Tanzania General Elections
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State of Politics in Tanzania
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. TANZANIA RICHARD SHABA July 2007 State of Politics in Tanzania www.kas.de/kenia INTRODUCTION The assessment dwells on the political, eco- nomic and social situation as well on the THERE is a broad consensus that the major actors namely: the ruling and opposi- process of consolidating the transition tion political parties, civil society and the towards participatory political system media, the rise of fundamentalism factor in Tanzania over the past seventeen together with the influence of the external years has achieved remarkable suc- factor in shaping the political process. cess. Whereas once predominantly un- der a single party hegemony, Tanzania THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY AND SO- today is characterized by a plurality of CIAL SERVICES political parties. Though slow; the growth of the independent civil society Ranked 159 th out of 175 countries on the has gained momentum. Human Development Index [HDI] by the United Nations, Tanzania is one of the poor- The country has also witnessed a dramatic est countries in the world. And although transformation of the press. State-owned the economy is growing, it is still very much media outfits that had a virtual monopoly externally oriented with almost 100 percent for decades have now changed their accent of development expenditure externally fi- and become outlets for different voices, not nanced basically by donors. Internal reve- just the ruling party - a major step towards nue collection has not met the objective of promoting democratic practice. This para- collecting at least 18.5 per cent of the GDP digm shift has also helped engender a criti- growth rate. -
Title First Name Last (Family) Name Officecountry Jobtitle Organization 1 Mr. Sultan Abou Ali Egypt Professor of Economics
Last (Family) # Title First Name OfficeCountry JobTitle Organization Name 1 Mr. Sultan Abou Ali Egypt Professor of Economics Zagazig University 2 H.E. Maria del Carmen Aceña Guatemala Minister of Education Ministry of Education 3 Mr. Lourdes Adriano Philippines Poverty Reduction Specialist Asian Development Bank (ADB) 4 Mr. Veaceslav Afanasiev Moldova Deputy Minister of Economy Ministry of Economy Faculty of Economics, University of 5 Mr. Saleh Afiff Indonesia Professor Emeritus Indonesia 6 Mr. Tanwir Ali Agha United States Executive Director for Pakistan The World Bank Social Development Secretariat - 7 Mr. Marco A. Aguirre Mexico Information Director SEDESOL Palli Karma Shahayak Foundation 8 Dr. Salehuddin Ahmed Bangladesh Managing Director (PKSF) Member, General Economics Ministry of Planning, Planning 9 Dr. Quazi Mesbahuddin Ahmed Bangladesh Division Commission Asia and Pacific Population Studies 10 Dr. Shirin Ahmed-Nia Iran Head of the Women’s Studies Unit Centre Youth Intern Involved in the 11 Ms. Susan Akoth Kenya PCOYEK program Africa Alliance of YMCA Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, 12 Ms. Afrah Al-Ahmadi Yemen Head of Social Protection Unit Social Development Fund Ministry of Policy Development and 13 Ms. Patricia Juliet Alailima Sri Lanka Former Director General Implementation Minister of Labor and Social Affairs and Managing Director of the Socail 14 H.E. Abdulkarim I. Al-Arhabi Yemen Fund for Development Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs 15 Dr. Hamad Al-Bazai Saudi Arabia Deputy Minister Ministry of Finance 16 Mr. Mohammad A. Aldukair Saudi Arabia Advisor Saudi Fund for Development 17 Ms. Rashida Ali Al-Hamdani Yemen Chairperson Women National Committee Head of Programming and Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, 18 Ms. -
The Cross and the Crescent in East Africa
The Cross and the Crescent in East Africa An Examination of the Reasons behind the Change in Christian- Muslim Relations in Tanzania 1984-1994 Tomas Sundnes Drønen TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ...................................................................................................................................... 0 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................................. 3 INTRODUCTION OF THE TOPIC. ............................................................................................................................ 3 PERSONAL INTEREST ........................................................................................................................................... 4 OBJECT AND SCOPE ............................................................................................................................................. 5 APPROACH AND SOURCES ................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER ONE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 10 1.1 PRE-COLONIAL TIMES ................................................................................................................................. 10 1.1.1 Early Muslim Settlements .................................................................................................................. -
