EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004

Introduction

No modern democratic state exists without political parties. If one takes a critical look Realising effective and sustainable at democratic governance in Africa, two democratic governance in Southern factors become apparent on the political Africa and beyond. front. Firstly, in many parts of the continent, democracy is slowly becoming the only form of governance in places such as Botswana, Mali, Ghana, and South Africa. The citizens of these countries are Political Parties and Governance experiencing political freedom, inter and in Zimbabwe intra party competition, press freedom, civil liberties, and the growth of civil society. Conversely, in other parts of the continent, where old established practices and the hard-won principle of democracy attained through a bitter armed struggle, By are now being eroded. Zimbabwe, in the W ole Olaleye recent past, has been characterised by conflict, posing particular challenges of governance. A more nuanced perspective on the crisis of democratic governance in Zimbabwe suggests that the incumbent party, the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as the ruling party, has exploited all the instruments of governance to deny the opposition – Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) any opportunity of winning power. The invariable outcome of this process has resulted in a crisis of legitimacy and general catastrophic governance systems that demonstrate an impasse for democratic consolidation. The ISSN: 1811-7422 rule of law has not been upheld by the supposedly independent but partisan ISBN: 1-919814-62-0 judiciary. This situation has created a © EISA, 2004 political polarisation within the society. A politics of ‘us’ and ‘them’ became the mode of political engagement and contestation. If political parties are to contribute to finding a lasting solution to the impasse in Zimbabwe, they will have to do it democratically.

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Makumbe enumerated some of the ways in state has all the trappings of a Weberian which democracy has been arrested in rational-legal system, with a clear Zimbabwe after two decades of distinction between the public and the democratic gains: private realm, with the written laws and a constitutional order…this official order is Breakdown of the rule of law often subverted by a patrimonial logic, in resulting in many cases of human which office holders almost systematically rights abuse and denial of access to appropriate public resources for their own justice for the victims; promotion of uses and political authority is largely the political culture of fear and the based on clientelist practices, including negation of the democratic ethic, patronage, various forms of rent-seeking which have in turn resulted in and prebendalism.”2 At the centre of this increased level of apathy on the part crisis, is the government of Zimbabwe of the majority of the people; African Nation Party-Patriotic Front humanitarian disasters of various (ZANU-PF), which has been ruling the kinds, such as displacement of more country since Zimbabwe attained than six thousand people from their independence in 1980. Any analysis of the rural home during the 2000 election Zimbabwe crisis will have to place at its campaign, and well over 70 000 centre, the critical role and extent to which during and after the presidential political parties contribute to reversing the election in 2002;A collapse of social gains of democracy as political institutions sector with health and education with aggregative function of assembling institutions failing to measure up to and promoting policy platforms for voters the expected standards of service through internal party practices. This delivery; a chronic shortage of paper argues that the democratisation foreign currency, fuel and many process in Zimbabwe has been halted by other imports that are necessary for the inability of ZANU-PF to transform the manufacturing industry, the itself from a liberation political movement mining industry, commerce and to a functional, democratic political party. agriculture; capital flight, The adherence of ZANU-PF to socialist withdrawal of official development party organisational structures and assistance and the dying up of management procedures stifled the foreign investment resulting in rapid development of credible and strong shrinking of the economy; and political opposition in the history of multi- soaring unemployment currently partyism in Zimbabwe. estimated to be higher than 70%, which contributes to an already Political Parties and Democratic unfortunate and unacceptable level Governance of poverty with some 80% of the population living below the poverty Democratic governance in Zimbabwe 1 datum line. would be impossible in the absence of competitive political parties. However, the The factor responsible for the arrest of contribution of parties to democratic democracy in Africa according to Nicolas development remains somewhat van de Walle (2000) is the extent to which unqualified in practice. In academic neopatrimonial politics dominate African circles, political parties are generally politics since the period of independence. perceived as: “weak links in the chain of The term neopatrimonialism refers to the elements that together make for a co-existence of patrimonial practices with democratic state, or to even have helped modern bureaucracy - “Outwardly the undermine democracy through the

