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Islamist Politics in South Asia After the Arab Spring: Parties and Their Proxies Working With—And Against—The State
RETHINKING POLITICAL ISLAM SERIES August 2015 Islamist politics in South Asia after the Arab Spring: Parties and their proxies working with—and against—the state WORKING PAPER Matthew J. Nelson, SOAS, University of London SUMMARY: Mainstream Islamist parties in Pakistan such as the Jama’at-e Islami and the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam have demonstrated a tendency to combine the gradualism of Brotherhood-style electoral politics with dawa (missionary) activities and, at times, support for proxy militancy. As a result, Pakistani Islamists wield significant ideological influence in Pakistan, even as their electoral success remains limited. About this Series: The Rethinking Political Islam series is an innovative effort to understand how the developments following the Arab uprisings have shaped—and in some cases altered—the strategies, agendas, and self-conceptions of Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world. The project engages scholars of political Islam through in-depth research and dialogue to provide a systematic, cross-country comparison of the trajectory of political Islam in 12 key countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Libya, Pakistan, as well as Malaysia and Indonesia. This is accomplished through three stages: A working paper for each country, produced by an author who has conducted on-the-ground research and engaged with the relevant Islamist actors. A reaction essay in which authors reflect on and respond to the other country cases. A final draft incorporating the insights gleaned from the months of dialogue and discussion. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. -
Pakistan: Arrival and Departure
01-2180-2 CH 01:0545-1 10/13/11 10:47 AM Page 1 stephen p. cohen 1 Pakistan: Arrival and Departure How did Pakistan arrive at its present juncture? Pakistan was originally intended by its great leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltered from Hindu oppression. It did so for some, although they amounted to less than half of the Indian subcontinent’s total number of Muslims. The north Indian Muslim middle class that spearheaded the Pakistan movement found itself united with many Muslims who had been less than enthusiastic about forming Pak- istan, and some were hostile to the idea of an explicitly Islamic state. Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, but in a decade self-styled field marshal Ayub Khan had replaced its shaky democratic political order with military-guided democracy, a market-oriented economy, and little effective investment in welfare or education. The Ayub experiment faltered, in part because of an unsuccessful war with India in 1965, and Ayub was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, who could not manage the growing chaos. East Pakistan went into revolt, and with India’s assistance, the old Pakistan was bro- ken up with the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The second attempt to transform Pakistan was short-lived. It was led by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversify Pakistan’s foreign and security policy, build a nuclear weapon, and introduce an economic order based on both Islam and socialism. -
Political Development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the Elections of 1970
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1973 Political development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the elections of 1970. Meenakshi Gopinath University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Gopinath, Meenakshi, "Political development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the elections of 1970." (1973). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2461. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2461 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FIVE COLLEGE DEPOSITORY POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, THE PEOPLE'S PARTY OF PAKISTAN AND THE ELECTIONS OF 1970 A Thesis Presented By Meenakshi Gopinath Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS June 1973 Political Science POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, THE PEOPLE'S PARTY OF PAKISTAN AND THE ELECTIONS OF 1970 A Thesis Presented By Meenakshi Gopinath Approved as to style and content hy: Prof. Anwar Syed (Chairman of Committee) f. Glen Gordon (Head of Department) Prof. Fred A. Kramer (Member) June 1973 ACKNOWLEDGMENT My deepest gratitude is extended to my adviser, Professor Anwar Syed, who initiated in me an interest in Pakistani poli- tics. Working with such a dedicated educator and academician was, for me, a totally enriching experience. I wish to ex- press my sincere appreciation for his invaluable suggestions, understanding and encouragement and for synthesizing so beautifully the roles of Friend, Philosopher and Guide. -
PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST a Selected Summary of News, Views and Trends from Pakistani Media