Mkapa, Benjamin William
BENJAMIN WILLIAM MKAPA DCL Mr Chancellor, There’s something familiar about Benjamin Mkapa’s story; a graduate joins a political party with socialist leanings, rises rapidly through the establishment then leads a landslide electoral victory, he focuses on education and helps shift the economy to a successful and stable mixed model. He is popular though he does suffer criticism over his military policy from Clare Short. Then after 10 years he steps down, voluntarily. Tell this story to a British audience and few would think of the name Mkapa. Indeed, if you showed his picture most British people would have no idea who he was. This anonymity and commendable political story are huge achievements for he was a leader of a poor African country that was still under colonial rule less than 50 years ago. He’s not a household name because he did not preside over failure, nor impose dictatorial rule, he did not steal his people’s money or set tribal groups in conflict. He was a good democratic leader, an example in a continent with too few. The potential for failure was substantial. His country of 120 ethnic groups shares borders with Mozambique, Congo, Rwanda and Uganda. It ranks 31st in size in the world, yet 1 when it was redefined in 1920 the national education department had three staff. The defeat of Germany in 1918 ended the conflict in its East African colony and creation of a new British protectorate, Tanganyika. In 1961 the country achieved independence and three years later joined with Zanzibar to create Tanzania. -
Election Violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing Risk of Violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011
Country Advice Tanzania Tanzania – TZA38321 – Revolutionary State Party (CCM) – Civic United Front (CUF) – Election violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing risk of violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011 1. Please provide a background of the major political parties in Tanzania focusing on the party in power and the CUF. The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between mainland Tanganyika and the islands of Unguja and Pemba, which together comprise Zanzibar. Since 1977, it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi or CCM). In 1992 the government legislated for multiparty democracy, and the country is now a presidential democratic republic with a multiparty system. The first multiparty national elections were held in 1995, and concurrent presidential and parliamentary elections have since been held every 5 years. The CCM has won all elections to date. The CUF, founded in 1991, constituted the main opposition party following the 1995 multiparty elections.1 At the most recent elections in October 2010, the CCM‟s Jakaua Kikwete was re-elected President with 61.7% of the vote (as compared to 80% of the vote in 2005) and the CCM secured almost 80% of the seats. Most of the opposition votes went to the Chadema party, which displaced the Civic United Front (CUF) for the first time as the official opposition. The opposition leader is Chadema‟s Chairman, Freeman Mbowe. Chadema‟s presidential candidate, Willibrod Slaa, took 27% of the vote, while CUF‟s Ibrahim Lipumba received 8%.2 Notwithstanding the CCM‟s election success, the BBC reports that Kikwete‟s “political legitimacy has been seen by some to have been somewhat dented in the 2010 elections”, given the decline in his percent of the vote, and a total election turnout of only 42%, down from 72% in 2005. -
The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania Dan Paget is a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford, where he is writing his thesis on election campaigning in sub-Saharan Africa, and in particular the uses of the rally. While living in Tanzania in 2015, he witnessed the general election campaign and the beginning of Magufuli’s presidency first-hand. Abstract Since 2015, Tanzania has taken a severe authoritarian turn, accompanied by rising civil disobedience. In the process, it has become a focal point in debates about development and dictatorship. This article unpicks what is happening in contemporary Tanzania. It contends that Tanzania is beset by a struggle over its democratic institutions, which is rooted in rising party system competition. However, this struggle is altered by past experience in Zanzibar. The lessons that both government and opposition have drawn from Zanzibar make the struggle in mainland Tanzania more authoritarian still. These dynamics amount to a new party system trajectory in Tanzania Dan Paget 2 The Tanzanian general election of 2015 seemed like a moment of great democratic promise. Opposition parties formed a pre-electoral coalition, which held. They were joined by a string of high-profile defectors from the ruling CCM (Chama cha Mapinduzi, or the Party of the Revolution). The defector-in-chief, Edward Lowassa, became the opposition coalition’s presidential candidate and he won 40 per cent of the vote, the strongest showing that an opposition candidate has ever achieved in Tanzania. -