- 2 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 irresponsible and self-interested action of • United People’s Association of their leaders.”3 Van de Walle and Butler Matabeleland (UPAM), led by Dr F. further argue, “African political parties are Bertrand plagued by weak organisation, low levels • Zimbabwe Union of Democrats of institutionalisation, and weak links to (ZUD), led by a woman – Margaret the society that they are supposed to Dongo8 4 represent.” Fomunyoh, in his overview of • Zimbabwe African People’s Union twenty Francophone countries found weak (ZANU) – Ndonga, led by veteran political parties’ as one of the chief nationalist, Ndabaningi Sithole hurdles holding back the process of Forum Party of Zimbabwe FPZ), 5 • democratic consolidation. Political parties formed in1993 by a former Zimbabwe defined as distinctive forms of Supreme Court judge, Enoch organisations designed to acquire and Dumbutshena exercise political power, to articulate and • Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) aggregate different views of interest, • Zimbabwe Integrated Party (ZIP) operate as a system for selecting cabinet founded in 1996 by a Mathematics members, and for organising individuals Professor, Henri Dzinotyiwei in relation to policy formulation and • Movement for Democratic Change implementation of public policy, and (MDC), formed in 1999 under the serving as mediators between individuals 6 leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai. and their government . It is a widely accepted truism among political analysts The political landscape is currently that democratic consolidation will be dominated mainly by the Zimbabwe impossible without a strong political party 7 African Nation Party-Patriotic Front system. (ZANU-PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The focus of Party politics are alive in Zimbabwe. the analysis in this paper is directed These, over the years, have included the mainly to these two parties. Together, following : these two political parties represent the

main political parties developing party • Zimbabwe African National Union leadership and governance in Zimbabwe (ZANU), dominated mainly by the through party ideology, policies and goals, majority Shona ethnic group and led programmes and manifesto; bridging the by Robert Mugabe links between the people and government • Zimbabwe African Peoples Union by advocating collectively for groups (ZAPU), led by Joshua Nkomo with interest, needs, and views; and responsible strong followers from the Ndebele for political socialisation and political ethnic minority recruitment of leadership through party • United Africa Council (UANC), led structures – Women’s and Youth Wings. by Bishop Abel Muzorewa The two parties also represent the ruling • Rhodesia Front (RF), led by Ian Smith party that takes on the governing role and • Zimbabwe Democratic Party (ZDP), the party that operates within ambit of led by James Chikerema government. The MDC emerged strongly • National Front of Zimbabwe (NFZ), as a party in active politics, and not merely under the leadership of Mr. P.F. as a party seemingly responsible for Mandaza contesting the elections without any real • National Democratic Union (NDU), interest in being part of or being the led by Mr. H. Chiota governing party. • United National Federal Party (UNFP), led by Chief K. Ndjweni - 3 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004