February 2017 PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST A Selected Summary of News, Views and Trends from Pakistani Media Prepared by Dr Ashish Shukla & Nazir Ahmed (Research Assistants, Pakistan Project, IDSA) PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST FEBRUARY 2017 A Select Summary of News, Views and Trends from the Pakistani Media Prepared by Dr Ashish Shukla & Nazir Ahmed (Pak-Digest, IDSA) INSTITUTE FOR DEFENCE STUDIES AND ANALYSES 1-Development Enclave, Near USI Delhi Cantonment, New Delhi-110010 Pakistan News Digest, February (1-15) 2017 PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST, FEBRUARY 2017 CONTENTS ....................................................................................................................................... 0 ABBREVIATIONS ..................................................................................................... 2 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS ............................................................................. 3 NATIONAL POLITICS ....................................................................................... 3 THE PANAMA PAPERS .................................................................................... 7 PROVINCIAL POLITICS .................................................................................... 8 EDITORIALS AND OPINION .......................................................................... 9 FOREIGN POLICY ............................................................................................ 11 EDITORIALS AND OPINION ........................................................................ 12 MILITARY AFFAIRS ............................................................................................. -
Pakistan – NWFP – Jamaat-I-Islami – PPP – Political Violence
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PAK30102 Country: Pakistan Date: 11 April 2006 Keywords: Pakistan – NWFP – Jamaat-i-Islami – PPP – Political Violence This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Have there been any reports of significant political violence in the NWFP involving the Jamaat and the PPP since 2001? RESPONSE 1. Have there been any reports of significant political violence in the NWFP involving the Jamaat and the PPP since 2001? Jamaat and the PPP – reports of violence post-2001 Only two reports could be located in reference to the occurrence of significant political violence between the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Jamaat-i-Islami (Jamaat or JI) in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) in recent times. Reporting on the situation in the NWFP during the local elections in August 2005: • A Pakistan Times bulletin states that “activists of PPP and Jamaat-i-Islami [were said to have] entered into clashes on the premises of Primary School Ghorkai and opened crossfire [sic]. The clash claimed two lives and injured another” (‘Polls-related Violence: LB Elections take 33 Lives in Pakistan’ 2005, The Pakistan Times, 26 August http://www.pakistantimes.net/2005/08/26/top.htm – Accessed 6 March 2006 – Attachment 1); • A Dawn bulletin states that “[w]orkers of People’s Party Parliamentarians (PPP) and Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) [had] clashed in union council Banda Gai of tehsil Talash in Lower Dir, but police intervened and brought the situation under control” (‘Low turnout, thin women attendance in NWFP’ 2005, Dawn website, 25 August http://www.dawn.com/2005/08/26/nat1.htm – Accessed 6 March 2006 – Attachment 2). -
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution Saad Rasool* This article analyses the provisions regarding the qualifications and disqualifications for Parliamentarians set out in the constitution of Pakistan, and traces their evolution over the years. It establishes that the objective interpretation of these provisions in the past has given way to a more subjective and moralistic approach in the run-up to the 2013 general elections. It further argues that, for the most part, these provisions lay down unascertainable and subjective criteria for qualification and disqualification of a Parliamentarian. This in turn lends support to the main argument of this article that the fundamental right of an individual to contest for a public office, and an equal fundamental right of the citizenry to choose their representative cannot be refused, on the grounds of such ambiguous ideas. However, this is not to say that there should be no minimum criteria for qualifying to be a Parliamentarian; rather it is suggested that the present criteria suffer from serious defects which need to be remedied. Introduction The endeavour of law, in a democratic dispensation, is that of creating an ideal society – a society that is not simply a reflection of who we are, but, more importantly, of who we aspire to be. This endeavour, reflected in the corpus of our laws, emanates primarily from the legislature – the arm of the state that is entrusted with shaping the laws and freedoms that define the spirit of our society. In fidelity to the democratic ethos of a * Lawyer based in Lahore, and Visiting Faculty at LUMS. -
List of Election Symbols Allotted to Political Parties