Discussion Paper
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository Discussion Paper TANZANIA-CHINA ALL-WEATHER FRIENDSHIP FROM SOCIALISM TO GLOBALIZATION: A CASE OF RELATIVE DECLINE Jean-Pierre Cabestan and Jean-Raphaël Chaponnière Stellenbosch | May 2016 1/2016 1 ABSTRACT How close is the Tanzanian-Chinese partnership today? Bi-lateral trade and Chinese economic activity in Tanzania today is far more significant than in the 1970s; China’s “no strings attached” policy is still attractive and political solidarities and military co-operation have remained relatively strong. However, this bi-lateral relationship does not have the importance, nor the exclusiveness it enjoyed in the heydays of socialism. Today, China must compete economically, politically and culturally with the activism and soft power of a larger group of countries, particularly the United States. Although both in Dar es Salaam and in Beijing this relationship is still presented as “special”, it has lost the structural role that it had until the late 1970s in shaping Sino-African relations. Growing Sino-American and Sino-Western competition in Africa has increased Tanzania’s option and helped it, to some extent, to better defend its own interests. This paper examines Tanzanian-Chinese relations over the past half century and more particularly since 2005, highlighting how global political, strategic and economic shifts have affected and on the whole reduced, in relative terms, the importance of this bi-lateral relationship. The authors: Jean-Pierre Cabestan is Professor and Head, Department of Government and International Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University; Jean-Raphaël Chaponnière is Associate Researcher at Asia Centre, Paris. -
Fadiga-Stewart Leslie Diss.Pdf (954.6Kb)
THE GENDER GAP IN AFRICAN PARTY SYSTEMS by Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart, B.A., M.A. A DISSERTATION IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved Dennis Patterson Chairperson of the Committee John Barkdull Glen Biglasier Ambassador Tibor Nagy, Jr. Accepted John Borrelli Dean of the Graduate School August, 2007 Copyright 2007, Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It was a joy working with my advisor, Dr. Dennis Patterson. He provided valuable guidance and assistance and made this whole process easier because he was so supportive, understanding, and generous with his time. He saw my research project as an opportunity to learn something new and his positive attitude, infinite patience, and constant support are gifts I will share with my own students. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee for their patience, feedback, and encouragement. I had the opportunity to work with Dr. Barkdull during my first year as his teaching assistant and valued the fact that he was fair, open-minded, and pushed students to think critically. I only had a chance to know Dr. Glen Biglasier for a short time, but appreciated his enthusiasm, kindness, and his suggestions along the way. It was also wonderful to have Ambassador Nagy on my committee and he provided invaluable insights from his experience from living and working in Africa. I want to offer many thanks to Dr. Susan Banducci for her support while she was at Texas Tech and Dr. -
TANZANIA GOVERNANCE REVIEW 2012: Transparency with Impunity?
TANZANIA GOVERNANCE REVIEW 2012: Transparency with Impunity? TANZANIA GOVERNANCE REVIEW 2012: Transparency with Impunity? With Partial Support from a TANZANIA GOVERNANCE REVIEW 2012: Transparency with Impunity? ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This review was compiled and edited by Tanzania Development Research Group (TADREG) under the supervision of the Steering Group of Policy Forum members, and has been financially supported in part by Water Aid in Tanzania and Policy Forum core funders. The cartoons were drawn by Adam Lutta Published 2013 For more information and to order copies of the review please contact: Policy Forum P.O Box 38486 Dar es Salaam Tel: +255 22 2780200 Website: www.policyforum.or.tz Email: [email protected] ISBN: 978-9987 -708-09-3 © Policy Forum The conclusions drawn and views expressed on the basis of the data and analysis presented in this review do not necessarily reflect those of Policy Forum. Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this review, including allegations. Nevertheless, Policy Forum cannot guarantee the accuracy and completeness of the contents. Whereas any part of this review may be reproduced providing it is properly sourced, Policy Forum cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. Designed by: Jamana Printers b TANZANIA GOVERNANCE REVIEW 2012: Transparency with Impunity? TABLE OF CONTENTS POLICY FORUM’s OBJECTIVES ............................................................................................................. -