Depending on the theory of democratic democracy being consolidated and how do consolidation adopted in assessing the political parties’ behave in this process? political process in Zimbabwe, it could be Thus, the critical role of political parties argued that democratic consolidation is on cannot be salient in comprehending the the right track because of its record of necessary ingredient necessary for the accomplishment in conducting regular consolidation of democracy in Zimbabwe. multiparty elections since independence. It will be argued in this paper that the One thing is certain: using this kind of democratic process that began when indicator is problematic, especially if Zimbabwe obtained independence in applied in isolation from other democratic 1980, has been reversed. The evidence on governance indicators. The two election the political, social and economic front in test is inadequate within the context of Zimbabwe suggests this conclusion. Zimbabwe’s electoral contest. It does not Political parties, especially ZANU-PF, take into account the repressive electoral have failed to adapt themselves to the new laws, manipulation of the constitution, rules of the game. After twenty-three years abuse of state resources during elections to of independence from Britain, Zimbabwe favour incumbent political party, role of has witnessed five general elections, violence and intimidation by security which makes it one of the oldest forces and party supporters’ and the nature multiparty electoral democracies in of the party system under which these Southern Africa. These elections were elections (1980, 1985, 1990, 2000, 2002) fiercely contested by numerous political were conducted. It is a fact that we are yet parties. Despite the strong presence of to witness any transfer of power in political parties in Zimbabwe, parties have Zimbabwe. Furthermore, the ‘longevity not enjoyed the space to develop as test’ or ‘generation test’: 20 years of democratically run organisations. They regular competitive elections as a have always been reactive and are not able sufficient requirement for evaluating a to develop because the environment is not consolidated democracy, even if there is conducive for the growth of parties. no change in ruling party, is incapable of Political parties have limited assessing how a system will behave in the understanding in appreciating their role future. What we observed Zimbabwe, with within a democracy. over twenty years of ZANU-PF’s rule, is that the longer the same party remains in ZANU-PF Political Dominance power, the more indistinguishable it becomes from the state machinery on the ZAPU was formed after the banning of the one side and powerful economic interests Southern Rhodesia African National on the other hand; and the more doubtful Congress (ANC) and the National whether electoral competition and or Democratic Party (NDP) in 1961 by the participation takes place on a genuinely then White minority imperialist level playing field, or that electoral government. Joshua Nkomo assumed the accountability remains the rule of the leadership and the responsibility for game. exposing and advancing the course of African people’s liberation in Zimbabwe. As Ake convincingly contends, the critical Ndabaningi Sithole, a nationalist, led the aspect of true democracy is not multiparty splinter group which later became the elections but the assurance of “popular” Zimbabwe Africa National Union (mass) participation within African (ZANU). The two factions (ZANU & political systems.9 The critical issue here ZAPU) were born out of disagreement on is can we separate democratic strategies and tactics for the liberation consolidation from the quality of struggle. These two parties remained the

- 4 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 dominant parties responsible for colonial rule. When ZANU won negotiating the independence of independence, it took on the character of Zimbabwe and until the signing of the commandist and regimentalist rather than Lancaster House Constitution in 1979, democratic in its operations and which paved the way for the first management style. ZANU-PF’s various multiparty elections in Zimbabwe, party structures failed to engage and launched offensive attacks on the encourage participation and active Rhodesians government. As the contest involvement of party members in for political power intensified, the tension decision-making processes. between the two parties, driven by internal power struggle and factions, also became The first multiparty election was exacerbated. According to Nkiwane conducted in 1980, under the Lancaster commenting on the national liberation and House constitutional arrangement, which opposition politics, “ZAPU internal stipulated that elections were to be strictly discord was associated with the number of supervised by the British, with an element political figures, including James of proportional representation system to Chikerema, and lasted from 1968 until ensure the representation of Whites in the 1972. While the ZAPU was emerging national Parliament. Out of the 100 seats from its internal conflicts which, in the in Parliament, 20 seats were reserved for 1970s, claimed the lives, through the Whites. The 1980 election was assassinations, of Jason Moyo and Nikita contested by nine political parties, but Mangena, ZANU plunged into factional only ZANU-PF and ZAPU-PF emerged as in-fighting. This led to the ousting of the strongest parties. ZANU-PF emerged Ndabaningi Sithole from the movement’s as the overwhelming winner, capturing 1 helm in 1975 and his replacement by 668 992 (62.99%) of the total national Robert Mugabe.”10 This inter and intra- votes. This translated into 57 of the 80 party factionalism, which characterised the seats allocated to the black Zimbabweans liberation movements she argued, “was according to the Lancaster Constitution. also symptomatic of a political culture of The election result across the provinces violence which, to this day, still pervades clearly illustrated voting patterns along Zimbabwe politics.”11 ethnic cleavages. In the Mashonaland East, Central, and West, Victoria, and For political parties to contribute to the Manicaland, which is predominately process of democratic governance, dominated by the Shona saw 78% of the Kiondo, (2001)12 argues that political votes cast in these regions going to parties must function along three main ZANU. ZAPU only managed to capture areas: set a vision for leadership and 638 879 (24.11%) of the votes and won 20 governance of the country; act as bridges seats in Parliament with most support and links between people and government; from the Matabeleland (Ndebele’s).13 It and act as schools for politics and was only Muzorewa’s UANC, among leadership. It is interesting to note that other parties that contested the founding when ZANU won the liberation struggle elections that managed to secure three against the Rhodesian government seats in Parliament. together with ZAPU, they were not political parties in the classical Although the subsequent election, which connotation of parties, but liberation took place in 1985 did not reveal any movements. Both ZANU and ZAPU were change in voting pattern along the two spontaneous peaceful associations of major ethnic groups – Shona and Ndebele, people with a common goal, united in the ZANU however, was successful in eradicating the domination of the British increasing its share of seats in Parliament