116 Election Symbols Alloted to political parties 1 Aam Admi Tehreek Pakistan Mug 181 2 Aam Awam Party Wheat Bunch 322 3 Aam loeg Ittehad Pencil 196 4 Aam Log Party Pakistan Hut 144 5 All Pakistan Kissan ittehad Bulllock Cart 41 6 All Pakistan Minority Movement Pakistan Giraffe 122 7 All Pakistan Muslim League Eagle 93 8 All Pakistan Muslim League (Jinnah) Bicycle 27 9 All Pakistan Tehreek Boat 30 10 Allah-O-Akbar Tehreek Chair 55 11 Amun Taraqqi Party Tyre 309 12 Awam League Human Hand 143 13 Awami Justice Party Pakistan Tumbler 303 14 Awami Muslim League Pakistan Ink pot with Pen 146 15 Awami National Party Lantern 162 16 Awami Party Pakistan-S Aeroplane 2 17 Awami Workers Party Bulb 40 18 Balochistan Awami Party Cow 70 19 Balochistan National Party Axe 14 20 Balochistan National Party(Awami) Camel 49 21 Barabri Party Pakistan Pen 195 22 Front National Pakistan Unity 311 23 Grand Democratic Alliance Star 259 24 Hazara Democratic Party Crescent 72 25 Humdardan-e-Watan Pakistan Coat 61 26 Islami Jamhoori Ittehad Pakistan Football 108 27 Islami Tehreek Pakistan Two Sword 307 28 Ittehad-e-Ummat Pakistan Energy Saver 99 29 Jamat-e-Islami Pakistan Scale 232 30 Jamhoori Watan Party Wheel 323 31 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Nazaryati Pakistan Takhti 274 32 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan Book 31 33 Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (Noorani) Key 154 34 Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam Pakistan (Imam Chitrali Cap 59 Noorani) 35 Jamiyat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan(S) Ladder 161 36 Jamote Qaumi Movement Electric Pol 95 37 Jannat Pakistan Party Fountain 111 38 Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen -
Read Book Speaking Like a State Language and Nationalism In
SPEAKING LIKE A STATE LANGUAGE AND NATIONALISM IN PAKISTAN 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Alyssa Ayres | 9781107404434 | | | | | Speaking Like a State Language and Nationalism in Pakistan 1st edition PDF Book The real reason for the opposition between Hindus and Muslims was the Urdu language. Indonesians consider their year of independence. Here again we can see the tension between the idea of a pure Pakistani nation versus the idea of an amalgamation of parts. Indeed, the number of quality books published in Punjabi is miniscule, although due to the Punjabiyat efforts the numbers are slowly increasing. Pakistan does not have diplomatic relations with Israel ; [] nonetheless, some Israeli citizens have visited the country on tourist visas. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Access to national power and administrative office, even in East Pakistan, for example, was enhanced solely by command of English and Urdu and not by Bengali. Yet if we ask this same question from another vantage point, that of speakers of a minority language within the linguistically-demarcated states, we do find that the majoritarian language hegemony Patel, Sitaramaya, and Nehru worried about has come to pass. Of course, two moments in the pre-Independence history had lain some of the groundwork for Indonesian to emerge with the possibility of becoming a national language. These divergent histories can be explained by looking more carefully at the language ideologies governing the national language projects in each country. The analysis also suggests ways the movement offers alternatives to the end-game logic that has bedeviled thinking about language and cultural nationalism in recent times. These three largest states to emerge from colonial rule, accounting for some one-quarter of humanity, pursued very different policies in the pursuit of national identity formation. -
1St CABINET UNDER the PREMIERSHIP of SYED YOUSAF RAZA GILLANI, the PRIME MINISTER from 25.03.2008 to 11.02.2011
1st CABINET UNDER THE PREMIERSHIP OF SYED YOUSAF RAZA GILLANI, THE PRIME MINISTER FROM 25.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 S.NO. NAME WITH TENURE PORTFOLIO PERIOD OF PORTFOLIO 1 2 3 4 SYED YOUSAF RAZA GILLANI, PRIME MINSITER, 25.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 FEDERAL MINISTERS 1. Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan i) Communication and 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 Senior Minister ii) Inter Provincial Coordination 08.04.2008 to 13.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 iii) Food Agriculture & Livestock (Addl. Charge) 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 2. Makhdoom Amin Fahim Commerce 04.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 03.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 3. Mr. Shahid Khaqan Abbassi, Commerce 31.03.2008 to 12.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 12.05.2008 4. Dr. Arbab Alamgir Khan Communications 04.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 03.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 5. Khawaja Saad Rafique i) Culture 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 ii) Youth Affairs (Addl. Charge) 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 6. Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar i) Defence 31.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 31.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 ii) Textile Industry 15.04.2008 to 03.11.2008 iii) Commerce 15.04.2008 to 03.11.2008 7. Rana Tanveer Hussain Defence Production 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 13.5.2008 8. Mr. Abdul Qayyum Khan Jatoi Defence Production 04.11.2008 to 03.10.2010 03.11.2008 to 03.10.2010 9. -
