Immigration and Identity Transformation in Author(s): Udayon Misra Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 34, No. 21 (May 22-28, 1999), pp. 1264-1271 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4407987 Accessed: 12-09-2016 13:51 UTC

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This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms SPECIAL ARTICLES Immigration and Identity Transformation in Assam

Udayon Misra

For centuries imigrants have been accommodated in Assamese society. This article briefly reviews the shaping of Assamese society and culture over centuries and goes on to discuss pre- and post-independence changes in politics, attitudes and the demography of the state. It examines the language issue, the tribals versus Assamese middle class tensions and the position of Muslims in the state. The Assamese identity will likely be shaped by the criss-crossing ethnic, linguistic anld religious divisions in Assamese society.

THIS paper is a brief attempt at tracing successful in repelling the Muslim rule of Rudra Singha (1696-1714) and the transformation that has been taking invasions, but by the 1530s the Ahoms had Siva Singha (1714-44) hastened the place within the Assamese community freed the greater part of Kamrup and assimilation of many of the tribes into the and how certain major demographic Kamata from Muslim occupation and Hindu fold and the idea of a composite changes over the past 100 years or so have "extended their dominion right up to the Assamese identity made up of the caste today reached a stage where significant Karatoya in Murshidabad in the west and Hindus, the plains-tribals and the small alterations are bound to take place in the almost to close proximity of Dacca" section of Assamese Muslims began to overall composition and cultural content [Barpujari 1992:141 . During the rule of the emerge. Sankardeva's (1449-1568) of the Assamese population. Assam has Ahom monarch, Pratap Singha (1603-41) reformist Vaishnavism had already rightly been called the melting-pot of consolidation of the Assamese community prepared the ground for bringing the plains diverse cultural streamns, the Indo-Aryan was further speeded up because of the tribals within the Hindu fold. Historians and the Austro-Mongoloid being the common fight against Mughal incursions have noted that during the 17th and 18th central ones. Assamese intellectuals point and encroachment on Assam territory. The centuries large segments of the bodo- out the 'liberal outlook' of the Assamese Ahom victory over the Mughals in early kacharis and other tribal groups embraced people and their capacity to take within 1616 was followed by the defeat of the Hinduism [Guha 1991:25]. their fold people of varying cultural and Mughal army led by Ram Singh in the The first Muslim invasions which had linguistic hues. The most common example in March 1671. started from the early part of the 13th of the 's accommodative Prior to the advent of the Ahoms, the century and continued till the 14th, power that is referred to by the scholars western part of the country (referred to as resulted in a sizeable section of Muslims is that of the Assamisation of the Ahoms 'Lower Assam' by the British) was staying behind in Assam after the failure who came from upper Burma, who had generally known as with of their expeditions. This segment finally a religion and culture distinctively their Pragjyotispura (present-day ) as assimilated with the emerging Assamese own and who ruled Assam for 600 years its capital; the eastern part (referred to as nationality as Asamiya Mussalmans. The (1228-1818), giving the state its present 'Upper Assam' by the British) consisted Ahom rulers gave positions of power and name. of several tribal kingdoms and eminence to the Assamese Muslims and principalities. According to historians, the latter took active part in resisting during the early period of Ahom rule, successive Mughal attempts to overrun Historical Background Upper Assam was known as Ahom country the region. The assimilation of this segment Migration of peoples into Assam, andboth Lower Assam as the land of the of Muslims into Assamese society was so from the Indian subcontinent and from 'Dhekeris'. While the people of western complete that the historians who countries lying to its east, has been going or Lower Assam were usually referred accompanied to the Mughal expeditions into on for centuries. It is beyond the scope of as the Dhekeris by the Ahoms, they, Assam in noted that they were more Assamese this paper to go into the details of such turn. used to distinguish communities thanlike Muslim. migrations. But, what is today known as the 'Koches' and the 'Keots' inhabiting Thus, the demographic break-up of the the 'Assamese' or 'Asomiya' community eastern or Upper Assam from those Assamese of society on the eve of British of people, is related to the process of their own by terming them as 'Ahom Koch'entry into the province may be said to have Aryanisation as well as the rise and or 'Ahom Keot' [Baruah 1972:10]. It includedwas the different ethnic groups consolidation of Ahom rule in the only after the Ahoms spread their rule brought over within the Hindu fold, the caste Brahmaputra valley. The idea of a the greater part of the Brahmaputra valley Hindus, the plains tribal communities and composite Assamese or Asomiya jati' or that the country came to be known the as relatively small number of Assamese nationality took shape during the later part Asom, clearly a derivative from the wordMuslims. For instance, in his social division of the Ahom rule. This process had started Ahom. Even in Sankardeva's time, the of the Assamese, the 19th century writer, during the first Muslim invasion from word Asom often meant the Ahoms Padmanath Gohain Baruah, mentions the neighbouring Bengal in the 16th century [Baruah 1972:110]. following groups: brahmins, goswamis when the people were brought under an The adoption of the Hindu faith by (gosains), the Ahoms, baishyas, mahanta or Ahom or Assamese banner against the Ahom kings and the active patronage mahajan, of kayasthas, daibagyas, kalita, keot, common enemy. Not only were the Ahoms Hinduism in the 17th century during koch, the chutia and the Muslims known as

