Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 14, September, 1968 Czechoslovakia, Page 22909 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. The Soviet Invasion

Powerful Soviet forces, together with military units of four other Warsaw Pact countries– Poland, Hungary, Eastern Germany, and Bulgaria—invaded Czechoslovakia during the night of Aug. 20–21, as stated in 22885 A, and occupied Prague and other leading cities, including Brno and Bratislava, within a few hours. Reports from Western correspondents in Czechoslovakia put the strength of the occupation forces at 250,000 to 300,000, though by the end of August it was estimated that over 600,000 foreign—predominantly Soviet—troops were on Czechoslovak territory.

A Tass statement in Moscow in the early hours of Aug. 21 said that the Soviet Union and the other Warsaw Pact allies had occupied Czechoslovakia to forestall a ―counter- revolution,‖ and alleged that this ―fraternal assistance‖ had been requested by ―a group of members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the Government, and the National Assembly of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.‖ No mention was made in the Soviet statement, however, of any individual Czechoslovaks who had asked for this purported ―assistance,‖ and after the invasion the Russians were unable to find a single Czechoslovak leader willing to collaborate with the occupation forces. The population of Prague, and of towns and villages throughout the country, similarly treated the Soviet occupation forces with scorn, contempt, and frequently derision, the civilian population displaying great courage in demonstrating against the invaders despite a massive display of Soviet tanks and armour. A chronological account of developments in Czechoslovakia covering the three weeks after the invasion is given below.

August 21. - The Invasion. - Czechoslovak Protests. - Moscow Statement.

At 1 a.m. on Aug. 21 Prague Radio broadcast the following statement by the Presidium of the Czechoslovak Communist Party announcing the invasion of Czechoslovakia:

―To the entire people of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic:

―Yesterday, August 20, around 23.00 hours [11 pm], troops of the Soviet Union, the Polish People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the Hungarian People's Republic, and the Bulgarian People's Republic crossed the frontiers of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.

―This happened without the knowledge of the President of the Republic, the Chairman of the National Assembly, the Premier, or the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee. ―The Central Committee and the Presidium of the Czechoslovak Communist Party appeals to all citizens of our Republic to maintain calm and not to offer resistance. Our army, security corps, and people's militia have not received the command to defend the country.

―The Central Committee and the Presidium regard this act as contrary not only to the fundamental principles of relations between Socialist States but also as contrary to the principles of international law.

―All leading functionaries of the State, the Communist Party, and the National Front—remain at your posts as representatives of the State, elected by the laws of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.

―Constitutional functionaries are Immediately convening a session of the National Assembly, and the Presidium is at the same time convening a plenum of the Central Committee to discuss the situation that has arisen.‖

The confused events of the night of Aug. 20–21 and the morning of Aug. 21 were described as follows by The Guardian on an hour-by-hour basis:

01.00 hours (Aug. 21): Prague Radio broadcast the above statement announcing the invasion of Czechoslovakia.

02.15: all telephone lines between Czechoslovakia and Vienna were cut.

03.30: Soviet troops took up positions outside Prague Radio building.

03.45: Soviet tanks and armoured cars surrounded the Central Committee's building in Prague.

03.47: Prague Radio went off the air.

04.20: a statement on the occupation of Czechoslovakia by Soviet and Warsaw Pact forces was issued in Moscow–for text see below.

04.45: Prague Radio came back on the air, urging the people to heed only the voice of their lawful Government and again calling for non-resistance to the invaders in view of the latter's great numerical strength.

06.36: Prague Radio announced: ―When you hear the Czechoslovak National Anthem all will be over.:‖ The National Anthem was played a minute later and it was believed that the building had been occupied by Soviet troops.

07.00: President Svoboda made a personal appeal over the radio for calm and said he could offer no explanation of the invasion.

08.20: Pilsen (Plzen) Radio described itself as ―the last free radio station in Czechoslovakia.‖ 10.00: The Czechoslovak news agency (Ceteka) said that a number of ambulances had arrived outside Prague Radio station, where a Soviet tank was on fire.

10.25: Ceteka reported shooting in the centre of Prague and said that the offices of Rude Pravo (organ of the Czechoslovak Communist Party) had been seized by ―occupation units.‖

11.50: Pilsen Radio said the occupation had already cost 25 lives.

12.28: Ceteka said that Mr. Dubcek was ―under restriction‖ in the Central Committee building.

With road, rail, and air links between Czechoslovakia and the outside world cut off, developments in Czechoslovakia on the first day of the invasion could be ascertained only by reports from foreign correspondents in the country, from fragmentary statements issued from time to time by Ceteka, and in particular from broadcasts from a number of secret transmitters which started up in many parts of the country, frequently changing their wavelengths to confuse the Soviet occupation forces. The inability of the Soviet invaders to silence radio stations loyal to the Czechoslovak Government was shown by the number of clandestine radio stations—in Prague, Brno, Plzen, Ceske Budejovice, and elsewhere—which broadcast throughout the day and night hourly descriptions and commentaries of events—including live street broadcasts—and denunciations of the invaders. A secret television station calling itself ―Free Television Station of Prague‖ also came on the air and showed films of Russian tanks moving through the city, gun emplacements, and anti-Soviet demonstrators running away from the Russians. Foreign commentators pointed out that the efficiency with which the clandestine radio stations had gone into operation within a few hours of the invasion indicated that plans for this type of resistance must have been prepared well in advance.

As stated above, no resistance to the invasion was offered by the Czechoslovak armed forces, in view of the overwhelming strength of the Soviet and allied units employed; a clandestine broadcast said that the High Command of the Czechoslovak Army would obey orders only from President Svoboda, and that a directive to this effect had been signed by General Dzur, the Minister of Defence. Another broadcast said that the Foreign Ministry had denounced the invasion as a violation of the Warsaw Pact and the bilateral treaties between Czechoslovakia and the countries taking part in the invasion.

Ceteka reported during the day that the Russians were holding several Czechoslovak leaders prisoners in the Central Committee building, including Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Smrkovsky (president of the National Assembly), Mr. Frantisek Kriegel, and Mr. Josef Spacek, all members of the Presidium. It was also announced that Dr. Cestmir Cisar, the secretary of the Central Committee and known for his liberal opinions, had been taken away by the Russians in a car to an unknown destination.

Meanwhile occupation troops took up positions in different parts of Prague, setting up gun emplacements and antiaircraft positions and stationing tanks and armoured cars at strategic points in the principal streets and squares; one of the first objectives to be captured was Prague airport (Ruzyne), where Soviet aircraft landed throughout the day with troops, supplies, and ammunition, and where tanks and armoured troop carriers were ferried in by transport planes. Despite frequent radio appeals for calm, large numbers of civilians—many of them students and young people—demonstrated in Prague and elsewhere against the Soviet occupation troops, who were reviled, booed, jeered, and spat upon; in many cases Soviet tanks were chalked with Nazi swastikas. From time to time Soviet troops fired over the heads of the crowds, and according to reports by foreign correspondents several youths were killed by Soviet fire; in one case youths set ablaze and destroyed two Soviet tanks in Prague, four of them being killed by machine- guns when the tank crews opened fire.

The Czechoslovak National Assembly, hastily summoned in extraordinary session, met in the evening and unanimously approved the following declaration:

―The deputies of the National Assembly have met and unanimously agreed on the following declaration at a time when the Government and other organs cannot carry out their functions:

―(1) We fully agree with the declaration of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Presidium of the National Assembly protesting against the occupation of Czechoslovakia by the armies of the five countries—members of the Warsaw Treaty—and considering it a violation of international law, of the provisions of the Warsaw Treaty, and of the principles of equal relations among nations.

―(2) We demand the release from detention of the constitutional representatives, namely President of the Republic Ludvik Svoboda, Prime Minister Oldrich Cernik, President of the National Assembly Josef Smrkovsky, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Alexander Dubcek, Chairman of the Central Committee of the National Front Frantisek Kriegel, Chairman of the Czech National Council Cestmir Cisar, and others in order that they can carry out their constitutional functions entrusted to them by the sovereign people.