- 5 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 and consolidation in power and dominance changes to the office of the President and a over politics. This dominance was return to a bi-cameral Parliament. The possible through changes in the electoral ZUM was formed in April 1989 by a law. The electoral system was changed group of disgruntled student movements from the proportional representation and workers from the urban areas. With all system to first-past-the-post system the unsavory political environment against (FPTP) under a single member district ZUM (i.e. limited resources, and lack of (SMD). The FPTP system is notorious for publicity) as a newly formed political promoting under-representation and votes party contesting in the election for the first waste. ZANU was able to secure 64 of the time, it secured two parliamentary seats in 80 seats reserved for Black Zimbabweans the Manicaland North and Mutare Central in Parliament, compared to ZAPU with constituencies. ZANU-Ndoga won 1 seat only 15 seats; ZANU-Ndonga only won 1 in Chipinge South. In 1995, with ZANU- seat. This meant that ZANU was able to PF winning 1 140 000 (81.63%) of the increase its seats in Parliament by seven votes and 118 seats in Parliament and more seats in comparison to the1980 solely controlling the 30 nominated and election results. reserved seats, it gave ZANU-PF a total In order to entrench the dominance of control of all seats in Parliament – 148 of ZANU, Robert Mugabe signed a ‘Unity the 150 seats. The coming of the MDC Accord’ with Joshua Nkomo on 22 into the political market place completely December 1987. This resulted in the changed the nature of party competition as merger of ZANU and ZAPU into a mega well as destroyed the hegemony of party called ZANU-PF. This merger ZANU-PF in Zimbabwean politics. destroyed any hope of effective opposition politics in Zimbabwe and this is partly ZANU-PF until the establishment of MDC responsible for the reverse democratic into the political contestation equation, progress in Zimbabwe. The move was commanded the overwhelming majority to described by many political commentators an extent that Zimbabwe effectively in Zimbabwe as a strategy employed by became a de facto one party state. This President Robert Mugabe to consolidate allowed other parties to exist as long as power and facilitate the formation of the they did not pose any serious challenge to one-party state. The 1990 and 1995 the domination and rule of ZANU-PF. election results, in many ways, lend Nevertheless, the MDC managed to gather credence to this assertion. ZANU-PF, won considerable political strength through its 1 690 071 (80.55%) of the votes cast in wide spread support from the trade union 1990, that translate into 117 of the 120 movements, disgruntled intelligentsia seats elected seats in Parliament. Before community, student movement and civil 1990 election, the provision for 20 society. The voting pattern in the last 2000 reserved seats was removed from the and 2002 general elections is a clearly constitution and the parliamentary seats illustrates the end of ZANU-PF’s were extended to 120 without any special domination of political competition. provision for race groupings. The election Contrary to what was suggested by some campaign was rallied around the need to commentators14 that any possibility of ensure national unity and warnings of new political opposition in Zimbabwe politics and old reactionary, racist and divisive would be through a spilt within the force inform of the Zimbabwe Unity ZANU-PF, the emergence of MDC in Movement (ZUM) and Forum Party of Zimbabwe shifted the focus away from Zimbabwe (FPZ), led by former possible opposition from within ZANU- Zimbabwe Supreme Court judge, Enoch PF, to the alliance of civil society Dumbutshena. FPZ call for fundamental organisations,. This led to the formation of

