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The Modernization of the European Union's Customs Union with Turkey
Working Paper SWP Working Papers are online publications within the purview of the respective Research Division. Unlike SWP Research Papers and SWP Comments they are not reviewed by the Institute. CENTRE FOR APPLIED TURKEY STUDIES(CATS) | WP NR. 05, SEPTEMBER 2020 The Modernization of the European Union's Customs Union with Turkey Turkey's Pro-Customs Union Rhetoric and Recent Approach of Turkish Political and Business Decision-Makers Doruk Arbay Contents The project 3 The future of the EU's Customs Union with Turkey 3 Summary 4 Current Status and Approach of Turkish Political and Business Decision-Makers 4 A Brief Recap of the Customs Union and Transformation 6 Origins of Motivation for a Modernized Customs Union 9 Current Stance of the Turkish Administration, Political Parties and Business Organizations towards Modernization of the Customs Union 10 Government and the Administration 10 Opposition Parties and the Nationalist Movement Party 22 Business Decision-Makers 26 Future and Conclusion 31 Abbreviations 34 The project The future of the EU's Customs Union with Turkey Still a candidate for membership in the European Union, Turkey has outgrown the status of one-sided dependency on the EU. Ankara developed a more independent foreign policy that entails both areas for cooperation with Brussels but also for conflicts with the EU and its member states. Cases in point are the cooperation on migration on the one hand side and tensions with Greece and Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean on the other. The EU needs working channels for communication and cooperation with Turkey. However, membership negations stall, talk on visa liberalization stuck, and the European Council blocks the opening of talks to re-negotiate the Customs Union. -
Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?
CYPRUS CENTRE 2/2007 REPORT 2/2007 Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking? Shrinking? Cypriot Population Turkish Is the The demography of north Cyprus is one of the most contested issues related to the island’s division. In particular, the number of indigenous Turkish Cypriots and Turkish immigrants living in the north has long been a source of dispute, not only among the island’s diplomats and politicians but also among researchers and activists. Until recently, the political use of demog- raphy has hindered comprehensive study of the ethno-demographic make-up of the north, while at the same time making a thorough demographic study all the more imperative. The present report addresses this situation by providing an analysis of the results of the 2006 census of north Cyprus, comparing these fi gures with the results of the previous census. The report focuses mainly on identifying the percentage of the population of north Cyprus who are of Turkish-mainland origin and also possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship – an important factor given claims that such citizens play an signifi cant role in elections in the north. In addi- tion, the report examines the arrival dates of Turkish nationals in order to analyze patterns of migration. This, in turn, is indicative of the numbers of naturalized Turkish Cypriot citizens who have arrived in Cyprus as part of an offi cial policy. The report also presents estimates for Turkish Cypriot emigration to third countries, based on immigration and census fi gures from the two main host countries: the United Kingdom and Australia. Following analysis of these latter fi gures and the results of the 2006 census, it is argued that claims of massive emigration by Turkish Cypriots to third countries are largely misleading. -
Turkey and the European Union: the Omesd Tic Politics of Negotiating Pre-Accession Kemal Kirisci Bogazici University, Istanbul, Turkey
Macalester International Volume 15 Hybrid Geographies in the Eastern Article 10 Mediterranean: Views from the Bosphorus Winter 2005 Turkey and the European Union: The omesD tic Politics of Negotiating Pre-Accession Kemal Kirisci Bogazici University, Istanbul, Turkey Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl Recommended Citation Kirisci, Kemal (2005) "Turkey and the European Union: The omeD stic Politics of Negotiating Pre-Accession," Macalester International: Vol. 15, Article 10. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl/vol15/iss1/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for Global Citizenship at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Macalester International by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Turkey and the European Union: The Domestic Politics of Negotiating Pre-Accession Kemal Kirisci I. Introduction In May 2004, ten countries joined the European Union (EU), to be followed by two more countries most probably in 2007. Turkey, together with Croatia, is the next country in line to enter the pre- accession process for membership. Turkey was given candidate status in December 1999 at the Helsinki European Council summit. How- ever, accession negotiations with Turkey will only start if the European Commission concludes that Turkey has indeed met the Copenhagen political criteria and EU member governments make a positive deci- sion at their European Council meeting in December 2004.1 Unlike the case of other candidate countries, the decision “to give or not to give” a negotiating date to Turkey stands as a very great challenge. -
The EU As an Actor in the Solution of the Cyprus Dispute: the Questions of ‘How’?