―The delegation which we have sent to the Soviet Embassy this morning has not yet returned. We protest against the fact that the National Assembly, the Government, and all bodies of the National Front are prevented from carrying out their legal rights and the freedom of movement and assembly.

―(3) We categorically demand the immediate withdrawal of the armies of the five States— members of the Warsaw Treaty—and full respect for the sovereignty of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. We call on the Parliaments of all countries and on world public opinion to support our legal demands.

―(4) We empower a delegation of the National Assembly… to enter into contact with the President of the National Assembly Smrkovsky, President of the Republic Svoboda, and Prime Minister Cernik, in order to inform them about the above decision and agree with them on further procedure. The delegation will immediately inform the Czechoslovak people about the result of their negotiations.

―(5) We call on all the people not to commit any violent actions against the occupation armies and not to let themselves be provoked by various forces who wish to gather proof for the justification of the intervention and to use the situation for self-appointed actions. ―Working people, citizens—remain in your workshops and offices, safeguard your factories and enterprises. Use all democratic methods for the further development of socialism in Czechoslovakia! If necessary you will surely be able to resist by general strike. We believe that we will emerge from these difficult hours with raised heads and firm backbones….

―(6) In view of the fact that the Government is aware of the political consequences of the occupation and at the same time is responsible for the proper management of the national economy, it calls upon all workers, peasants, and intelligentsia to guard constantly the line contained in the declaration of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia adopted at today's session, and simultaneously to turn their attention to safeguarding industrial production, agriculture, transport, and supplies in order to prevent a disruption of the national economy.

―(7) The Government calls especially on the young people—the hope of our nation—to show dignity and calmness in face of the situation that has arisen, and in no case to give any pretext for useless sacrifices.‖

Although the National Assembly building had been occupied by Soviet troops, the Russians apparently allowed the deputies to assemble and pass the above resolution without interference.

Meanwhile, in Moscow, the Tass Agency had published a statement in the early morning alleging that ―party and government leaders‖ in Czechoslovakia had asked the Soviet Union and other allied States ―to render the fraternal Czechoslovak people urgent assistance, including assistance with armed forces.‖ The Tass statement continued:

―This request was brought about by the threat which has arisen to the socialist system in Czechoslovakia, a threat emanating from the counter-revolutionary forces which have entered into collusion with foreign forces hostile to socialism.

―The events in Czechoslovakia and around her have repeatedly been the subject of exchanges of views between leaders of fraternal socialist countries, including the leaders of Czechoslovakia. These countries are unanimous that the support, consolidation, and defence of the peoples‘ socialist gains is a common internationalist duty of all the socialist States. This common stand of theirs was solemnly proclaimed in the Bratislava statement [see page 22891].

―The further aggravation of the situation in Czechoslovakia affects the vital interests of the Soviet Union and other socialist States and the security interests of the States of the socialist community. The threat to the socialist system in Czechoslovakia at the same time constitutes a threat to the foundations of peace in Europe.

―The Soviet Government and the Governments of the allied countries—the People's Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic, and the Polish People's Republic—proceeding from the principles of unbreakable friendship and co-operation and in accordance with existing contractual commitments, have decided to meet the above- mentioned request to render the necessary help to the fraternal Czechoslovak people. ―This decision is fully in accord with the right of States to individual and collective self-defence envisaged in the treaties of alliance concluded between the fraternal socialist countries. This decision is also in line with the vital interests of our countries in safeguarding peace in Europe against the forces of militarism, aggression, and revanche, which have more than once plunged the peoples of Europe into war.

―Soviet armed units, together with armed units of the above-mentioned allied countries, entered the territory of Czechoslovakia on Aug. 21. They will be immediately withdrawn from the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic as soon as the threat that exists to the gains of socialism in Czechoslovakia and the threat to the security of the countries of the socialist community is eliminated and the lawful authorities find that the further presence of these armed units is no longer necessary there.

―The actions which are being taken are not directed against any State and in no measure infringe the State interests of anyone. They serve the purpose of peace and have been prompted by concern for its consolidation.

―The fraternal countries firmly and resolutely counterpose their unbreakable solidarity to any threat from outside. Nobody will ever be allowed to wrest a single link from the community of socialist States.‖

Tass also published what purported to be an appeal by ―the group of members of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, the Government, and the National Assembly who appealed to the Governments and Communist parties of fraternal countries for help.‖ No names, however, were given of any individuals who had made this purported ―appeal,‖ and as stated above the Soviet occupation forces found no Czechoslovaks prepared to collaborate with them after the invasion.

August 22. - Anti-Soviet Demonstrations in Prague. - ―Pravda‖ Attack on Mr. Dubcek and Associates.

Despite warnings by the Soviet military command to disperse, large crowds of civilians, many of them young people, continued to demonstrate against the occupation forces in Prague. The centre of the demonstrations was in Wenceslas Square, and in particular round the statue of St. Wenceslas (―Good King Wenceslas‖), where crowds shook their fists at the Russian soldiers, shouted ―Russians go home‖ and other slogans, and queued up to sign petitions for the release of Mr. Dubcek and other interned Czechoslovak leaders. At noon a one-hour general strike was observed in Prague as a protest against the occupation, all factories and shops closing. Nearly everyone in the streets of Prague wore rosettes or ribbons in the Czechoslovak national colours– red, white, and blue–and in Wenceslas Square, the statue of St. Wenceslas bore a Czechoslovak flag at half-mast in one arm and a black flag in the other.

Proclamations were posted all over the city by the Soviet military authorities banning public assemblies, warning the population that street gatherings would be regarded as a ―provocation‖ and might lead to ―shooting,‖ and imposing a curfew between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. In Wenceslas Square, where many Soviet tanks were drawn up, Russian loudspeakers ordered demonstrators to clear the square by 5 p.m ―or Soviet troops will shoot.‖ The ultimatum, however, was ignored by thousands of young people who continued to jeer and whistle at the Soviet troops and demonstrate in support of President Svoboda and Mr. Dubcek. Soviet soldiers accordingly opened fire over the heads of the crowds, who scattered; it was not known whether there were any casualties, but a clandestine radio broadcast said that seven people had been killed and 250 wounded during the day in clashes with occupation troops.

The only information on political developments in Czechoslovakia came in broadcasts from the clandestine radio stations, the Ceteka agency having closed down. According to broadcasts by ―free‖ radio stations in Prague and Brno, 1,094 delegates had met secretly in a Prague factory during the morning to open the 14th extraordinary congress of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, normally not due to begin until Sept. 9. It was stated that a new Presidium had been elected, and that a resolution had been passed reiterating the party's confidence in Mr. Dubcek and the other leaders of the party elected in January last; repeating the demand for the withdrawal of the occupation forces; and warning the Soviet authorities that a general strike would be called if Mr. Dubcek and the other interned leaders were not released within 24 hours. Meanwhile there was no authentic news of the fate or whereabouts of Mr. Dubcek and his principal colleagues, some reports (unconfirmed at the time) saying that they had been flown to Russia.

Other clandestine radio broadcasts said that three members of the Presidium, all ―hard-liners‖ and believed to be opposed or lukewarm to Mr. Dubcek's liberalization policy, had met— allegedly under Soviet auspices—and agreed to serve jointly at the head of a Communist Party as a ―troika‖ in the absence of Mr. Dubcek. They were stated to be Mr. Vasil Bilak, Mr. Alois Indra, and Mr. Drahomir Kolder, all members of the Presidium. The clandestine radio strongly attacked the three men for their alleged ―pro- Moscow‖ attitude.

In Moscow itself, Pravda launched a violent attack on Mr. Dubcek and other leading liberals in the Czechoslovak Communist Party, who were described as a ―minority right-wing revisionist group.‖ Mr. Dubcek and his associates were accused of ―treacherous, perfidious activities‖ as a result of which ―a real threat arose to socialist achievements in Czechoslovakia.‖

Apart from attacking Mr. Dubcek, Pravda also made personal attacks on Dr. Cestmir Cisar, who was accused of trying to dilute Lite Communist Party by admitting 200,000 to 300,000 young members without regard to their class origin, which was held to be a repudiation of Leninism; on Dr. Otto Sik, the Vice-Premier, who was accused of advocating a pro-Western economic policy cud disparaging economic collaboration with other Communist countries; on Dr. Jiri Hajek, the Foreign Minister, who was alleged to have favoured a pro-Western orientation; and on Mr. Frantisek Kriegel, who was accused of being ―soft‖ on anti-Communism and of publicly approving on television the ―2,000 Words‖ document [see page 22885], which, according to Pravda, would have meant the virtual liquidation of the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia had it been put into effect.