- 6 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 the MDC as the first ever formidable parties in Africa to solicit support around a national opposition party.15 dominant party for the sole purpose of defeating the colonial power and not The level of popular support enjoyed by necessarily for carrying out the task of the MDC, which was based on a common governance. ZANU-PF uses its dominant goal of forming a credible opposition to and prominent role in polity to eliminate offset the ruling ZANU-PF, clearly upset political competition and consolidate the dominant position of ZAPU-PF. Series power after achieving independence. This of political manoeuvres were introduced to behaviour cumulated in the evolution of suppress any successful electioneering by pseudo one party rule. Single party the MDC. These included, among other dominance did not emerge as a result of violations mentioned in the beginning of consensus between parties during the this paper, a careful manipulation of the struggle for independence. The electoral law and election process. These monopolisation of power by ZANU-PF included amendments to the Electoral Act happened after independence. ZANU-PF of 1990, promulgation of the draconian was voted in power through competitive laws such as the Public Order and Security elections but once in power, the party Act (POSA) of 2000, a sharp cut in the destroyed any form of effective political number of urban polling places, and opposition. The pseudo one party state physical assaults or intimidation of voters failed to fulfil its expected role: suspected of MDC sympathies16. The representing the needs and aspiration of all Public Order Security Act was regarded by citizens, providing a stable government many commentators as having been more and above all, reconciling the differences repressive than the notorious colonial era between the Shona and Ndebele political Law and Order Maintenance Act. It was rivalry groupings. This has resulted in reported that POSA was used to stop no creating weak institutionalised party less than seven MDC election campaign systems, where the distinctiveness of party rallies in one week, as well as voter organisations in Zimbabwe is education meetings organised by civil characterised by ethnicity, clientalism, society groups in Harare, Bulawayo, and patronage, highly centralised political Mutare17. Despite all the attempts by the power structures, control and abuse of ruling party to frustrate the efforts of the state resources by the ruling party, high opposition parties, MDC’s electoral volatility of election competition and weak performance during the 2001 presidential opposition party systems. ZANU-PF election was a clear signal of the end to emerged as a dominant party because it the political domination and control of abused the privilege of incumbency by ZANU-PF. systematically manipulating the electoral laws and/or constitution in order to From the above analysis, it follows that weaken every attempt by opposition the development of political parties is parties to gain equitable and proportional interrelated with the struggle for access to political power. Hence, the independence. ZANU-PF emerged as a interplay between structural and regulatory liberation movement that mobilised conditions under which opposition parties citizens for independence. With time, the operate remains one of the major deficits ZANU-PF has become a source of power for opposition parties in the process of and accumulation of wealth in the face of democratic consolidation. But it is poverty and human starvation. The nature difficult, if not too early, to assess the of party systems that developed during the extent to which MDC has shifted party phase of liberation struggle demonstrates politics away from old patterns of party the prevalent tendency among political allegiance. MDC was successful in

- 7 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 providing an alternative political corporations, which operate on profit expression of politicised cleavages in bases. It follows that parties must compete society. These cleavages facilitated the for voters in the same manner that development of a network of civil business companies compete for buyers of association collectively mobilising their product. Of critical concern for the supporters on each side of the cleavage. supporters of this view is the supposed The success of the MDC is mainly importance of party cohesion for attributed to the nature of the coalition that competitiveness within the parties’. brought about its formation and continues to work within the party structure. The ZANU-PF is likened to a case of close relationship between the MDC and ‘democratic centralism”21 (Mair and civil society groups has heightened the Sithole 2002) in which the Politburo risk of politicisation of civil society along ultimately decides on who becomes the party political lines. If MDC is to become party’s representative for any elected the real alternative to the ruling party, it office. Although the People’s Congress is would have to operate differently from the supposed to be the highest decision ruling party. Of critical importance is making body within ZANU-PF, it is rather finding an effective mechanism within the the First Secretary (who is also the party to deal with internal conflict. President of the Party), Politburo and the Central Committee who makes all Intra Party Politics within ZANU-PF important decisions within the party and MDC through the Secretary for Administration. This body is the link between the party Opponents of intra-party democracy have and government/president. This repeatedly argued about the importance of arrangement centrally locates all the representative linkages within parties. powers within the party in the hand of one McKenzie18 argues that the internally person – President Robert. Mugabe. democratic parties are ‘incompatible with Despite this long established tradition of the workings of democratic government’. party primary elections, there is still a lack He maintains that control of the legislature of appreciation among party membership and executive by extra-parliamentary party on how the mechanism works. Primary organs is a distinguishing feature of a elections always end in creating anger, totalitarian political system. It follows that bitterness, non-acceptance of election ‘oligarchical control by party leaders of results, factions and growth of their party organisation is indispensable independent candidates. for the well-being of a democratic polity’. Duverger postulates that the democratic Democratisation of party selection is not a process of decision-making is inefficient universal trend within parties (ZANU-PF and would weaken a political party’s and MDC) in Zimbabwe. The degree to ability to compete with its opponents: which parties open up their selection “democratic principles demand that process across parties varies. The MDC leadership at all levels be elective, that it party structure looks different from be frequently renewed, collective in ZANU-PF, but it is not very different in character, weak in authority. Organised in operation. The highest decision making this fashion, a party is not well armed for body within MDC is the National the struggle of politics19.” This line of Congress, which like the ZANU-PF, also argument follows what political theorists meets every five years to elect members of call ‘Rational-Efficient Party Model’.20 In the National Executive Committee (NEC). this model, the workings and operations of The NEC, a much small party structure a party is compared to competitive but an extremely powerful one, meets

