Leadership and Conflict in Bushbuckridge: Struggles to Define Moral Economies Within the Context of Rapidly Transforming Political Economies (1978 - 1990) By : Edwin Ritchken DECLARATION I, EDWIN RITCHKEN, do hereby declare that this Thesis is my own unaided work. It has been submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of the Witwatersrand. It has not been submitted for a Degree at any other University. SIGNED z ^<ypjULMy y DATE <-o >Mn / 1 *" Contents - Contents i - Abstract iv - Acknowledgements v - Abbreviations and Glossary vii Introduction 1 - Contemporary Rural Politics: A Literature Review 6 - Conceptual Issues 12 - Chapter Outline 16 - Archival Evidence, Oral History and Participant Observation 21 Chapter One 37 - Settlement and Conflict in the Nineteenth Century 38 - The Milner Administration as Paramount Chief 56 - Native Administration After 1910 57 - Reorganising the NAD and Fostering Tribal Discipline 64 - The Development of Labour Tenancy and the NAD 70 - Employment and its Effects on Black Residents: 1910-1936 74 Chapter Two 88 - Traditionalists and Modernises in the NAD 89 - Building the Chieftainship: The Creation of Tribal Areas 93 - The Logic of Tribe Gives Way to the Logic of Betterment 97 - Changes in Head-Office and the End of the Modernised Dream 115 - Migrancy, Betterment and Household Relationships 120 Chapter Three 136 - The Formation of Tribal Authorities 138 - Removals, Planning and Recognition of More Chiefs 139 - Tribal Authorities and the Implementation of Betterment 143 - The Creation of Lebowa and Gazankulu: 1972 -1990 148 -Conclusion 156 Chapter Four 163 - Ethnic Harmony and Ethnic Conflict In Bushbuckridge 169 - The Settlement of Refugees From Mozambique 1835-1902 177 - Chieftainship, Ethnicity and the Post Colonial State 1902 -1936 182 - The Swiss Mission's Arrival in Bushbuckridge 184 - Evidence to the Stubbs Commission 189 -The Situation by 1936 191 - Chiefly Responses to the SANT1936-1962 193 - Ethnic Relationships in Ethnically Heterogenous Areas 206 - The Recognition of the Amashangan Territorial Authority 208 - Charles Bourquin and the Implementation of Tribal Authorities 211 - The Establishment of Legislative Assemblies 219 - The Uys Commission 223 i - The Formation of Ethnic Organisations 228 • The Consolidation Commission 230 - Conclusion 231 Chapter Five 244 • History of Dingleydale 245 - A Biography of Willis Ngobe 254 - Ngobe the Farmer 256 - The Big Five 260 - Herbalism, Cattle and School: The Start of a New Career 268 - Conclusion 275 Chapter Six 282 - Matsiketsane and the Chieftainship 284 - Urban Experiences 287 - Banishment 290 - Matsiketsane and the "Land Question": The Leihio La Naga Organisation 292 - Matsiketsane Builds his Chieftainship 298 - Matsiketsane and the Lebowa Parliament 299 • Leihio La Naga and the Ethnic Conflict 302 • Matsiketsane and the Congress Alliance 304 - Conclusion 313 Chapter Seven 320 - Imagining Power: Witchcraft Beliefs and Social Conflict 326 - The Chieftainship and Changing Procedures for Identifying Witches 334 - What it meant to be an Unmarried Man: Youth Organisation and the Chieftainship 339 - Legitimation Crisis 347 - What it Meant to be a Woman: Socialised Humanity Versus the Womb 351 - What it Meant to be a Married Woman: The Changing Status of Woman in the Household 354 • Witchcraft and Sexual Relations 362 • Female Survival Strategies and Poisoners 363 - Witchcraft and Neighbourly Conflicts 365 - The Brooklyn Youth Organisation and the "Big Five" 366 - Abortions and Prostitution 372 - Conclusion 377 Chapter Eight 387 - Development Projects and the Splitting of the Crisis Committee 388 - The Rise of the Brooklyn Youth Congress 392 - The Brooklyn Youth Congress in Schools 397 - The Brooklyn Youth Congress Marginalises Teachers 402 - Youth Organisation in Buffelshoek 404 -Matsiketsane 1989 Election Victory 408 - The Defiance Campaign and its Effects 410 - The Formation of Sofasonke 414 - National Political Organisations Intervene 416 -Conclusion 419 ii Conclusion - The Bantustan State as Patrimonial State 427 • Resistance to the Patrimonial State 432 - Ethnic Violence and the State 435 - Ethnic Nationalism and African Nationalism 441 - African Nationalism and Youth Politics 444 - The Youth as a Historical Category 445 - Youth as Unifiers of the Nation 446 - Epilogue 452 Bibliography 456 Appendix One: Table of Chiefs and the Ethnic Composition of their Followings 476 Appendix Two: Geneology of Pulana Chiefs 477 Appendix Three: Geneology of the Shangaan Chieftainship 478 Map One: The National Setting 479 Map Two: The Regional Setting 480 Map Three: List of Farms 481 Map Four: Tribal Authorities in Mapulaneng 482 Map Five: Mhala and the AmaShangana Tribal Authority 483 Map Six: Ethnic Distribution of Chiefs