Monitoring of PTV Shows Pro-Musharraf Bias
Monitoring of PTV Shows Pro-Musharraf Bias Human Rights Watch monitored television election coverage in three phases prior to elections: December 19-26, 2007; January 7-14, 2008; and February 7-10, 2008. During the monitoring periods, Human Rights Watch documented election-related content in the main news bulletins of the three most popular 24-hour Urdu-language news channels, Aaj TV, ARY One World, and Geo News (on the internet until it was restored on air), as well as the state-owned Pakistan Television (PTV) news. Periodically, monitors noted details of news bulletins on other cable channels like Dawn News (English), Business Plus, and Indus News. The bulletins were not recorded. Human Rights Watch documented the start time of each news story and noted statements of officials and political leaders. The documentation focused on details of elections and campaign news, noted whether the coverage included a video or audio clip of a leader, noted party affiliation, and noted whether the news was provided with a voiceover comment. The monitoring included observations of any unusual news or change in programming. Advertisement and promotional breaks were also noted along with the name of the party sponsoring campaign advertisements. Human Rights Watch has on several occasions noted President Pervez Musharraf’s attempts to control and censor independent news channels. With only 30 out of every 1,000 Pakistanis estimated to read the newspapers, the electronic media plays a particularly critical role in the pre-electoral and electoral process. In an election period, state television has a particularly great responsibility to act impartially and provide fair coverage and access to all political parties. -
MEI Report Sunni Deobandi-Shi`I Sectarian Violence in Pakistan Explaining the Resurgence Since 2007 Arif Ra!Q
MEI Report Sunni Deobandi-Shi`i Sectarian Violence in Pakistan Explaining the Resurgence Since 2007 Arif Ra!q Photo Credit: AP Photo/B.K. Bangash December 2014 ! Sunni Deobandi-Shi‘i Sectarian Violence in Pakistan Explaining the Resurgence since 2007 Arif Rafiq! DECEMBER 2014 1 ! ! Contents ! ! I. Summary ................................................................................. 3! II. Acronyms ............................................................................... 5! III. The Author ............................................................................ 8! IV. Introduction .......................................................................... 9! V. Historic Roots of Sunni Deobandi-Shi‘i Conflict in Pakistan ...... 10! VI. Sectarian Violence Surges since 2007: How and Why? ............ 32! VII. Current Trends: Sectarianism Growing .................................. 91! VIII. Policy Recommendations .................................................. 105! IX. Bibliography ..................................................................... 110! X. Notes ................................................................................ 114! ! 2 I. Summary • Sectarian violence between Sunni Deobandi and Shi‘i Muslims in Pakistan has resurged since 2007, resulting in approximately 2,300 deaths in Pakistan’s four main provinces from 2007 to 2013 and an estimated 1,500 deaths in the Kurram Agency from 2007 to 2011. • Baluchistan and Karachi are now the two most active zones of violence between Sunni Deobandis and Shi‘a, -
Pakistan's Domestic Political Setting
Pakistan’s Domestic Political Setting Prepared by the Congressional Research Service for distribution to multiple congressional offices, February 19, 2013 Pakistan is a parliamentary democracy in which the Prime Minister is head of government and the President is head of state. A bicameral Parliament is comprised of a 342-seat National Assembly (NA) and a 104-seat Senate, both with directly-elected representatives from each of the country’s four provinces, as well as from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and the Islamabad Capital Territory (the quasi-independent regions of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan have no representation). The Prime Minister is selected for an indeterminate term by the NA. The President is elected to a five-year term by an Electoral College (EC) comprised of both chambers of Parliament, as well as members of each of the country’s four provincial assemblies. NA and provincial assembly members are elected to five-year terms. Senate terms are six years, with elections every three years. In recent years, Pakistan’s Supreme Court has taken actions significantly affecting governance. Pakistan’s political history is a troubled one. Military regimes have ruled Pakistan for more than half of its independent existence, interspersed with periods of generally weak civilian governance. In 1999, the democratically-elected government was ousted in a bloodless coup by then-Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf, who later assumed the title of President. Musharraf also retained the powerful title of Army Chief until his 2007 army retirement. Weeks before that retirement, the EC had “reelected” Musharraf to a new five-year term in a vote that many called unconstitutional (he resigned the presidency in 2008).