Autonomy As a Foundation for a Theory of Free Speech in Terms of Its Social and Political Interpretation
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Liberalism After Communitarianism1 Charles Blattberg Professor of Political Philosophy Université De Montréal Introduction
Liberalism after Communitarianism1 Charles Blattberg Professor of Political Philosophy Université de Montréal Introduction Since the beginning of the modern age, there have been political thinkers who complain about its over-emphasis on the individual. Others have raised concerns about the dangers associated with too much community. One version of this dispute is reflected in the ‘liberal-communitarian debate’, which arose within anglophone political philosophy during the 1980s. The liberals were led by John Rawls, along with Ronald Dworkin, Thomas Nagel, and T.M. Scanlon. And the communitarian critique of their work was advanced by, among others, Alasdair MacIntyre, Michael Sandel, Charles Taylor, and Michael Walzer. As we might expect, since the publication of the writings of both groups, some have seen fit to declare one side or other of the debate the victor. But we should assume that none of the leading participants saw their exchanges in such merely competitive terms. After all, serious thinkers know that theirs is a higher – because ultimately philosophical – calling. We can understand the debate as arising primarily around Rawls’ A Theory of Justice (1999; originally published in 1971). The book defends what he considers to be the key principles of liberalism. To Rawls, we should endorse that political order which matches what rational citizens would freely choose from ‘the original position’. This is the perspective attained by stepping behind a hypothetical ‘veil of ignorance’, which conceals individuals’ knowledge of their capacities or social position. By imagining ourselves behind such a veil, we are said to be able to deliberate in a truly representative manner, and so ‘regard the human situation not only from all social but also from all temporal points of view’ (Rawls 1999: 514). -
Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Self-Expression, and Kant's Public
Diametros 54 (2017): 118–137 doi: 10.13153/diam.54.2017.1136 FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF SELF-EXPRESSION, AND KANT’S PUBLIC USE OF REASON – Geert Van Eekert – Abstract. This article turns to early modern and Enlightenment advocates of tolerance (Locke, Spi- noza, John Stuart Mill) to discover and lay bare the line of argument that has informed their com- mitment to free speech. This line of argument will subsequently be used to assess the shift from free speech to the contemporary ideal of free self-expression. In order to take this assessment one step further, this article will finally turn to Immanuel Kant’s famous defense of the public use of reason. In the wake of Katerina Deligiorgi’s readings of Kant, it will show that the idea of free speech requires a specific disposition on behalf of speakers and writers that is in danger of being neglected in the contemporary prevailing conception of free speech as freedom of self-expression. Keywords: John Locke, Baruch Spinoza, Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill, freedom of speech, free- dom of self-expression, public use of reason, Enlightenment. Contemporary debates about free speech or freedom of speech primarily deal with the question how free speech should be (in the sense of both “How free should speech be?” and “How should free speech be?”), and not (or at least not mainly) with the question why speech should be free.1 Admittedly, there seems to be no reason to urge the latter question: it is rather generally agreed upon today (at least in liberal democratic societies) that freedom of speech should be both es- teemed and categorically defended because it is both a fundamental human right and a key pillar of democracy and of the (scientific) quest for knowledge. -
The Diminishing Power and Democracy of Hong Kong: an Analysis of Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement and the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement
Portland State University PDXScholar University Honors Theses University Honors College Summer 2021 The Diminishing Power and Democracy of Hong Kong: An Analysis of Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement and the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement Xiao Lin Kuang Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/honorstheses Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Other International and Area Studies Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Kuang, Xiao Lin, "The Diminishing Power and Democracy of Hong Kong: An Analysis of Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement and the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement" (2021). University Honors Theses. Paper 1126. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.1157 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. The diminishing power and democracy of Hong Kong: an analysis of Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement and the Anti-extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement by Xiao Lin Kuang An undergraduate honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts In University Honors And International Development Studies And Chinese Thesis Adviser Maureen Hickey Portland State University 2021 The diminishing power and democracy of Hong Kong Kuang 1 Abstract The future of Hong Kong – one of the most valuable economic port cities in the world – has been a key political issue since the Opium Wars (1839—1860). -