and their Followers (1934) 484 iii Abstract This thesis analyses the effects of state interventions on chiefly, ethnic, gender and generational relations in Bushbuckridge. By analysing violent conflicts, the thesis investigates how social forces attempt to impose moral economies on a "community" within the context of a rapidly transforming political economy. Leaders are analyzed in relation to their ability to represent a moral economy, and in doing so, intervene effectively on behalf of their constituency. The first three chapters unpack the historical process through which the Bantustan state was constituted as a patrimonial state. The thesis argues that the relationship between the state and the chieftainship needs to be conceptualised as a compromise from both sides: Through Tribal Authorities'the state attempted to transform the chieftainship into an agent of administrative and political control. The chieftainship, on the other hand, was trying to use its position within the state to bolster its own powers, and, establish its independence from the state. It was in this context of ambiguous dependence that politics in the Bantustans played itself out. Chapter Five and Six describe how leaders who were refused recognition by the state, tried to position themselves so as to cope with this ambiguity. The thesis investigates how state interventions affected ethnic relations in Bushbuckridge. Chapter Four argues that the "Shangaan" chieftainships, who fled wars in Mozambique in the nineteenth century, entered into an alliance with the South African state in order to consolidate their claim to land and political authority, a claim the Pulana chiefs tried to deny them. Through investigating the career of Matsiketsane Mashile, the thesis investigates the relationship between chiefly politics, ethnic nationalism and african nationalism. Chapter Six shows how the Pulana nationalism was compatible with african nationalism because the principles underlying Pulana ethnicity clashed with those employed by the South African state. The thesis investigates the effects of state interventions on gender and generational relations. Chapter Seven and Eight show how youth organisation tried to redefine the moral economy of gender and generational relations through the rhetoric of the "war against apartheid". Chapter eight describes how a vigilante organisation, made up of an alliance of chiefs, bureaucrats, principals and parents, tried to reimpose generational authority. iv Acknowledgements During the course of my research in Bushbuckridge, I received not only invaluable assistance, but friendship and support from a number of people. Without this sustenance, this thesis would not have been possible. In particular I wish to thank Lawrence and Sara Mogakane, whose leadership, hospitality, help and love gave me inspiration and energy. Willis Ngobe, likewise, always made his home, his advice and his friendship available to me. It is to Lawrence, Sara and Willis that this thesis is dedicated. It will be impossible to thank all those people in Bushbuckridge who assisted me with this thesis. However, special acknowledgement is due to Matsiketsane Mashile, Sekgopela Mashile, Tandios Mashile, Kalli Shoakane, Eliza Mohlala, Market Mashile, Kleintjie Mashile, Rebecca Mkhabela, Kris Mokoena and Emon Mashego. My supervisor, Tom Lodge, was a consistent source of encouragement, advice, cheerfulness and support during the writing up of this thesis, without which this thesis would never have been completed. Peter Delius fostered my interest in rural history and bravely supervised the research component of this thesis. Any sense of historical process offered in this thesis is a result of Peter's efforts. John Sender provided invaluable and extra-ordinarily generous conceptual and editorial assistance and advice. Adam Ashforth enthusiastically challenged me to do better. He was a constant and creative source of conceptual improvisation, humour, and editorial advice. Jonathan Stadler and Sakkie Niehaus, both of whom are anthropologists who have been working in Bushbuckridge since 1990, generously shared their insights and research with me. Stefan Schirmer, kept me company on my trips to the archives, as well as read and provided invaluable comments on drafts of this thesis. The Post-graduate Seminar Series at Wits proved a vital platform on which to air drafts of the thesis. Feedback from participants fundamentally improved a number of chapters. In particular I would like to thank Ned Breslin, Steve Louw and Clive Glaser for their input. Caroline Hamilton's interest and insights are also gratefully acknowledged. Many thanks are due to the staff of the Central Archives Depot who tirelessly responded to my endless requests for files. Similarely,