the most add and follow credible sources like Dr. Tun Lwin’ Ad hoc React, Comment, The ability to interact Interactivity ‘Through the posts, we response among users by having could have conversations discussion and reaction and reaction to the on posts needed help, e.g. donation sources, volunteering in relief aid distribution, etc.’ (Y.W. Htoo, citizen)

Content Sharing

Features

Connection, Share (post, note, The ability to access Shared interest, ‘I connected and Coordination photo, video, (upload and download) Transparency, coordinated with Dr. hyperlink), Tag, various media forms Massive reach Myint as I saw people sharing his Nargis posts Inbox message, (e.g. text, images, audio, of emergency practices event video) that are shared by on Facebook’ (Ko others in the network, by Navana, politician) tagging the names, and attachment in message ‘Sharing documents and photos of donations and The ability to recognize relief aids makes and link like-minded transactions open and people through sharing transparent which posts, news, and links attracts more people to contribute’ (Dr. M.M. The ability to reach and Myint, freelance disaster expand network of management specialist) contacts ‘People who see my post The ability to create a (e.g. celebrities’ calendar-based resource fundraising event) are not just my friends or to invite friends, followers, but friends of members of a group, or my friends of my friends, fans of a page, and notify once they react on my users of upcoming post (e.g. like or occasions. comment or share or tag or repost)’ (M.M. Aye,

event organizer)

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Communication

Features

Working Instant Message, The ability to Ubiquity ‘We were working mobile/ Voice Call, communicate anytime Mobility mobile! For mission on Mobilizing Video Call, anywhere with members Communality the ground, we used Group Chat in the network (by text or group chat on Facebook voice or video calling) as messenger and/or Viber as it allowed us to well as record and play back information communicate within a group anytime anywhere

but also to attach documents and directly send the photos of relief mission (e.g. flood scenes, donation of relief items to the victims) back to the head office

which were posted on KBZ page’ (T.H. Kyaw,

KBZ Bank) Check-in The ability to use the Location ‘We used check-in GPS on mobile phones to awareness feature to notify our let friends know exactly location and share where you are and to immediate surroundings. connect people in real When we encountered space incidents (e.g. car broke down, road blocked, shortage or damage of relief aids), we know who in our network were nearby to call for help as well as the head office could track our movement and support as necessary’ (K.S. Lin, YOMA Bank)

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Collaboration

Features

Collective Embed-in post; The ability to combine Accessibility ‘For documents and action/ Tag and integrate multiple images, I shared it in Google Drive through components through Sourcing embed-in post, quite information embed-in link to other often we managed to storage or application share within the group in (e.g. Google Drive, comments, tags, and Google Earth) messages. Facebook provided us a collaborative platform to perform different tasks’ Group The ability to create a Integrity ‘All my GIS friends group to perform the task keenly participated in together creating localized flood maps with professional spirit’ (M.M. THAN, environmentalist)

Managing and

Presentation

Features

Desired Privacy setting The ability to allow or Confidentiality ‘I used personal chat in interpretation restrict access to the Publicity communication with posts (e.g. public, friends government officials, only) and often times we posted/shared base maps only within the group’ Albums The ability to display Recordability/ ‘I posted localized flood images collectively, and Reviewability maps to the public as a keep record in specific catalogue of photos in folder specific albums to keep record and review easily and chronologically’ (M.M. THAN, environmentalist)

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Appendix C. Illustration of Different Types of Social-Media Affordances in Disaster Response

Individualized Affordances of Crisis Awareness

Shared Affordances of Relief Coordination and Volunteer Mobilization

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Collective Affordance of Crowdsourcing

Source: Facebook

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Appendix D. List of Interviewees (Case 2)

Actor (Role/Position) Company/Place Category

Chief Technical Officer (CTO) Yoma Bank Limited Bank Deputy Head, Cash Management Department Yoma Bank Limited Bank Secretary, IT Department Yoma Bank Limited Bank Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Wave Money Fintech Vice President, Strategic Partnership Department Wave Money Fintech Product Manager Wave Money Fintech Technician Wave Money Fintech Project Manager Telenor Myanmar MNO Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Myanmar Payment Union (MPU) Regulator General Manager Trade & Tourism Observer Owner Convenient Store Agent Mobile Shop Owner SLM Store Agent Supervisor Grab & Go 24 hour Store Agent Sales Executive Dagon Township Agent Director Legacy Music Network Merchant Entrepreneur Haz z Online Clothing Merchant Designer Amara Fashion Shop Merchant Trader Agricultural products Merchant Farmer Rural town User Professor Yangon Technology University User Migrant worker Pathain User Waiter Fuji House User Office Staff 663 Mobile Money User Pensioner Tarmwe Township User Student Distance College User Grab driver Grab User Total: 26 informants

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