- 8 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 annually and implements all policy agencies, adopted The Gender and decisions made by the Congress. Unlike Development Declaration in Blantyre, the ZANU-PF, the MDC Secretary Malawi in 1997. In this declaration, they General of the party is not the President of recognise that while gender equality is a the party but the NEC in a similar fashion fundamental human right, individually and to ZANU-PF also controls the nomination collectively, SADC member-states process within the party. committed themselves to equal gender representation in all key organs of the state The effect of democratising candidate and to at least reach a target of 30% women selection varies because the different representation in key political and decision- selection mechanisms and/or selection making structures by 2005. The progress bodies within parties often produce made so far in Zimbabwe toward reaching different kinds of parliamentary the 30% minimum target of women in key candidates, as well as different types of organs of the state, especially Parliament is party leadership. For example, women are still minimal. It is unfortunate that neither always casualities of primary election in the ZANU-PF nor the MDC has both parties. Women, in general, struggle sufficiently promoted women participation to be nominated during primary elections. and representation in politics. The Women lost elections during this phase representation of women in decision- because there was no adequate political making structures within both parties and education within parties. Women are often in Parliament continues to remain placed in traditional societies where there unimpressive. Both ZANU-PF and MDC are deeply entrenched gender biases. have very few women in Parliament as Parties need to carry out a re-orientation indicated in the following table: civic education programme long before the elections. The expectation that people will change their socially conditioned Table 1: Number of Women in Zimbabwe responses in a society perpetuated by Parliament from 2000–2004 by Political Party traditional values and systems, where Election No. of Seats No. of Women in Parliament Type of people vote on gut feelings during election in by Party Electoral time is an unrealistic expectation. This Parliament ZANU-PF MDC System constitutes a major deficiency among 2000 150 9 7 FPTP parties in Zimbabwe. Source: Own Compilation (Olaleye, W. 2003)