Pravda alleged that Mr. Dubcek and his associates had been in a minority in the Presidium which conferred with the Soviet Politburo at Cierna nad Tisou at the end of July [see page 22890], that they bad taken ―right-wing positions,‖ and that they had ―sabotaged‖ the agreement reached at Bratislava on Aug. 3 [see page 22891]. It was also alleged that at Cierna a split had developed in the Czechoslovak Presidium and that the majority, taking a different line from the ―Dubcek minority,‖ had spoken of the ―necessity of decisive struggle against reactionary anti- socialist forces.‖ ―However,‖ Pravda added, ―the right-wing revisionist elements in the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and Government thwarted the fulfilment of the agreement reached in Cierna and Bratislava on defending the positions of socialism in Czechoslovakia, on the struggle against anti-socialist forces, and on a rebuff to the machinations of imperialism. While professing their desire to defend socialism, these people were in fact trying to gain time and were encouraging counter-revolution. Their wicked, treacherous actions created a threat to Czechoslovakia's socialist gains…. An atmosphere absolutely unacceptable to socialist countries was created. In that situation it was necessary to act, and act purposefully and resolutely without losing time.‖

Dr. Sik and Dr. Hajek, who were the objects of Pravda attacks as well as Mr. Dubcek, were outside Czechoslovakia at the time of the Soviet invasion, both being on holiday in Yugoslavia.

August 23. - President Svoboda's Visit to Moscow.

The 72-year-old President Svoboda flew to Moscow on this date for talks with the Soviet leaders aimed, as he stated in a broadcast before his departure, at finding ―an honourable and dignified way out of the present situation, which is threatening to have tragic consequences for our people and their fatherland.‖ Accompanying him were General Martin Dzur (Minister of Defence), Mr. Vasil Bilak (first secretary of the Slovak Communist Party), Mr. Jan Piller (first secretary of the Central Bohemian regional committee), Dr. Bohuslav Kucera (Minister of Justice), Mr. Alois Indra (a member of the central committee), and Dr. Gustav Husak (a Vice-Premier).

President Svoboda's broadcast was as follows, as monitored in Bonn:

―Dear fellow-citizens: Yesterday, August 22, I hold talks with representatives of the Soviet Union in Prague concerning the resolution of the situation that has arisen due to the entry of Soviet and other countries‘ troops into Czechoslovak territory, and particularly with respect to the restoration of an orderly functioning of constitutional organs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.

―Later, when these talks failed to yield satisfactory results in the evening, I requested, in agreement with the Cabinet which gathered at the [Hradcany] Castle and is still in session here, direct negotiations with the highest representatives of the Soviet Union. This morning the Soviet Ambassador in Prague communicated a positive standpoint of the Soviet leadership.

―The following comrades will join me on this trip: Dr. Husak, General Dzur, Comrades Piller, Bilak, Indra, and Dr. Kucera.

―I have informed the National Assembly of our Republic about my trip. On this occasion I wish to address myself to all dear friends to thank you sincerely for all the support you have given me and for your confidence. I beg you to continue to support my actions with your confidence. ―I urgently ask you to maintain prudence, to avoid any action or contacts that would exacerbate the atmosphere in our country and relations with the representatives of the foreign armies. I ask you to display a conscious attitude that will help me create favourable conditions for the forthcoming difficult negotiations.

―We must all be aware that the issue is to find an honourable and dignified way out of the present situation, which is threatening to have tragic consequences for our people and their fatherland.

―Please be aware that it is necessary to continue building our Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, to proceed farther on a path of democratic development of our socialist fatherland in a spirit of the January plenum of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee.

―I assume that we shall return by tonight. Upon my retrain I shall inform the constitutional organs and you all, dear fellow-citizens, on the results of my negotiations.‖

President Svoboda was given a full State welcome in Moscow with a salute of 21 guns and a reception at Vnukovo airport by Mr. Brezhnev, Mr. Kosygin, and President Podgorny; he drove to the Kremlin in the same car as the three Soviet leaders along a route flying Soviet and Czechoslovak flags and lined with cheering crowds. Tass stated that the talks between the Soviet and Czechoslovak delegations were being held in a ―frank and comradely‖ atmosphere.

In Czechoslovakia, meanwhile, the clandestine radio network continued to operate, although some of the stations had closed down; underground newspapers and pamphlets were being widely circulated in Prague demanding the release of Mr. Dubcek and the other imprisoned leaders and the departure of the occupation forces; and Wenceslas Square remained the centre of popular demonstrations against the Soviet soldiery–many of whom, according to press and radio reports, were embarrassed and unhappy at the hostile reception accorded them by the Czechoslovak people. Resistance to the occupying forces began to take increasingly imaginative forms as, on the instructions of the clandestine radio, street name-plates were obliterated or changed to confuse the Soviet security forces; in the countryside, road-signs were removed or reversed to mislead Soviet military traffic. The clandestine radio also began to broadcast the licence-numbers of cars belonging to tim Soviet secret police (a number of K.G.B. agents were reported to have arrived in Prague), as well as the names of ―collaborators.‖ One of the clandestine broadcasts announced that Dr. Cisar had escaped from arrest and was ―under the protection of patriots.‖

A feature of the civilian resistance was the appearance throughout Prague of thousands of posters, put up mainly by young people, expressing support for President Svoboda and Mr. Dubcek, denouncing the occupation, and bearing patriotic and anti-Soviet slogans. Wall papers and crudely duplicated news sheets, handed out free, continued to appear in great numbers and were distributed and read under the eyes of the Soviet troops manning their tanks in Wenceslas Square and other strategic points. Another one-hour general strike took place in Prague and other cities at noon in protest against the occupation. The members of the new Presidium of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (28 in all) were announced by the clandestine radio and also by the Czechoslovak Embassy in London; as stated above, it had been elected the previous day at a meeting in a Prague factory. The new Presidium included all the ―liberalizers‖ in the former Presidium, the members including Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, Mr. Smrkovsky, Mr. Spacek, Mr. Kriegel, Dr. Cisar, Dr. Husak, Professor Sik, Mr. Eduard Goldstucker (president of the Writers‘ Union), Mr. Bohumil Simon, and Mrs. Libuse Hrdinova.

August 24-26. - Continuation of Kremlin Talks. - Participation of Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, and Mr. Smrkovsky. - Civilian Resistance to Occupation in Prague.

In a radio message to the Czechoslovak people from Moscow, President Svoboda announced on Aug. 24 that Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, and Mr. Smrkovsky were taking part in the negotiations with the Soviet leaders. The President's broadcast, as monitored by the B.B.C., was as follows:

―Dear fellow-citizens:… Before leaving I told you that I expected to return the same evening and that I would report to you on the results of the talks. Believe me that in these hard times I would not remain one moment were it not urgently required in the interests of our socialist Republic and all our people. Because our return home has been delayed and I feel the need to be with you from afar, I address you in this way.

―Immediately after our arrival at the Kremlin we started talks with the Soviet leaders. We considered it essential for comrades Alexander Dubcek, Oldrich Cernik, and Josef Smrkovsky to take part in our negotiations.

―I can inform you that at present these comrades are taking part with us in the preparation of the further talks, and this is also the reason why we have extended our stay in Moscow.

―I constantly think of you at home, dear friends, and I assure yon that the interests of our homeland, the interests of socialism and progress, the interests of all of you–workers, farmers, intelligentsia —determine all our actions.

―Dear fellow-citizens, I address you once again, on behalf of myself, on behalf of comrades Dubcek, Cernik, and Smrkovsky and the others present here, asking you to preserve calm, prudence, and confidence.