The EU as an Actor in the Solution of the Cyprus Dispute: The Questions of ‘How’? H. TARIK OĞ UZLU Department of International Relations, Bilkent University, Turkey Issue 2/2002 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany ( +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de 1 The EU as an Actor in the Solution of the Cyprus Dispute: The Questions of ‘How?” H. TARIK OĞ UZLU Department of International Relations, Bilkent University, Turkey This article argues that, despite the optimistic expectations of the international community, the accession process of the Republic of Cyprus with the European Union (EU) has so far only contributed to further ‘securitization’ and ‘perpetuation’ of the conflict. It is argued that the dangers of EU membership of a divided Cyprus would far outweigh the expected benefits. As a consequence, the paper contends that if the EU wants to make a constructive contribution to the resolution of the Cyprus dispute, it should adopt a new approach – one that foresees the active support of the European countries to the EU membership of a loosely-centralized federal Cyprus. Compared to the traditional sovereign sensitive approaches, the author argues that neither the confederal approach of the Turkish Cypriots nor the tightly -centralized federal approach of the Greek Cypriots could find a niche within the post -modern and post-Westphalian environment of the European Union. Given that the EU is the only institution that could affect the incentive-matrixes of the interested parties in the conflict, the author concludes that a change of mind is required by the EU for a breakthrough to come about. -
The Turkish Sonderweg: Erdoğan's New Turkey And
IPC–MERCATOR POLICY BRIEF February 2020 THE TURKISH SONDERWEG: ERDOĞAN’S NEW TURKEY AND ITS ROLE IN THE GLOBAL ORDER Aslı Aydıntaşbaş THE TURKISH SONDERWEG: ERDOĞAN’S NEW TURKEY AND ITS ROLE IN THE GLOBAL ORDER About the Istanbul Policy Center-Sabancı University-Stiftung Mercator Initiative The Istanbul Policy Center–Sabancı University–Stiftung Mercator Initiative aims to strengthen the academic, political, and social ties between Turkey and Germany as well as Turkey and Europe. The Initiative is based on the premise that the acquisition of knowledge and the exchange of people and ideas are preconditions for meeting the challenges of an increasingly globalized world in the 21st century. The Initiative focuses on two areas of cooperation, EU/German-Turkish relations and climate change, which are of essential importance for the future of Turkey and Germany within a larger European and global context. 2 | FEBRUARY 2020 | IPC–MERCATOR POLICY BRIEF Introduction an emphasis on the social, economic, and political attributes that distinguish Germany from much of the rest of Europe. Similarly, Turkey is an exception About an hour’s drive north of Istanbul on a newly in its region, too, with an imperial past and resur- built highway stands the city’s new airport. “This is gent ambitions. These unique characteristics in do- not an airport but a monument to victory,” Turkish mestic and foreign policy have shaped Erdoğan’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said at its inaugu- New Turkey. ration on October 29, 2018—incidentally, a day that also marked the 95th anniversary of the founding of Clues for Turkey’s Sonderweg can be found behind the Republic of Turkey. -
Dr. Ioannis N. Grigoriadis