Women and Party and Politics The imbalanced nature of women representation is a matter of serious The UN Human Development Report of concern and despite many parties both 1995 which analysed gender and recognising and acknowledging the development in 174 countries, found that: imbalances in party manifestos, little ‘while it is true that no definite progress had been in this regard. relationship has been established between Zimbabwe’s 25 member cabinet is the extent of women’s participation in dominated mainly by men. Only four of political institutions and their contribution the executives are women. Furthermore, to the advancement of women, a 30 many of the local councils are also percent membership in political dominated by men, e.g. the Harare City institutions is considered the critical mass Council, which comprises 46 councilors, that enables women to exert meaningful has only 6 women members. influence on politics’. The SADC member- states in an effort to address the gender Other factors that have been identified inequality in politics and other state related explaining the under-representation of - 9 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 women in politics include: lack of mercy of party elites for nomination. It economic empowerment, lack of must form part of a deliberate strategy and confidence to participate in politics have strong support from the political beyond voting, social constraints, and leadership. political party frameworks that do not support women. Although cultural factors This system places the responsibility on entrenched in the socialisation process and those in control of the the prevailing hostile political environment nomination/recruitment process within the has mostly been cited as to reasons why party. It makes provision for the expected women feature poorly in Zimbabwe target of women in decision-making politics, however, research indicates that structures to be written in the party and or political structures (i.e. electoral system) national constitution. For the system to be rather than purely socio-cultural issues act effective women candidates must be as major deterring factors for the under- suitably prepared and adequate linkages representation of women in politics. In established between women in parties, Zimbabwe, the few women representative Parliament, institutions, and/or agencies that in Parliament are generally secured through empower women for leadership. reserving a fixed number of seats for women within parties’. An examination of On a national level, the number of women Table 1 clearly illustrates what in Zimbabwe Parliament accounts for 9% of multipartyism means for women in the total number available of seats. One of Zimbabwe. In Parliament today, both the important reasons for this low figure lies ZANU-PF and MDC have very few women in the nature of the electoral system representatives. employed in translating votes cast into parliamentary seats. The First-past-the-post The position is advanced in this paper is (FPTP) electoral system, which is used in that the issue of women representation Zimbabwe, is based on constituency within parties cannot be addressed in a representation,. This has the tendency of vacuum. Raising the profile of women making it difficult for women to overcome within parties should be part of a strategy the conventionally attributed stereotypes that seeks to address issues of national roles of women in society. Evidence socio-economic development. It is equally elsewhere in the SADC region suggests that important to stress that other short to countries with proportional representation medium term measures could possibly be systems (i.e. Mozambique, South Africa adopted to correct the women under- and Namibia) allow politically progressive representation that characterises parties in elites to break through the patriarchal bias Zimbabwe. Parties should consider and fast track women in decision making. adopting and applying quotas and reserved Changing the electoral system is a better seats system for women more vigorously. option and much easier mechanism to This should be applied at the party implement in changing deeply entrenched nomination phase. The quota system must social and cultural perceptions of the role of ensure that women constitute a certain women. number or percentage (30%) of the members of a body, be it on the candidate Conclusion list, Parliament, or the cabinet (party informal quota system). The other approach The issue of whether political parties are a that could be used in fast tracking the basic prerequisite of a democratic system representation of women within party is a foregone conclusion, at least in structures and politics is to have a statutory Zimbabwe. The issue that confronts party quota system as opposed to reliance on the system in Zimbabwe is that of finding

- 10 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004 appropriate political mechanisms and Both the legislature and judiciary are institutions to transform the highly subjected to the powers of the executive centralised political institutions into those embodied in the presidency. Even though that promote viable and pluralist Members of Parliament are elected, when democratic procedures within political it comes to exercising legislative parties, as well as fostering the culture of oversight, these members are merely political pluralism that symbolises the rubber stamping agents to the decisions democratic aspiration of many taken by the party and the president. The Zimbabweans. It is important within the latter is also the party chairperson. The political context of Zimbabwe that parties failure of the legislature to maintain an develop an enabling environment that can overseeing function over the government help mainstream internal democratic is a reflection of the nature of the internal practices within parties as the role of democratic culture evident within the political parties in democratic governance party. Until the emergence of the MDC, is highly critical. Although Zimbabwe is a the whole Parliament was an extension of multiparty democracy, the political the ZANU-PF committee. However as the outlook is that of a one-party state, in MDC now forms a visible opposition in which ZANU-PF is extremely Parliament, it cannot be reduced to a mere bureaucratic, oppressive and extension of party affairs. indistinguishable from the state apparatus. The idea of a separation between the three tiers of government is a complete illusion.