―Devote yourself with responsibility to your work in factories, fields, and all other places of work. This responsible attitude of yours will be the best support for our further talks.‖

In Prague, tension mounted as thousands of young people, defying the Soviet curfew order, maintained a 24-hours-a-day sit-down strike in Wenceslas Square, which had become the centre of civilian resistance to the occupation in the capital. Though Russian troops were busily engaged in tearing down posters hearing anti-Soviet slogans, new posters in great numbers were put up almost immediately throughout the city. Press reports from Prague said that Soviet troops had fired machine-gun bursts over the heads of demonstrators on a number of occasions, and that several youths had been slat and killed while distributing anti-Soviet leaflets. In central Prague, worshippers were ordered out of churches by Soviet troops on Aug. 25 (a Sunday) as services were about to begin, the doors being closed by Russian officials.

Throughout these three days talks continued in Moscow between the Soviet and Czechoslovak leaders, on which complete silence was maintained.

August 27. - Moscow Communiqué on Soviet-Czechoslovak Talks. - Broadcasts by Mr. Dubcek and President Svoboda.

After four days of talks at the Kremlin, a communique was issued at their conclusion stating inter alia (1) that the occupation forces in Czechoslovakia would be withdrawn ―as the situation is normalized‖; (2) that both sides had agreed to implement the decisions taken at Cierna and Bratislava; (3) that the Czechoslovak delegation had told the Soviet leaders about the steps to he taken to strengthen socialism in Czechoslovakia; (4) that the occupation forces would not interfere in Czechoslovakia's internal affairs. The text of the communique was as follows:

―During the talks, in a free and comradely discussion, the two sides considered questions relating to the present development of the international situation, the activization of imperialism's machinations against the socialist countries, the situation in Czechoslovakia in the recent period, and the temporary entry of troops of the five socialist countries into Czechoslovak territory.

―The two sides expressed their mutual firm belief that the main thing in the present situation is to carry out the mutual decisions adopted at Cierna nad Tisou and the provisions and principles formulated by the Bratislava conference, as well as consistently to implement the practical steps following from the agreement reached during the talks.

―The Soviet side stated its understanding of and support for the position of the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, which intends to proceed from the decisions taken by the January and May plenary meetings of the central committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party with a view to improving the methods of guiding society, developing socialist democracy, and strengthening the socialist system on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.

―Agreement was reached on measures aimed at the speediest possible normalization of the situation in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The Czechoslovak leaders informed the Soviet side of the immediate measures they have planned to carry out with these aims in view.

―It was slated by the Czechoslovak side that all the work of party and State bodies, through all media, would be directed at ensuring the carrying out of effective measures which serve socialist power, the guiding role of the working class and the Communist Party, and the interests of developing and strengthening friendly relations with the peoples of the Soviet Union and the entire socialist community.

―Expressing the unanimous desire of the peoples of the U.S.S.R.for friendship and brotherhood with the peoples of socialist Czechoslovakia, the Soviet leaders reaffirmed their readiness for the broadest sincere co-operation on the basis of mutual respect, equality, territorial integrity, independence, and socialist solidarity.

―The troops of the allied countries which temporarily entered the territory of Czechoslovakia will not interfere in the internal affairs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Agreement was reached on the terms of the withdrawal of these troops as the situation in Czechoslovakia returns to normality.

―The Czechoslovak side informed the Soviet side that the Supreme Commander-in-Chief had given the Czechoslovak Armed Forces appropriate orders with the aim of preventing incidents and conflicts capable of violating peace and public order. He had also instructed the military command of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to remain in contact with the command of the allied troops.

―In connexion with the discussion in the United Nations security Council of the so-called ‗Question of the Situation in Czechoslovakia,‘ the representatives of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic stated that the Czechoslovak side had not requested the submission of this question for consideration by the security Council and had demanded its removal from the agenda.

―The leaders of the C.P.S.U. and the leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia reaffirmed their determination unswervingly to promote in the international arena a policy which meets the interests of strengthening the solidarity of the socialist community and upholds the cause of peace and international security.

―The Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia will continue to administer a resolute rebuff to the militaristic, revanchist, and neo-Nazi forces which want to revise the results of the Second World War and to encroach on the inviolability of the existing frontiers of Europe.

―They reaffirmed once again their determination to fulfil unswervingly all the commitments undertaken by them under multilateral and bilateral agreements concluded between socialist States, to strengthen the defensive might of the socialist community, and increase the effectiveness of the defensive Warsaw Treaty Organization.

―The talks took place in an atmosphere of frankness, comradeship, sand friendship.‖

The communiqué listed the participants in the Moscow talks, as follows:

For the Soviet Union–Mr. Brezhnev, Mr. Kosygin, President Podgorny, Mr. G. I Voronov, Mr. A. P. Kirilenko, Mr. Dmitri Polyansky, Mr Suslov, Mr. Shelepin, Mr. Shelest, Mr. K. F Katushev, Mr. B. N Ponomaryov, Marshal Grechko (the Defence Minister), and Mr. Gromyko (the Foreign Minister).

For Czechoslovakia—President Svoboda, Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, Mr. Smrkovsky, Mr. Bilak, Mr. Barbirek, Mr. Piller, Mr. Spacek, Mr. O. Svestka, Mr. M. Jakes, Mr. J Lenart, Mr. B. Simon, Dr. G. Husak, Mr. Alois Indra, Mr. Z. Mlynar, General Martin Dzur, and Dr. B. Kucera. It was also announced in Moscow that party and Government delegates of Bulgaria, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, and Poland had visited Moscow for consultations with Mr. Brezhnev, Mr. Kosygin, and President Podgorny ―on problems relating to the situation in Czechoslovakia‖ and had ―unanimously taken appropriate decisions.‖ The members of these delegations were:

Bulgaria—Mr Todor Zhivkov and Mr. B. Velchev.

Hungary—Mr. Janos Kadar, Mr. Jeno Fock, and Mr. Z. Komocsin.

German Democratic Republic—Herr Ulbricht, Herr Stoph, and Herr Honecker.

Poland—Mr Gomulka, Mr. Cyrankiewicz, and Mr Kliszko.

The Czechoslovak delegation arrived back in Prague the same day, broadcasts on the Moscow meetings being made by both President Svoboda and Mr. Dubcek. President Svoboda spoke as follows:

―Dear fellow-citizens: After four days of negotiations in Moscow, we are back among you, in our fatherland. We have returned together with Comrades Dubcek, Cernik, Smrkovsky, and other comrades.

―Neither you nor we felt at ease.

―We were with you all the time in thought, thinking how you were living through these difficult days. We are truly glad that we are at home again among you.

―With deep sadness we received in particular news of the loss of life, the most valuable thing there is, mainly among the young. We feel deep sympathy for those whose dear ones have died.

―In our negotiations we have been strengthened by innumerable demonstrations of loyalty for which we thank you sincerely. I am sure we have not disappointed them. The circumspection and high discipline of you all—Czechs and Slovaks, workers and our armed elements—have helped us.

―The recent developments in our country have produced the most tragic events from hour to hour. As a soldier I know what bloodshed can be caused in a conflict between civilians and an army with modern equipment. Consequently, as your President, I considered it my duty to do all I could to ensure that this does not happen, that the blood of peoples that have always been friends is not spilled senselessly, and that at the same time the fundamental interests of our fatherland and its people are safeguarded.

N.P.‖I do not want to hide the fact that painful sores caused by these events will long remain. Yet we are truly interested in the renewal of confidence and sincere co-operation between countries linked by destiny and a common road. The place of our country in today's world is, and cannot be anywhere but, in the socialist community. ―As I stressed in my previous pronouncements, I left for negotiations in Moscow in agreement with the Government, feeling that the solution of a complicated situation must be based on complete normalization of the, work of the constitutional and other legitimate bodies of our socialist, State, our society, and its leading representatives.

―I told you from Moscow–and you can now see for yourselves–that I was returning with all these comrades, who are forthwith resuming the offices to which they have been democratically appointed and in which you have supported them with your full confidence.