Reclaiming Their Shadow: Ethnopolitical Mobilization in Consolidated Democracies
Reclaiming their Shadow: Ethnopolitical Mobilization in Consolidated Democracies Ph. D. Dissertation by Britt Cartrite Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder May 1, 2003 Dissertation Committee: Professor William Safran, Chair; Professor James Scarritt; Professor Sven Steinmo; Associate Professor David Leblang; Professor Luis Moreno. Abstract: In recent decades Western Europe has seen a dramatic increase in the political activity of ethnic groups demanding special institutional provisions to preserve their distinct identity. This mobilization represents the relative failure of centuries of assimilationist policies among some of the oldest nation-states and an unexpected outcome for scholars of modernization and nation-building. In its wake, the phenomenon generated a significant scholarship attempting to account for this activity, much of which focused on differences in economic growth as the root cause of ethnic activism. However, some scholars find these models to be based on too short a timeframe for a rich understanding of the phenomenon or too narrowly focused on material interests at the expense of considering institutions, culture, and psychology. In response to this broader debate, this study explores fifteen ethnic groups in three countries (France, Spain, and the United Kingdom) over the last two centuries as well as factoring in changes in Western European thought and institutions more broadly, all in an attempt to build a richer understanding of ethnic mobilization. Furthermore, by including all “national -
A Crossroads, Not an Island: a Response to Hanoch Dagan
Michigan Law Review Online Volume 117 Article 9 2019 A Crossroads, Not an Island: A Response to Hanoch Dagan Zoë Hitzig Harvard University E. Glen Weyl RadicalxChange Foundation Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr_online Part of the Law and Economics Commons Recommended Citation Zoë Hitzig & E. G. Weyl, A Crossroads, Not an Island: A Response to Hanoch Dagan, 117 MICH. L. REV. ONLINE 117 (2019). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr_online/vol117/iss1/9 This Commentary is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review Online by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A CROSSROADS, NOT AN ISLAND: A RESPONSE TO HANOCH DAGAN Zoë Hitzig* & E. Glen Weyl** Hanoch Dagan critiques Radical Markets for insufficient attention to the value of autonomy. While most of his concrete disagreements result from miscommunications, he appears sympathetic to a theory of autonomy that is more widespread, and deserves response. Human agency is fundamentally social, and individuality is primarily constituted by the unique set of social connections and identities one adopts. In this sense, flourishing individuals are crossroads of different communities, not self- sufficient islands. Beyond any welfarist benefits, a fundamental value of Radical Markets is that they aim to instantiate the social nature of identity and empower agency through diverse community. Obsessed, bewildered By the shipwreck Of the singular We have chosen the meaning Of being numerous. -
Guidelines and Value Statement on Freedom of Speech and Expression
FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND EXPRESSION VALUE STATEMENT AND GUIDELINES Approved by USM Board of Regents June 21, 2019 Freedom of Speech and Expression Statement of Values The free exchange of ideas and information is central to higher education’s foremost obligation of fostering both intellectual development and the discovery and dissemination of knowledge. Scholarship and learning can only flourish in an environment in which the unfettered expression of all ideas is nurtured. To that end, the University System of Maryland (USM) is committed to promoting and protecting every person’s freedom to express their views, however controversial, in a lawful manner. With certain exceptions, such as threats of physical violence and unlawful harassment, free speech is protected by the United States Constitution. The State of Maryland and the USM share the commitment to free speech that is imbedded in our nation’s constitution. Any effort to limit protected speech based solely on content is a violation of USM’s legal and academic responsibilities and is therefore impermissible. The USM’s duty to advance facts and the truth -- as well as our commitment to the students, faculty, and staff who comprise the USM community -- can also impose an obligation to condemn, confront, or correct speech that is hateful or discriminatory. Institutional leaders and other campus community members may counter speech designed to denigrate others or undermine evidence- based scholarship with additional speech. Offensive speech cannot be banned, but it can—and often should—be challenged. A healthy and thriving community also depends on the civility of its members towards one another. -
Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H
Jacob A. Sandstrom Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H. Jackson The Robert H. Jackson Center 305 East Fourth Street Jamestown, New York 14701 716.483.6646 www.roberthjackson.org Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H. Jackson Abstract What can be said of a man whose life was so vibrant, yet so short? For Associate Justice Robert H. Jackson, words were a craft—his sword and his solace. Though Jackson’s life was cut short by a fatal heart attack, his words remain in his masterful writings, speeches, and opinions. Among the themes Jackson references, sanctity of individual thought—the basis of a functional democracy—is constant. A practical man, Jackson professed that though certain forms of harmful speech and action could be subject to limitation, thought was beyond the control of anyone but the individual. Ultimately, the public’s chief goal is to find items of “social value” through consensus, a result of discussions that welcome a wide range of opinions. Jackson’s views of free thought were strengthened by his time serving as U.S. Chief Prosecutor at Nuremberg; his willingness to pen opinions— particularly individual concurrences or dissents—following Nuremberg seems to be more than a mere matter of coincidence. This paradigm begs the question: what did Jackson find at Nuremberg that so profoundly altered his understanding of the world? The physical atrocities of World War II are upsetting to any empathetic human being; there is no doubt that Jackson was disturbed by the blatant horrors of Nazi rule. -
Bringing Liberalism and Communitarianism Closer
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 4-2001 Bringing Liberalism and Communitarianism Closer Paul Frazier Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Frazier, Paul, "Bringing Liberalism and Communitarianism Closer" (2001). Master's Theses. 5022. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/5022 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BRINGING LIBERALISMAND COMMUNITARIANISM CLOSER by Paul Frazier A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Philosophy Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan April2001 Copyright by Paul Frazier 2001 BRINGINGLIBERALISM AND COMMUNIT ARIANISM CLOSER Paul Frazier, M.A. Western Michigan University, 2001 The question that divides liberalism and communitarianism is: should the state exist to protect individuals and individual rights or for the good of society as a whole? This thesis suggests that this is the wrong question to ask. Individuals are not isolated and different fromtheir communities, but are products of social settings. This does not mean, however, that individual freedom and individual rights are compromised. Rather, the only way for an individual to be an autonomous agent and to make free choices is within a society. Rights for individuals, then, must come from within a social setting. Therefore, the individual is intertwined with a society and we cannot view a just society as simply focusingon one or the other. -
Freedom of Expression and the Liberalism of Fear
volume 20, no. 34 I. Introduction november 2020 Much recent philosophical work on free speech proceeds in the fol- lowing ostensibly plausible way. Rights, it is said, protect weighty interests (Raz 1986). Therefore, if there is a right to free expression, then there must be some weighty interest(s) that it protects. More- over, reasoning about the best means of protecting and advancing Freedom of Expression and these interests determines a right’s normative limits. For example: if we have a right to free expression because it aids us in the search for truth (as J. S. Mill suggests), then, when limiting speech helps us in our search, we ought to impose the relevant limitations (Leiter 2016). If we the Liberalism of Fear: have a right to freedom of expression because it facilitates democratic deliberation, then, when silencing speech does so better, silencing is justified (Schauer 1982). If we have a right to free expression because A Defense of the Darker Mill such a right promotes the perfection of our capacities, then, when pre- venting some speech does so better, we ought to prevent speech just that far (Brink 2001: 149−172). If a right to free expression protects us against oppression, then our speech can be regulated insofar as it con- stitutes oppression (McGowan 2014). And so on. As Stanley Fish puts the general point, speech “is always produced within the precincts of some conception of the good to which it must yield in the event of conflict” (1994). Or as Erwin Chemerinsky writes, courts must inevitably decide “what speech is protected, under what circumstances, and when and how the government may regulate” (2017: 1237−1238). -