Notes

1 Makumbe, J. 2003. ZANU-PF: A Party in Transition, Zimbabwe’s turmoil: Problems and prospects, Institute for Security Studies (ISS): Pretoria, South Africa. www.iss.co.za 2 Van de Walle, N. 2000. The Impact of Multi-Party Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, A paper presented at the Norwegian Association for Development Research Annual Conference, “The State Under Pressure”, 5-5 October, 2000, Bergen, Norway. 3 Randall, V. & Svåsand, L. 2002. Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Africa, Democratization, Vol.9, No.3 4 Van de Walle, N. & Butler, K.S. ‘Political Parties and Party Systems in Africa Illebral Democracies’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol.13, No.1 5 Fomunyoh, C. 2001. ‘Democratization in Fits and Starts’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.12, No.3 6 Duverger, M. 1954. Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State. London: Methuen 7 Dix, R.1992. “Democratization and Institutionalization of Latin American Political Parties”, In Comparative Political Studies, Vol.24, No.4; Mainwaring, S., & Scully, T. (eds.) 1995. Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America. Stanford: Stanford University Press 8 Is the only women candidate ever to contest for the Presidential seat 9 Ake, C. 1996. Democracy and Development in Africa, Washington, D.C.: The Brookings institution 10 Nkiwane, T.C. 1998. Opposition Politics in Zimbabwe: The Struggle within the Struggle, The Politics of Opposition in Contemporary Africa, Olukoshi, A. O. (ed), Pg. 95 11 Ibid. 12 Kiondo, A.S. 2001. “Political Parties and Party System”, In Civics: A Tanzanian Reader, E & D: Tanzania, Der es Salaam 13 Sachikonye, L. 2003 Zimbabwe, Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa, Lodge, T. et al. (eds.), EISA: Johannesburg, South Africa 14 See Nkiwane, T.C. 1998. On opposition politics in Zimbabwe 15 The National Constitutional Assembly (founded in 1997), a formation of more than 40 civic organisations and opposition parties dedicated to promoting constitutional reforms provided the support base within the labour movement, especially the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) under the former secretary general, now the president of MDC – Morgan Tsvangirai, the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, Human Rights Advocacy Groups such as ZimRights, Women’s Coalition, and the Zimbabwe National Student Union 16 Makumbe, J. 2002. Zimbabwe’s Hijacked Election, Journal of Democracy, Vol. 13, No.4 17 Ibid. 18 McKenzie, R. Quoted in A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy, Robert Michels. 1999, London: Transaction Publishers 19 Duverger, M. 1954. Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State. London: Methuen 20 Wright, M. 1956. The Power Elite. New York: Oxford University Press 20 Mair and Sithole 2002. Blocked Democracies in Africa: Case Study Zimbabwe, Harare: Konrad Adenauer Foundation

ABOUT THE AUTHOR W ole Olaleye is a Research Fellow at the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa Email: W ole@ eisa.org.za - 11 - EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 18, March 2004

EISA OCCASIONAL PAPERS

CODE TITLE OP 1 M unicipal Elections in 1999, P. Roome, 1999 OP 2 An Overview of Local Government: M unicipal Demarcation Act 27 of 1998, R. Cameron, 1999 OP 3 An Analysis of the Legal Framework for Elections, Lisa Thornton, 1998 OP 4 Voter Registration & Demarcation in Local Government, B. Gerber , 1998 OP 5 South African Electoral Commission: The Old and the New, Glenda Fick, 1998 OP 6 An Analysis of the Constitutional and Legal Framework For Elections in the Local Government Sphere, D. Craythorne OP 7 Developmental Local Government and Local Economic Development, F. Khan, 1998 OP 8 Techniques of Public Participation in Local Government, Doreen Atkinson, 1997 OP 9 Issues of Representation in Local Government, Doreen Atkinson, 1997 OP 10 Local Government: A Review of Selected Legislation, Glenda Fick, 2001 OP 11 Conflict M anagement Programme Report: South Africa Local Government Election, August-December 2000, EISA AND IEC OP 12 Survey of Electoral Systems and Reform Imperatives in the SADC Region, Khabele M atlosa, 2003 OP 13 Impact of Democracy on Public Participation in the SADC Region, Claude Kabemba, 2003 OP14 The OAU, NEPAD and the Promotion of Good Governance in Africa, John Akopari, 2003 OP15 Democratic Consolidation and Political Parties in Lesotho, W ole Olaleye 2003 OP16 Party Systems in the SADC Region: In Defence of the Dominant Party System, Shumbana Karume, 2004 OP17 Interrogating Challenges for Intra-Party Democracy in Southern Africa, Khabele M atlosa, 2004

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