―This is the first and for us important step towards the normalization of life in our country. The departure of the armies of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries from our territory naturally bears on this.

―We have, above all, achieved fundamental agreement on gradual implementation of the complete departure of the armies. Pending this, their presence is a political reality. The circumspection and discipline which you have shown until now are the necessary precondition for the final solution of this problem.

―I am telling you this with full responsibility as your President, as a patriot and a soldier.

―Dear friends, in the past few days you have showered us, the constitutional representatives of the State and the leading workers of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, with expressions of confidence and loyalty to the interests of socialism. This is a great asset, a great force on which we count in our efforts to ensure the further, consistently socialist development of our country.

―In the spirit of the January, April, and May plenums of the Central Committee we want to continue to develop the socialist social order and strengthen its humanist democratic nature, as expressed in the Czechoslovak Communist Party's Action Programme and the Government's policy declaration.

―Together with the whole National Front we want to carry on building our country as the real homeland of the working people. We shall not retreat by a single step from these aims.

―We shall naturally not allow them to be misused for their own ends by those to whom the interests of socialism are alien. We must contribute towards this and organize work with decision and purpose.

―We appeal to you all, dear fellow-citizens—workers, farmers, and members of the intelligentsia–to you, my dear friends. In these difficult days I call you to unity and ask you to continue to manifest wisdom and prudence.

―Let us unite all socialist, patriotic, and creative forces in the work for the well-being of the peoples (if our Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.‖

Mr. Dubcek, in an emotional broadcast during which he wept several times, stressed that bloodshed must at all costs be avoided and that order and discipline were essential both now and in the future. The armies of the five Warsaw Pact countries would, he stated, gradually be withdrawn, and as a beginning it had been agreed that they would be moved immediately from towns and villages ―to areas reserved for them.‖ In normalizing the ―present complex situation,‖ said Mr. Dubcek, it would be necessary to take ―measures partially and temporarily limiting freedom of expression as we have become accustomed to it.‖

Mr. Dubcek's broadcast speech was worded in part as follows:

―I find it, difficult to find words with which I can express my gratitude for the enormous expressions of confidence with which you have overwhelmed the comrades for whom you have been waiting…. We are again among yon at our work….

―It is necessary at any price to prevent further destruction and farther losses, because that would not alter the real situation, and the abnormal situation in our homeland would be prolonged.

―The fact that we are determined to prevent bloodshed does not mean that we want to submit passively to the situation which has been created. On the contrary, we are doing everything so that we may find–and we are convinced that we shall find–ways and means of unfolding, and implementing together with you all, the policy which will in the end lead to a normalization of conditions.

―In this conviction, we are strengthened by the results of the negotiations which the representatives of our State, party, and National Front have had with the representatives of the Soviet Union in Moscow. The Soviet representatives, too, want to contribute to a normalization of our relations.

―We are in today's reality faced with the task of finding a way out of today's situation in Czechoslovakia. In the first place, there is an agreement about the gradual withdrawal of troops of the five States from the territory of our Republic. Hence, distrust in this direction is unjustified and harmful….

―We have agreed that troops will be moved immediately from villages and towns to areas reserved for them. This is related to the extent to which our own Czechoslovak authorities will be, able to ensure order and normal life in individual sectors. In this reflect the Government of the Republic has already acted to take appropriate measures for our own authorities to carry out measures towards a regulation of our civilian life. It would, therefore, be very imprudent and dangerous to hold up by any actions whatsoever the movement and finally the departure of the troops of the five States from our country….

―We beg you, dear fellow-citizens, to help us prevent any anti-socialist, provocations by some elements which are interested in worsening the situation, which is in any case very tense indeed. In this period we need order, we need deliberate discipline on the part of all our citizens….‖

After saying that ―there is an obligation for us not to give up in this complicated time our striving for the expression of humanist and socialist principles,‖ Mr. Dubcek continued: ―The first thing we need is the consolidation–normalization–of the situation in the country as quickly as possible. I know that it will be very complicated. But we must understand it as the fundamental condition for further steps. For this very reason we trust that, just as you have supported us so far, you will also help today, on the basis of a realistic assessment of the situation, with your confidence and active participation–and also when we will have to carry out some temporary exceptional measures restricting freedom of expression which, in a normal situation, we could not have carried out.

―We must seek the road to a solution of our problems by ourselves. We rely not only on our own strength, but above all on your strength–on your moral strength, your character, your independent thinking, which must be based on prudence, circumspection, and the reality which has arisen in our country….

―I know what ideals you stand for. I know that you will never give up the ideas of socialism, humanism, and national independence of our Czechoslovak sovereignty….

―Permit me now to say a few words to honest, communists, members and functionaries of our party…. We bear an all the greater responsibility for carrying out, in our practical policy, all that is in the interests of the people, even in the present extraordinary and incredibly difficult conditions.

―It would be the greatest, disaster for the party if its sound nucleus, all those forces which led the path of the post-January policy of the Party to success, were now to fall to pieces…. This would inevitably mean the disintegration of the only force which is able to lead our nations out of their complicated situation….

―In the very near future we shall solve all necessary questions at a plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party attended by representatives of the delegates to the 14th congress. We must discuss matters with those communists, those leading functionaries of our party, who worked during the time when I, comrades, was unable to take part in the work of our party….

―We all know today that the way ahead will not be easy, that it will be complicated, that it, will be more complicated and also longer than we once thought as regards the fulfilment of the Action Programme. But whichever way life goes, we must bear in mind that we must in the future examine how we can fulfil the intentions of our post-January policy, how we can fulfil, in this now situation and these now conditions, the programme which we espoused in January and April….

―The nation—our people—belongs to the community of socialist nations. We believe that in spite of everything which has happened, and all that we are living through today, the relations between our nations and the nations of the other socialist countries will be arranged in such a way as to be in harmony with this reality….

―I beg you not to allow any provocations; do not let panic enter our ranks. In this difficult situation there is nothing left to us but to exert all our strength, our reason, so as to be truly able to carry out our future work. A nation in which everyone will be guided by reason and conscience will not perish.

―I ask you, my dear fellow-citizens, Czechs and Slovaks, communists and members of the other political parties of the National Front, I ask all the workers and farmers, I ask our intelligentsia, all our people, to remain united, calm, and above all prudent. Let us realize that only our loyalty to socialism, our honour, our endeavours, and our firm character can guarantee our road forward.‖

Although not specifically stated in the Moscow communique, it was understood that the Soviet leaders insisted on the reintroduction of press, radio, and television censorship in Czechoslovakia, and on the retention of Warsaw Pact—predominantly Soviet—troops in Czechoslovakia on the frontier with Western Germany. That the Russians had apparently insisted on the restoration of press censorship seemed borne out by Mr. Dubcek's reference in his broadcast to measures ―limiting freedom of expression as we have become accustomed to it.‖ It was also reported on this date by press correspondents, and by Bavarian border officials, that Soviet troops were taking up positions on the West German border.

In Prague the news of the outcome of the Moscow talks led to much popular uneasiness and indignation at the failure to secure an immediate withdrawal of the occupation forces; thousands of citizens marched from Wenceslas Square to the National Assembly building chanting ―We want to know the whole truth‖ and ―We do not want to live on our knees.‖

August 28. - National Assembly Protest against Occupation. - Mr. Cernik's Broadcast. - Dr. Husak resigns from Central Committee.

The Czechoslovak National Assembly passed a resolution condemning the occupation of the country by the Warsaw Pact Powers as illegal. According to clandestine radio broadcasts, the resolution ()1 declared the occupation to be a violation of international treaties, of the U.N. Charter, and of the Warsaw Pact; (2) thanked President Svoboda and other governmental and party leaders for their efforts in Moscow ―aimed at removing the present abnormal state of affairs in our country‖; and (3) expressed the conviction that Czechoslovakia's place was with the community of socialist nations. Calling on the Government to fix definite dates for the withdrawal of foreign troops, the National Assembly said it was convinced that the Czechoslovak forces were capable of securing the country's western frontiers.