Room T-364 Phone : +90-312-290-1856 Dept of Political Science & Fax : +90-312-290-2742 Public Administration E-mail : [email protected] Bilkent University, Bilkent Date of Birth: 2 December 1976 Ankara, TR-06800 Turkey DR. IOANNIS N. GRIGORIADIS Education-Training: Oct 2011- Higher Board of Education, Turkish Ministry of National Education, Ankara § Associate Professor Specialization Field: “Political Life and Institutions [Siyasal Yaşam ve Kurumlar]” Sep 2002- University of London, School of Oriental & African Studies (SOAS), London Sep 2005 § Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Politics (Supervisor: Prof. William M. Hale) Thesis Title: “Turkish Political Culture and the European Union” Aug 2000- Columbia University, School of International & Public Affairs (SIPA), New York May 2002 § Master of International Affairs (Concentrations: International Energy Management & Policy/Middle East) Aug 2000- Columbia University, The Middle East Institute, New York May 2002 § Advanced Certificate of Middle East Studies Dec 1998- Athens Court of First Instance, Athens Aug 2000 § Athens Bar Association Membership Licence Aug 1998- Hellenic Infantry Reserve Officers School (SEAP), Heraklion, Greece Dec 1998 § Certificate of Military Studies Sep 1994- National & Capodistrian University of Athens, School of Legal, Economic & Political Sciences, Athens Aug 1998 § Juris Doctor (J.D.) Teaching Experience: Sep 2009- Bilkent University, Department of Political Science & Public Administration, Ankara § Associate Professor-Jean Monnet Chair of European Studies -
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 1 Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 1 Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Mustafa Kemal Atatürk [[file:MustafaKemalAtaturk.jpg alt=]] President Atatürk 1st President of Turkey In office 29 October 1923 – 10 November 1938 (15 years, 12 days) Prime Minister Ali Fethi Okyar İsmet İnönü Celâl Bayar Succeeded by İsmet İnönü 1st Prime Minister of Turkey In office 3 May 1920 – 24 January 1921 (0 years, 266 days) Succeeded by Fevzi Çakmak 1st Speaker of the Parliament of Turkey In office 24 April 1920 – 29 October 1923 (3 years, 219 days) Succeeded by Ali Fethi Okyar 1st Leader of the Republican People's Party In office 9 September 1923 – 10 November 1938 (15 years, 62 days) Succeeded by İsmet İnönü Personal details Born 19 May 1881 (Conventional. This date was adopted by the president himself for official purposes in the absence of precise knowledge concerning the real date.)Salonica, Ottoman Empire (present-day Thessaloniki, Greece) Died 10 November 1938 (aged 57)Dolmabahçe Palace Istanbul, Turkey Resting place Anıtkabir Ankara, Turkey Nationality Turkish Political party Committee of Union and Progress, Republican People's Party Spouse(s) Lâtife Uşaklıgil (1923–25) Religion See Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's religious views. Signature Military service Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 2 Allegiance Ottoman Empire (1893 – 8 July 1919) Republic of Turkey (9 July 1919 – 30 June 1927) Army Service/branch Rank Ottoman Empire: General (Pasha) Republic of Turkey: Mareşal (Marshal) Commands 19th Division – 16th Corps – 2nd Army – 7th Army – Yildirim Army Group – commander-in-chief of Army of the -
Special Territories in European Union and North Cyprus: a Sui Generis Relationship Under Community Law
Instructions for authors, permissions and subscription information: E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.uidergisi.com Special Territories in European Union and North Cyprus: A Sui Generis Relationship Under Community Law Hacer Soykan Adaoğlu Dr., Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Law To cite this article: Adaoğlu , Hacer Soykan, “Special Territories in European Union and North Cyprus: A Sui Generis Relationship Under Community Law”, Uluslararası İlişkiler, Volume 6, No 23 (Fall 2009), p. 127-148. Copyright @ International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted, or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from UİK, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. References for academic and media coverages are boyond this rule. Statements and opinions expressed in Uluslararası İlişkiler are the responsibility of the authors alone unless otherwise stated and do not imply the endorsement by the other authors, the Editors and the Editorial Board as well as the International Relations Council of Turkey. Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği | Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi Söğütözü Cad. No. 43, TOBB-ETÜ Binası, Oda No. 364, 06560 Söğütözü | ANKARA Phone: (312) 2924108 | Fax: (312) 2924325 | Web: www.uidergisi.com | E- Mail: [email protected] Special Territories in European Union and North Cyprus: A Sui Generis Relationship Under Community Law Hacer Soykan ADAOİLU ABSTRACT On May 1st, 2004, the Republic of Cyprus became a full member of the European Union (EU) on behalf of the whole island. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), which is not recognized as a member state, is within the European Union borders but it is outside the territory of the internal market. -
PUBLIC DISCOURSES of HATE SPEECH in CYPRUS: Awareness, Policies and Prevention Contents
ANALYSE Hate speech is a persistent problem in Cyprus and undermines the prospects for peace. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS This report identifies three main nexuses of public hate PUBLIC DISCOURSES speech in both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities: intercommunal, inter-alterity OF HATE SPEECH IN and inter-gender. CYPRUS: Both social and traditional media outlets lack effective policies and regulation in Awareness, Policies and Prevention combatting hate speech incidents. Authorities must update the Julie A. Dilmaç, Özker Kocadal and media regulatory framework Orestis Tringides and keep pace with the emerging challenges of the online environment. Joint initiatives involving civil society, authorities and law enforcement agencies are needed. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS PUBLIC DISCOURSES OF HATE SPEECH IN CYPRUS: Awareness, Policies and Prevention Contents 1 HATE SPEECH DEFINITION AND THE ONLINE CONTEXT . 2 1 .1 What is “Hate Speech”? The EU Context . 2 1 2. Categorization → Stereotypes → Othering . 3 1 3. Othering → Metaphors → (“Soft”) Hate Speech . 3 1 4. Social Networks and Hate Speech . 3 1 5. Hate Speech Regulation on Social Media . 4 1 6. The Current Project . 5 2 HATE SPEECH IN THE GREEK CYPRIOT COMMUNITY . 6 2 .1 Intercommunal Nexus . 6 2 2. Inter-alterity Nexus . 10 2 3. Inter-gender Nexus . 13 3 HATE SPEECH IN THE TURKISH CYPRIOT COMMUNITY . 15 3 .1 Intercommunal Nexus . 15 3 2. Inter-alterity Nexus . 19 3 3. Inter-gender Nexus . 23 4 POLICIES, REGULATIONS AND PREVENTION OF HATE SPEECH IN THE GREEK AND TURKISH CYPRIOT COMMUNITIES . 28 4 .1 Regulations in the Greek Cypriot Community: Data Collection, Under-reporting . 28 4 2. -
TURKISH-ISLAMIC SYNTHESIS on BANKNOTES of TURKEY * Nail Elhan
Journal of Cultural Studies, Faculty of Communication, Hacettepe University 2016, 3(1): 171-189 ISSN: 2148-970X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.17572/mj2016.1.171189 Articles (Theme) MONEY TALKS: TURKISH-ISLAMIC SYNTHESIS ON BANKNOTES OF TURKEY * Nail Elhan Abstract Banknotes carry traces from both histories and policies of states. This study deals with the banknotes issued in 1980 to today and claims that these banknotes have had political messages. In this respect, Turkish-Islamic Synthesis and its symbolization of banknotes is the main point of this study. Turkish- Islamic Synthesis emerged in the 1960s and evolved to a state policy after the military coup in 1980. It still exists under AKP rule in the 2000s. This maintenance can be traced in design of the banknotes, which issued during military coup period and continued during AKP rule. Key Terms Turkish-Islamic synthesis, national identity, religious identity, banknotes, AKP. *Arş. Gör., Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi, İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü. [email protected] Date of Submission: 08/03/2016. Date of Acceptance: 11/05/2016. Nail Elhan 2016, 3(1): 171-189 PARA KONUŞUR: BANKNOTLARDA TÜRK İSLAM SENTEZİ Öz Banknotlar, tasarımları ve üzerlerinde taşıdıkları semboller ile hem ülkelerin tarihine dair izler taşımaktadırlar hem de bu ülkelerin uyguladıkları politikalara dair ipucu vermektedirler. Bu çalışma, 1980 yılından günümüze kadar Türkiye’de basılmış olan banknotları ele almaktadır ve bu banknotların siyasal bir mesaj taşıdıkları iddiasını savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, Türk-İslam Sentezi’nin banknotlar üzerinde sembolleşmesi bu çalışmanın temel argümanıdır. Kökleri 1960’lı yıllara uzanan ve 1980 yılındaki askeri darbe ile bir devlet politikası olarak uygulanmaya başlanan Türk-İslam Sentezi, 2000’li yıllarda da AKP Hükümetleri ile devam etmektedir. -