Beyond Political Liberalism
Beyond Political Liberalism Toward a Post-Secular Ethics of Public Life Troy Dostert University of Notre Dame Press Notre Dame, Indiana © 2006 University of Notre Dame Press 00 dost (i-x/1-14) Final iii 9/13/06 2:20:04 PM Copyright © 2006 by University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana 46556 www.undpress.nd.edu All Rights Reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dostert, Troy Lewis, 1968– Beyond political liberalism : toward a post-secular ethics of public life / Troy Dostert. p. cm. Based on the author’s thesis (doctoral)—Duke University. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. isbn-13: 978-0-268-02600-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-268-02600-9 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Political ethics. 2. Religion and politics. 3. Liberalism—Religious aspects. 4. Religious pluralism—Political aspects. I. Title. bj55.d64 2006 172—dc22 2006023895 ∞ The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. © 2006 University of Notre Dame Press 00 dost (i-x/1-14) Final iv 9/13/06 2:20:05 PM Introduction One of the most pressing dilemmas in contemporary political theory con- cerns how we should conceive of political life in light of the challenges posed by moral diversity. When citizens with widely divergent ethical or religious convictions clash in public debate, how can we approach such disagreements constructively? How can we work toward a stable and legitimate basis -
The Evolution of the Interpretation of Populism from the 1950S to Present
Department of Political Science Course in Comparative History of Political Systems THE EVOLUTION OF THE INTERPRETATION OF POPULISM FROM THE 1950S TO PRESENT AN HISTORICAL EXCURSUS Supervisor: Professor Giovanni Orsina Candidate: Matteo Passigli Co-Supervisor: Vincenzo Emanuele Academic Year 2017-2018 Index Introduction Chapter I – Understanding populism: a general idea of the populist debate 1. Thinking about populism 2. Approaching populism 2.1. Populism as Forma Mentis 2.2. Ideological Approach 2.3. Political-Strategical Approach 3. Populism around the world 3.1. Europe 3.2. United States 3.3. Latin America 4. The Protagonists of populism 4.1. Populism in power Chapter II – The interpretation of populism in the 1969-1989 period 1. Historical and Conceptual Background 2. A first ideological approach to populism 3. The New and Differentiated Approaches to Populism: Social Mobilization, Integration and Structural Changes 4. The populist Upsurge in Latin America: Macroeconomic Populism and Social Modernization 4.1 The roots of a National Populist Movement: The Case of Argentina Chapter III – The interpretation of populism in the 1990-2009 period 1. Historical and Conceptual Background 2. New-Populism Cases 3. New Right-Wing Populism: Immigration and Xenophobia 4. Democracy and Populism 5. Communication and Media within the New Populist Surge 5.1 Media-Populism in Italy: the Lega Nord Case Chapter IV – The interpretation of populism in the 2009-today period Main literature and thoughts Conclusion Bibliography Introduction The objective of this work is to make a comparative historical analysis of the concept of populism and its interpretation. Following the course of history and of main literature and authors, this excursus will illustrate how the interpretation of populism has been changing during the XX century in different regions, such as the United States, Europe and Latin America. -
Race, Neoliberalism, and Intellectual Freedom
Speech and Silence: Race, Neoliberalism, and Intellectual Freedom Maura Seale1 and Rafia Mirza2 1 University of Michigan, 2 Southern Methodist University ABSTRACT: In 1977, the American Library Association’s (ALA) Office of Intellectual Freedom (OIF) produced a film entitled The Speaker which depicts a high school that invites a professor to speak on the inferiority of African Americans. A throughline connects The Speaker in its 1977 incarnation to OIF’s 2018 actions and discourse around its 2018 revision of the “Meeting Rooms: An Interpretation of the Library Bill of Rights” to specifically include hate groups. It is not coincidental that the construction of the library as a marketplace of ideas takes place through debates around the fundamental humanity of Black people in the United States; this throughline is embedded in racial capitalism. In this essay, we argue that debates around intellectual freedom within librarianship, with their reliance on the metaphor of the library as a “marketplace of ideas,” must be understood through the broad lens of racial capitalism. More specifically, we use Jodi Melamed’s typology of liberal antiracisms in the twentieth and twenty-first century to analyze ALA and OIF documents, as well as The Speaker, and draw on Randolph Hohle and David Theo Goldberg’s work to consider the relationships between public space, neoliberal policy, and race at play in the “Meeting Rooms” documents. Keywords: race, neoliberalism, intellectual freedom, free speech, critical theory This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.