Mr. Oldrich Cernik, the Prime Minister, broadcast on this date, the main points of his speech being as follows:

(1) Foreign troops would not interfere in the internal affairs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. At the same time Mr. Cernik said that it would be necessary to ―move more consistently against those who would threaten our socialist road.‖

(2) Within a few days the Government would approach the Governments of the U.S.S.R., Poland, Hungary, the G.D.R., and Bulgaria with proposals to start talks as soon as possible on the gradual departure of foreign troops from Czechoslovak territory. (3) Within two weeks it was hoped to hold economic talks in Moscow, ―including proposals to repair the consequences of the events of recent days.‖

(4) The Government had approved certain ―extraordinary measures concerning the Press, radio, and television, measures which are in accordance with today's abnormal situation.‖ Mr. Cernik added that it would be ―necessary to assert fully the Government's influence on radio and television.‖

(5) In order that the people's living conditions did not worsen, it was ―necessary to maintain calm and order. For this reason it is necessary to organize more determined steps against the forces which would attempt to disrupt order and create provocations and similar incidents.‖

In the course of his speech, in which be gave an assurance that ―extraordinary measures arising from an extraordinary situation will only be of temporary duration,‖ Mr. Cernik said:

―Esteemed friends, people are asking us with tears in their eyes: ‗Were your decisions and your attitude correct?‘ It is not only today but also the morrow which will be the judge of our actions.

―You yourselves can see the real situation around you. The only way out is the road of agreement, the road of a political solution of the situation that has arisen. Gambling with the destinies of our nations cannot be the programme of a socialist government.

―Each one of us is now faced by a fateful question: ‗How do we go on working in this situation?‘ I am determined to continue the policy the foundations of which were laid down by the January meeting of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party.

―I want to continue implementing the declared programme of the Government, because it was on its basis alone that the Government obtained the confidence of the people….

―I understand your feelings, dear fellow-citizens, but believe me we can only get the Republic out of a difficult, situation by a positive attitude. Only a responsible, sensible attitude will make it possible for us to carry out, albeit at a slower pace, the tasks which we have set ourselves.

―I would like to ask you in this connexion to avoid hasty judgments. In a difficult and obscure situation doubtful and highly distorted reports often emerge very easily. Let us avoid this….

―The road to the fulfilment of our aims—aims which we have not reduced and do not intend to reduce—will be a hard and difficult one, and will be reached only by the patient, prudent, and dedicated work of us all.

―But I firmly believe, even though today it seems to be difficult beyond belief, that the idea and the cause of socialism and its humane image will emerge victorious from these difficult days in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic….‖

Dr. Gustav Husak, the Deputy Prime Minister and a Slovak, resigned from the new Presidium of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and appealed to Mr. Dubcek to do the same. According to the ―free radio,‖ Dr. Husak had challenged the legality of the 14th extraordinary congress of the party which hall met secretly while the party leaders were in Moscow [see above], because all but 10 per cent of the Slovak members were absent. As stated above, Dr. Husak was a member of the Czechoslovak delegation which took part in the Moscow talks.

A Times correspondent in Prague stated that he had received from an official of the Czechoslovak Central Committee an authentic account of Mr. Dubcek's arrest and of the Moscow negotiations. According to this account, Mr. Dubcek had been telephoning in his private room in the Central Committee building on the day of the invasion when the building was surrendered by Soviet paratroops. A Soviet security officer and two soldiers armed with light machine-guns burst into the room where Mr. Dubcek was telephoning, ripped the telephone from the wall, and placed Mr. Dubcek under arrest. Later, Mr. Dubcek, manacled, had been flown to a secret military rendezvous in Slovakia with Mr. Cernik and Mr. Smrkovsky, and held there for 24 hours. Meanwhile, President Svoboda, wire had flown to Moscow, had been confronted by an ultimatum from the Russians–if he did not agree to changes in the Government and the party, Slovakia would he converted into a Soviet Republic and Bohemia and Moravia into autonomous regions under Soviet control. President Svoboda, displaying great courage, had replied with an ultimatum of his own–that unless Mr. Dubcek and the other arrested Czechoslovak leaders were released, he would discuss nothing. The same night, according to the official, Mr. Dubcek and other Czechoslovak leaders were flown to Moscow from their place of detention in Slovakia.

August 29, - Mr. Smrkovsky's Broadcast. - Congress of Slovak Communist Party.

Supplementing the broadcasts earlier made by President, Svoboda, Mr. Dubcek, and Mr. Cernik, a further broadcast was made on this date by Mr. Smrkovsky, the president of the National Assembly, which cast additional light on the conditions in which the Moscow talks had taken place and of the pressure trader which the Czechoslovak delegation bad been. Like Mr. Cernik, Mr. Smrkovsky confirmed that the Government would be forced to take ―exceptional measures‖ (i.e. to reintroduce censorship) in the spheres of the press, broadcasting, and television, ―in order to prevent anything being written or said in these media which might run counter to the foreign political needs and interests of the Republic.‖

After saying that Czechoslovakia had been ―suddenly occupied by an enormous military power which it was absolutely hopeless and impossible to resist,‖ Mr. Smrkovsky went on:

―Our talks in Moscow were unusual. You know that we did not get there all at one time, and you also know the circumstances under which some of us got there and negotiated. I think that I do not have to go into details today. It is for me, just as for Comrade Dubcek and the other people, too difficult and painful a subject.

―As everyone can readily imagine, to take decisions in this situation was extremely difficult. Our country's occupation by Warsaw Pact troops was a stern reality. Our contacts with home were limited: we had very little or almost no information. ―We knew that the world sympathized with us but that the great Powers would accept a compromise solution rather than anything else. In these circumstances we were confronted with a dilemma from which we could not escape.

―We could have rejected any type of compromise. This would have led to the institution of a long-term occupation administration with all the consequences ensuring from this for the sovereignty of the State, political rights, the economy, and for eventual new human sacrifices which such a conflicting development would most likely have caused.

―I may add that we also considered the fact that at times there is nothing left to do but reject any complaint settlements–that in the interests of the honour and character of a people it is better to expose one's breast to the bayonets. At the same time, we were of the opinion that such an extreme moment had not yet, come, and that despite all that had happened another possibility was left which we must not, leave unexpected as politicians responsible for the destiny of the State. We therefore tried once more to search for a way out based on an acceptable compromise….

―I beg you to believe that our personal fate–although as normal people this consideration was naturally not negligible to us—was of secondary importance at that moment. The decision for us was whether there was any possibility of extricating the Czechoslovak State and socialism from a crisis into which they had slipped by no fault of our own.

―Such a possibility began to emerge when the clear and united attitude of the Czech and Slovak peoples towards the occupation fully manifested itself and influenced the attitude of our partners end our personal situation.

―In this situation we decided to embark upon the second road–the road of a compromise which offered hope for a continuation of the path begun in January. This was recognized by the other negotiating side as the basis of a possible settlement.

―But our deliberations were not easy even then. They went on for virtually a day and a night, and we realized that the decision could not be regarded by the people of our country and by history as acceptable, but as a betrayal. We were also aware of the problematical and limited nature of our mandate.

―I beg you to believe that we did not keep silent, that we clashed sharply and repeatedly, both with our partners and among ourselves, and that we used every argument available to us.

―All of this finally crystallized into a settlement which you roughly know, mainly from the speeches of the President, of the First Secretary of the party, and of the chairman of the Government, who in contrast to the official communique spoke in a language which is more easily understandable to all of us….‖

After recapitulating the main points of the agreement reached in Moscow, as already given by Mr. Cernik, Mr. Smrkovsky went, on: ―Everyone is bound to ask—what guarantees are there now? I tell you frankly that, despite all the help we have had from our friends—of whom we now have many, and whom I thank from the bottom of my heart—our country, in the situation that now obtains in the world, has no real guarantee and no hope other than its own good sense and, above all, its unity. Let us make the best of these qualities of ours, which have so often before in our history helped to put us back on our feet….

―I beg of you—after the first wave of pain and bitterness has passed–to view the results of the negotiations with a cool head and, if I may so put it, to use our people's well-proven good sense.