Drawing Cyprus: Power-Sharing, Identity and Expectations Among the Next Generation in Northern Cyprus
Mediterranean Politics ISSN: 1362-9395 (Print) 1743-9418 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmed20 Drawing Cyprus: Power-sharing, identity and expectations among the next generation in northern Cyprus Ergün Özgür, Nur Köprülü & Min Reuchamps To cite this article: Ergün Özgür, Nur Köprülü & Min Reuchamps (2019) Drawing Cyprus: Power- sharing, identity and expectations among the next generation in northern Cyprus, Mediterranean Politics, 24:2, 237-259, DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2017.1404720 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2017.1404720 Published online: 22 Nov 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 212 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmed20 MEDITERRANEAN POLITICS 2019, VOL. 24, NO. 2, 237–259 https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2017.1404720 Drawing Cyprus: Power-sharing, identity and expectations among the next generation in northern Cyprus Ergün Özgüra , Nur Köprülüb and Min Reuchampsa aInstitut de sciences politiques Louvain-Europe (ISPOLE), Université catholique de Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium; bDepartment Head of Political Science, Near East University, Nicosia, Cyprus ABSTRACT In order to capture how young people in northern Cyprus see the Cyprus Question, we asked more than 300 students to ‘draw Cyprus’ and surveyed their political attitudes, as well as their identities and preferences for the future of the island. The results show that the Turkish Cypriot students, in comparison with the students from Turkey and from the other countries, are more supportive of a decentralized federative structure, identify themselves with the Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot identities, and more willing to embrace a consociational approach to the Cyprus Question. -
EU and the Cyprus Conflict
Working Papers Series in EU Border Conflicts Studies EU and the Cyprus Conflict Perceptions of the border and Europe in the Cyprus conflict Olga Demetriou Research Fellow School of Humanities, Social Sciences, Languages and Law Intercollege, Nicosia No. 18 June 2005 1 Contents Introduction: Aims of the Report ……………..…………………………3 Background to institutional relations with the EU ….….…….....…...…4 Overview ……………………….………….……………………..4 Past Analyses of Cyprus - EU relations .………………………..5 EU accession and its impact on institutions ………...………..8 Analysis of the changing perceptions of the conflict and the EU ……..10 Overview ………………………………………………………...10 Perceptions of the border…..…..……………………………..…10 Perceptions of the EU …………………………………………..15 Perceptions of the conflict ....….……..…………..…………......19 Conclusion: Assessment of EU impact on changing perceptions …..…24 Executive Summary ………………………………………………..…….26 Overview ……………………….………………………….…….26 Schematic Outline ……………………….……………….……..27 References ………....…………………………………………………...…29 2 Introduction: Aims of the Report The current report aims to provide an overview of the perceptions of the Cyprus conflict, the border and the European Union (EU) currently prevalent on the island as well as an assessment of the changes to which such perceptions have been subject over recent years. This report is the product of research undertaken on this topic primarily over six months from July 2004 to January 2005. However, it also includes data collected during previous phases of the project that illuminate this particular