BDP Mps Refuse Pay
The PatriotWARNING: on Sunday | www.thepatriot.co.bw Stay Home, | May Wash 03, 2020 hands with Soap & Water, Avoid crowds, Don’t Touch, Hug or KissNews 1 www.thepatriot.co.bw MAY 03, 2020 | ISSUE 372 P12.00 BDP MPs refuse pay cut COVID-19 • Tsogwane to approach MPs for salary cut • Backbenchers to reject Cabinet proposal confidentiality • ‘Cabinet donated their salaries voluntarily’ - BDP Whip Kablay BAKANG TIRO Chairman Slumber Tsogwane, who is “I haven’t received any official When reached for comment, BDP Letlhakeng-Lephephe MP said. critical [email protected] also the Vice President. It has always information with regards to us to Chief Whip Liakat Kablay who also Asked if they are to be forced to been believed that the backbenchers donate voluntarily take salary cut to forms part of the backbench, said contribute how he will respond, he ruling Botswana will easily accept a pay cut as donate to COVID-19 but if someone he is not aware of any information Kablay held that MPs have authority • Data censorship prevents stigmatisation Democratic Party (BDP) donation to the COVID-19 relief brings that up it will cause an uproar regarding MPs expected to take pay to decide what they do with their -Govt T backbench is refusing to take fund in solidarity with cabinet. within the party. As an MP I am also cuts. money. a pay cut as contribution to COVID- Sources indicated that most of affected economically,” said one BDP He said cabinet agreed on its He advised his colleagues that • Tough balancing exercise; patients’ 19 Relief Fund just weeks after the BDP backbench have found MP who preferred anonymity. -
In Contemporary Zanzibar Marie-Aude Fouéré
Remembering the Dark Years (1964-1975) in Contemporary Zanzibar Marie-Aude Fouéré To cite this version: Marie-Aude Fouéré. Remembering the Dark Years (1964-1975) in Contemporary Zanzibar. Encoun- ters: The International Journal for the Study of Culture and Society, 2012, pp.113-126. halshs- 00856968 HAL Id: halshs-00856968 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00856968 Submitted on 12 Apr 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Remembering the Dark Years (1964–1975) in Contemporary Zanzibar Marie-Aude Fouéré French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA), Nairobi, Kenya In the islands of Zanzibar (Unguja and Pemba), the memories of violence and repression perpetrated by revolutionaries and the state from 1964 to 1975 have long been banished from the public space. The official narrative of the 1964 Revolution and the first phase of the post-revolutionary periodi developed and propagated by the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar, through a control over the production, transmission, and circulation of ideas, combined with repressive measures against dissenting voices, led people to keep their memories private. The official injunction calling for silence did not bringabout a forgetting of the past, but rather contributed to the clandestine transmission and reconstruction of fragments of individual, familial, and community memories within private circles. -
Or an Agency of Political Domination? Reassessing the Future of the Tanzanian Union
IJGR 13_2-07-Kjil TronvollF 7/6/06 10:35 AM Page 223 International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 13: 223–241, 2006. 223 © Koninklijke Brill NV. Printed in the Netherlands. Bridging Divided Identities – or an Agency of Political Domination? Reassessing the Future of the Tanzanian Union KJETIL TRONVOLL* 1. Introduction Tanzania is often portrayed as an African success story of state and nation-building, surrounded by neighbouring countries which have been ridden by conflicts and grave human rights violations during the post-colonial period. The successive Tanzanian governments have, by most observers, been characterised as fairly benign and accountable, although the radical ujamaa policy has in retrospect been increasingly criticised.1 Despite this weakness of an indigenous brand of African socialism, the ‘father of the nation’, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, has left a legacy of political toler- ance and nationhood on line with few other African independence leaders. This is in particular noteworthy considering the fact that Tanzania is a political Union, estab- lished in 1964 by the two independent, sovereign states of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The success of the Tanzanian polity is partly based on developing and formulating a national political discourse, where ethnic or parochial sentiments have been muted. This legacy of Nyerere has seemingly forged a vibrant and all-embracing Tanzanian identity. Or, this is how it was perceived until the fall of the single-party doctrine in the early 1990s. The introduction of a multiparty democratic system in Tanzania in 1992, and thus the broadening of civil and political rights in the country, has inspired a renewed interest in the Union.