―The point is this: the troops of the Warsaw Treaty are to remain here for some thee, as the Premier has said, even though the Government is entering into negotiations for their withdrawal in stages.

―We shall be forced to take exceptional measures in the sphere of press, broadcasting, and television in order to prevent anything being written or said in these media which might run counter to the foreign political needs and interests of the Republic.

―In the sphere of the law of association and assembly, the measures required of us will result in the dissolution of the political clubs and will prevent new political parties from being formed.

―The Government, will have to be granted, temporarily, certain special powers. All these measures will be taken on the basis of laws which will be debated by the National Assembly during the next few days.

―We all realize that these are steps which slow dozen and render more difficult the process of the creation of democratic socialism. We believe that you will understand why this has to happen, and that you will not impute evil motives to the leadership of the party and State….‖

The Slovak Communist Party ended a three-day congress in Bratislava, which was occupied by Soviet and Hungarian forces, by electing a new first secretary in Dr. Gustav Husak, and adopting a resolution declaring its confidence in Mr. Dubcek's leadership of the national party.

The resolution said that the delegates at the congress were of the opinion that there was no alternative to trying to carry out the terms of the agreement reached in Moscow, since this was the only road that would ―lead to a restoration of order, to the extension of the democratization process, to the unconditional and speedy departure of Warsaw Pact troops from our territory, and thus to the restoration and further strengthening of our national and State sovereignty.‖

In addition to electing a new Presidium and a new Central Committee of the Slovak party, the congress elected Dr. Husak as the party's first secretary in succession to Mr. Vasil Bilak. The congress supported Dr. Husak's view that the emergency congress of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in Prague the previous week did not represent the whole country in view of the absence of nearly all the Slovak members, and urged that a ―proper‖ congress be called at an early date. By this date nearly all the clandestine radio stations except one or two had closed down, after having maintained a round-the-clock service of news and comments ever since the invasion. Prague Radio was again on the air with a normal service, while in addition the Russians had set up their own broadcasting station in Czechoslovakia, ―Radio Vltava.‖

August 30-31. - New Minister of the Interior.

By the end of the month the underground ―freedom‖ radios had ceased to broadcast, clandestine newspapers had ceased to appear, and anti-Soviet placards and slogans in Prague were being pulled down. Pending the introduction of legislation re-establishing censorship, as had been forecast by Mr. Cernik and Mr. Smrkovsky in their broadcasts, Czechoslovak newspapers and publications were in general subjecting themselves to a form of ―self-censorship‖ by adopting a more restrained style.

It was reported from Prague on Aug. 31 that Mr Jan Pelnar, head of the regional council for western Bohemia and a trade union leader, had been appointed Minister of the Interior in place of General Pavel. As stated below, it was subsequently confirmed that General Pavel—a leading ―liberal‖—had been arrested in the early days of the occupation.

September 1. - Meeting of Communist Party Central Committee. - Appointment of New Presidium.

A plenary session of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party was held at Hradcany Castle, presided over by Mr. Cernik and attended by President Svoboda. The decisions of the Committee were announced by Mr. Dubcek in a communique, the provisions of which are summarized below.

Mr. Dubcek said that, ―our party… did not, always take sufficient note of the strategic and general interests of the U.S.S.R. and the other four members of the Warsaw Pact as a real, objectively existing and limiting factor of the possible pace and form of our own political development.‖ There had thus occurred ―a diminution of the confidence of the Soviet Communist Party's leadership in the ability of our party's leadership to solve the problems which had arisen,‖ and one of the principal tasks was ―to disperse this lack of confidence fully.‖

After saying that, the Soviet party leadership was ―interested in finding a solution for the present situation in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and in our party.‖ Mr. Dubcek continued: ―We must raider no circumstances arouse the suspicion that we might be avoiding the obligations which we have accepted. We must find the best possible way for their fulfilment. This is the only guarantee that the situation will not deteriorate and that it will also be possible for the Soviet obligations to be implemented consistently—that is, the gradual departure of the troops, non- interference by the armies in internal problems of Czechoslovakia's future development, indemnification for the damage caused by these events, and help in the economic development of the Czechoslovak national economy.‖

Mr. Dubcek expressed particular appreciation of the attitude and actions of President Svoboda, and of ―his courage, prudence, strict, adherence to the law, and other personal qualities which had helped tremendously in solving the crisis and enabled those who had been legally and democratically appointed or elected to carry out their functions.‖

It was essential (Mr. Dubcek continued) to pursue a course, on the basis of the agreements negotiated in Moscow, which would make it, possible to normalize the situation in the country, to ensure the gradual departure of foreign troops, and to continue the post-January policy of socialist changes. He repeated that it would be necessary to ―introduce temporary press, radio, and television censorship in matters relating in the basic foreign policy interests of the State and to questions of its defence and security.‖ It would also be necessary ―to prevent by legal means the activities of political organizations violating socialist principles and attempts to set up political parties outside the National Front.‖

―In foreign policy,‖ the communique continued, ―we shall continue the existing relations with the socialist countries and consistently fulfil our treaty commitments. We regard the Warsaw Treaty union as permanent and we emphatically oppose demands for neutrality, which cannot in the present state of the world. ensure the interests of our nations and of our socialist development…. We are and shall remain internationalists; we adhere to co-operation with all communist and workers‘ parties: we confirm our membership in the community of socialist countries and our loyalty to all the obligations arising from our alliance.‖

After reaffirming the party's determination ―not to permit a return to the pre-January situation,‖ it was announced that:

(1) The Central Committee had listened to ―personal statements of vindication by Comrades Vasil Bilak, Jan Piller, Milos Jokes, Drohomir Kolder, and others, declaring that they had never, not excluding the past ten days, committed anything vis-a-vis our people or party which was at variance, with the honour of a communist and a citron of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The comrades explained their recent actions and gave assurances that they were Inspired by the common effort to revive the work of the legal organs of State and party. They stated that on some occasions and due to their offices they had to conduct private negotiations which led to unsubstantiated calumnies concerning the nature of these negotiations. The atmosphere of suspicion and of unsubstantiated accusations… was denounced by the Central Committee meeting as a serious threat to the unity of the party.‖

[All four of those mentioned are ―conservatives,‖ and during the early days of the occupation they had been attacked in clandestine radio broadcasts for their allegedly pro- Moscow attitude and for having allegedly co-operated or sought co-operation with the Russians.

(2) The 14th extraordinary party congress, originally scheduled for Sept. 14, would be postponed, and Mr. Josef Spacek would head a commission to make proposals for its eventual convening and for cadre changes within the party.

(3) Dr. Cestmir Cisar would be relieved at his own request of the post of secretary of the Central Committee, and would be succeeded by Mr. Spacek. (4) Mr Michal Chudik had been relieved of his membership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party ―in consequence of his expulsion from membership of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Slovakia.‖

(5) Mr. Oldrich Svestka, former editor of Rude Pravo, would give up that post, and also his membership of the party's Presidium, to become editor of Tribuna (the weekly organ of the Central Committee).

(6) Mr. Drohomir Kolder had been relieved of membership of the Presidium and would ―change over to work in State authorities.‖

A new Presidium was elected by the Central Committee, enlarged from 11 to 21 members. The official list was as follows:

Messrs. Alexander Dubcek, Vasil Bilak, Oldrich Cernik, Evzen Erban, Jarolim Hetes, Gustav Husak, Vladimir Kabrna, Zdenek Mlynar, Jan Nojbert, Jan Piller, Josef Pinkava, Stepan Sadovsky, Vaclav Slavik, Josef Smrkovsky, Ludvik Svoboda, Vaclav Simecek, Bohumil Simon, Josef Spacek, Anton Tazky, Josef Zrak, and Mrs. Libuse Hrdinova.

The new Presidium included 11 ―progressives‖ but only two known ―conservatives‖ (Mr. Bilak and Mr. Piller); it did not include five members of the former Presidium–Mr. Svestka (editor of Rude Pravo), Mr. Drahomir Kolder, Mr Emil Rigo, Mr. Frantisek Kriegel. and Mr. Frantisek Barbirek. The election of the new 21-member Presidium meant that the extraordinary party congress held clandestinely in a Prague factory on Aug. 22, immediately after the occupation [see above], was regarded as null and void, and that the Presidium elected by that meeting was also without official status.

Prague Radio denied a report that Mr. Cernik had allegedly made a statement urging Czechoslovak intellectuals to flee the country in order to avoid deportation by the Soviet occupation forces.

The Prague broadcast said that on Aug. 30 the B.B.C. had ―broadcast a statement alleged to have been made by Premier Cernik—also carried by Reuters… —that nobody could guarantee the personal safety of members of the Government and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. The statement was supposed to have ended with an appeal that the best people should leave the Republic because of a Soviet list of persons to be deported. The Tress Secretary of the Czechoslovak Government has been authorized to state that this report, is not based on the truth.‖

Rude Pravo published a manifesto, signed by 20 leading intellectuals, denying that there had been a mass exodus from Czechoslovakia of intellectuals fearing arrest.

September 2. - Resignation of Professor Sik.

Prague Radio announced the resignation of Professor eta Sik, a Vice-Premier and one of the main architects of the economic reforms introduced before the occupation. As stated above, both he and Dr. Hajek (the Foreign Minister) were in Belgrade at the time of the invasion, and both had been bitterly attacked in the Soviet Press as ―revisionists.‖ Dr. Sik was believed to be still in Yugoslavia at the time his resignation was announced, while Dr. Hajek was reported to be in Switzerland.

In Prague anti-Soviet posters and inscriptions were being taken down and removed at the request of the police, who also warned students to remove their black flags and signs from the plinth of the Wenceslas monument and to end the vigil they had maintained there since the beginning of the occupation.

Press reports from Prague stated that all East German troops had been withdrawn from Czechoslovakia on Soviet recommendation three days after the invasion; according to Western newspapers, the East German troops (believed to be two divisions) had been withdrawn when the Soviet authorities realized that the presence of German troops in a foreign country could be construed as a violation of the Potsdam Agreement.

September 6-9. - Mr Kuznetsov's Visit to Czechoslovakia.

Mr Vasily Kuznetsov, First Deputy Foreign Minister of the U.S.S.R., paid a three-day visit to Czechoslovakia on Sept. 6–9 during which he had talks in Prague with President Svoboda, Mr. Dubcek, and Mr. Cernik, and in Bratislava (on Sept. 9) width Dr. Husak, first secretary of the Slovak Communist Party. No statement was issued on the subjects discussed beyond that they related to ―questions of mutual interest to both countries‖ and that they were ―frank and comradely.‖ The Soviet Ambassador to Czechoslovakia, Mr. Stepan V Chervonenko, also took part in the Prague and Bratislava talks.

Mr Kuznetsov (67) had in the past taken part in several important missions of a reconciliatory character. He headed the Soviet delegation in negotiations in 1956 which led to a reconciliation between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, and later wont to Washington at the time of the Soviet missile crisis. After the death of Stalin he was sent to Peking to acquaint the Chinese leaders with the new Soviet regime.

The Czechoslovak news agency, Ceteka, resumed its service on Sept. 9 for the first time since Aug. 21, when it had closed down after announcing that its premises had been occupied by foreign troops.

September 10. - Czechoslovak Proclamation on Individual Rights. - Mr. Cernik's Visit to Moscow.

Within a short time of the return from Moscow of the Prime Minister, Mr. Cernik, who paid a flying visit to the Soviet capital during the day, the Czechoslovak Government issued a proclamation guaranteeing individual rights and security to every Czechoslovak citizen. Signed by President Svoboda, Mr. Dubcek, and other national leaders, the proclamation gave assurances of the inviolability of every individual provided he did not contravene the law. The proclamation appealed to Czechoslovaks who were abroad to return home, stressed that the country needed them and their skills, and gave assurances that the Government and party would ―continue on the path we took in January to build socialism with a democratic and humanistic character.‖ Mr. Cernik was accompanied on his Moscow visit by Mr Frantisek Hamouz, a Vice-Premier, and Mr Vaclav Vales, Minister of Foreign Trade. The talks in Moscow were concerned with economic matters, the participants on the Soviet side including Mr. Kosygin, Mr Nikolai Baibakov (a vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers), Mr. Gromyko, and Mr. Mikhail Kuzmin (First Deputy Minister of Foreign Trade). It was announced at the end of the talks that Mr. Cernik and Mr. Kosygin had signed (a) a Soviet-Czechoslovak agreement on deliveries of natural gas to Czechoslovakia ―for a number of years‖ and on co-operation in building a gas pipeline through Soviet territory; (b) a protocol on economic matters. While in Moscow Mr. Cernik also saw Mr. Brezhnev and President Podgorny.

September 11-12. - Withdrawal of Soviet Tanks from Prague.

Soviet tank forces pulled out of Prague on Sept. 11–12, exactly three weeks after the invasion, and regrouped in the surrounding countryside; Prague international airport, however, continued to be occupied. Press reports from Czechoslovakia said that Soviet troops were also pulling out of other large cities, including Brno and Bratislava, and regrouping outside the built-up areas. The withdrawal of Soviet armour from the leading cities was seen by foreign commentators as one of the results of Mr Kuznetsov's mission to Prague and Mr. Cernik's subsequent visit to Moscow.

A Times correspondent, in Prague said on Sept. 11 that General Pavel, the Czechoslovak Minister of the Interior, had been retired after having been arrested in the early days of the occupation and subsequently released. [The arrest of General Pavel by Russian troops shortly after the occupation had previously been reported from Prague but could not be officially confirmed; a liberal, he was among the Czechoslovak leaders who were strongly criticized in the Soviet Press The correspondent, quoting Rude Pravo, also confirmed that General Pavel's former deputies had also been arrested but were now released. Furthermore, the correspondent said that the suicide of Dr. J Zaruba, First Deputy Minister in the Interior Ministry, had been authoritatively confirmed, and quoted a Rude Pravo report that he had shot himself in his office at the time General Pavel was arrested.

September 13. - Reimposition of Press Restrictions.

Legislation was passed by the Czechoslovak National Assembly on this date placing restrictions on the freedom of the press, including the reimposition of censorship, and banning the formation of new political parties—thereby meeting the Moscow agreement's demands for a ―normalization‖ of the situation in Czechoslovakia. The legislation was introduced by Mr. Cernik, the only sign of dissension being two abstentions on the Bill reintroducing press restrictions.

In a lengthy speech, Mr. Cernik pledged Czechoslovakia's continuing loyalty to the socialist community, but at the same time insisted that the party and the Government would continue the ―post-January socialist development.‖ In carrying out the post-January reforms, the Prime Minister continued, ―incorrect concepts of democracy‖ had manifested themselves and there had been ―rashness and imbalance‖ this had been regarded in other socialist countries as indicating a ―serious danger from the Right‖ and as presenting an ―actual danger to the interests of all socialist countries.‖ Hence, while the reforms would be continued, the new situation would demand ―certain modifications‖ in them, including ―measures to watch and control the mass media.‖ Fundamental freedoms, however such as privacy of correspondence and freedom to travel abroad–would not be affected, care being taken not to damage the interests el the State in maintaining these rights. Mr. Cernik said that the Government would shortly hold talks on the withdrawal of the Warsaw Pact troops, adding that complete withdrawal ―will be accompanied step by step, depending on the normalization of the situation–that means as the position of socialism is strengthened.‖

Although the great majority of Czechoslovaks who were outside the country at the time of the invasion returned to Czechoslovakia, a number did not go back, and some thousands of others possessing valid travel documents left the country after the occupation. By mid-September it was estimated that some 20,000 to 25,000 Czechoslovaks were outside the country as refugees, the great majority in Austria but a few thousands in Switzerland and in Western Germany. The Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration said in Geneva on Sept. 13 that about 2,000 of the Czechoslovaks who had left their country since the occupation had applied to go overseas. (Times - Guardian - Daily Telegraph - Le Monde - Neue Zurcher Zeitung - New York Times - Soviet Embassy Press Department, London) (Prev. rep. 22885 A.)

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