1264 Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1999

This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms marias [Gohain Baruah 1976:3]. There are ing national consciousness were (a) the was seen as a threat to Assamese identity other historians who have included all the struggle to regain the status of the Assamese and culture. The different stages in the plains tribes and the kalitas, brahmins, language, and (b) the increasing pressure fight for making Assamese the official kayasthas and the keots as well as the on cultivable land as a result of continued language of the state were marked by scheduled castes wilhin the umbrella immigration of land-hungry peasants from bitterness and violence, with the ordinary connotation of 'Assamese'. neighbouring East Bengal which intensi- Bengali Hindu peasant bearing the brunt. It is, however, interesting to note fied that from the early part of the 20th century. Unlike the Bengali Muslim, whose was common 19th and early 20th century While the first was a struggle led primarily primarily a struggle for survival and who perceptions about the Assamese nationality by the emerging Assamese middle class was prepared to adopt a low-key approach were limited almost exclusively to whichonly would, in the succeeding decades, regarding his language and culture, the those people who lived in the Brahmaputra play an increasingly hegemonic role in Bengali Hindu who had occupied an valley. Writing in the closing decades Assamese of society, the second factor important position in the administrative the 19th century, the leading Assamese affected both the tribal and non-tribal set-up under the British, was not prepared intellectual of the time, Gunabhiram Assamese peasants who were being faced to shed his distinctive cultural identity. Baruah (1837-94), berates his countrymen with growing land-alienation. With increasing numbers of immigrant for being extremely insular in approach Initially, the tribal and non-tribal Bengali-speaking Muslims declaring and xenophobic in their attitude towards segments within the still emerging Assamese to be their mother tongue, their hill neighbours as well as the peoples Assamese nationality came closer on the whether for political or other conside- of Bengal and beyond. Baruah concludes question of putting up a common fight rations, it was but natural that, in the his article by saying that education alone against the continuous occupation of struggle of the Assamese to secure a would help the Assamese to change their cultivable land by the immigrants and this rightful place for their language and attitudes and to look upon the Bengalees was also reflected in the concern expressed culture, they came to look upon the in- and other outsiders as their brothers by the Congress Party which, by the late nocuous immigrant Muslim peasant as a [Baruah 1885: 95-100]. twenties, had replaced the Assam friend as against the Bengali Hindu who The overall attitude of the Assamese Association as the dominant socio-political was considered a threat to Assamese towards the people ol the hills remained organisation of the region. But this process identity. more or less the same in the succeeding did not last long because of the changing The espousal of the Bengali Hindu cause decades, although within the Brahmaputra political scenario and the failure of the and the often virulent anti-Assamese valley itself, the assimilation of the plainsdominant caste Hindu Assamese leader- position adopted by a section of the tribals into Assamese society was geared ship to initiate steps to prevent the dis- powerful Calcutta press helped further up for a variety of reasons. Primary amongpossessment of the tribals from their land. widen the schism between these two these was the growing peasant resistance All the rhetoric about tribal-non tribal communuities. It is important to note that, to British rule in some of the Lower Assam unity notwithstanding. tlie Assamese right from the days when a handful of districts inhabited by plains tribal people middle class's attemlpts to resolve Assamesethe students set up the Asamiya and the peasant uprisings of the closing question of Assamese linguistic identity Bhasha Unnati Sadhani Samiti in Calcutta decades of the 19th century. The 'raij remained the primary issue during the infirst 1888, the growth of Assamese nation- mels' or people's assemblies, which were half of the 20th century. The struggle alism to has been inextricably tied up with revived in the course of the peasant struggle ensure the linguistic status of the Assanlcse the question of the official recognition of against excessive taxation, gave a fillip to took precedence over all other issues theand Assamnese language. Loyalty to the Assamese nationalistic feelings. the all-important question of tribal landAssamese language was seen as the sole It is significant to note that the Phulaguri alienation was put aside. criteron in establishing one's identity. (This uprising of 1861 in the Nowgong district The reiteration of the polyethnic nature is still very much the case with most of Assam was led primarily by peasants of the Assamese society on the one hand Assamese middle class-led organisa- belonging to the lalung tribe and was and the rather obsessive quest for a tions like the Asom Sahitya Sabha.) participated in by all segments of the unilingual identity on the other, has been Assamese nationalists seemed to have Assamese peasantry [Guha 1977:6-7]. one of the major contradictions which the taken it for granted that all other linguistic Referring to the peasant struggle of the Assamese middle class has not been able groups living in the Brahmaputra and closing years ot the 19th century, to resolve till date. The struggle for Barakthe valleys and in the hills of untrun- Amalendu Guha observes: "The wide- restoration of the status of the Assamese cated Assam would have to accept spread peasant struggle, based on the languageunity is known history. But, the fallout Assamese as the only official language of of the entire peasantry and a section ofof the struggle spilled over well into the the region. non-cultivating landowners, made seventies an and the eighties. The suspicion During the first two decades or so after impact on the contemporary Assamese and mistrust between the Assamese and independence, the struggle to make soci ty. The non-cultivating landowners the Bangalees over the question of whether Assamese the state language and to ensure - brahmins, mahantas and dolois, the Assamese was to be accorded the status its place amongst Indian languages so traditional rural elite - apparently took theof official language, has left a trail dominated of the socio-cultural and political initiative and a leading role. But it was the bitterness in the history of Assamese- scene of Assam that Assamese leaders had poor peasantry and other sections of the Bengali relationship in Assam. This little time for issues like widescale rural poor, including the artisans, who stugtgle obviously had strong economic immigration and the increasing pressure actually lent it a militant character" [Guha considerations, the struggle forjobs being on land. The language movement of 1960 1977:541. one of the central issues. which saw some of the worst forms of Two other factors that were instrumental Th rva ovr nue rivalry over language resulted in the communal rioting in the state, drove a in bringing the differcnt segments of the average Assamese developing a deep- major wedge between the Assamese- Assamese society closer and in strengthen- seated dislike for the Bengali Hindu who speaking and other linguistic groups of the

Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1999 1265

This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms state. A significant fallout of the language II Roy also put up a spirited fight against the agitation was that large sections of Bengali Tribals and Assamnese Middle Class machinations of the Muslim League and speaking immigrants decided to declare spoke strongly of solidarity between the Assamese as their mother tongue and to It is necessary to note here that peoplesthe of the hills and of the plains of send their children to Assamese medium Assamese middle class leadership which Assam [Bhuyan 1980:384]. Nichols-Roy schools. Thus, the struggle for the recog- had emerged by the first decades of seemedthe to have visualised a broader nition of Assamese as a distinct language 20th century, while making occasional fraternity made up of the peoples both of which began with the efforts of men emotivelike appeals for tribal/non-tribal unity the hills and plains of undivided Assam Anandaram Dhekiyal Phukan and the within the broader fabric of the Assamese and within which the hill peoples would American Baptists in the second half community, of did little to assuage tribal enjoy enough autonomy to develop the 19th century (Assamese was made fearsthe of being outnumbered and of being according to their own genius. In the court language in 1873 replacing Bengali dispossessed of their land by immigrants. constituent assembly debates he joined which had been introduced by the British Moreover, little conscious effort was made Bardoloi, Omeo Kumar Das and Rohini in 1836), continued throughout the 20th to psychologically accommodate the plains Kumar Chaudhury in demanding a large century, finding its climax in the movement tribal communities within the Assamese measure of financial autonomy for Assam of the sixties and seventies to make it the fold, while at the same time accepting the [CAD Vol VII:227]. But the Assamese state's official language and finally the autonomous life pattern of these people. middle class obviously did not share the medium of insruction in colleges and Asamisation, which had been a natural idea of such a broader fraternity of the universities. process in the preceding centuries, peoples of the north-eastern region. During this entire period of Assam's gradually came to be resented by the small In fact, the Assamese middle class's pre- and post-independence history, the middle class that was also emerging perception of post-independence Assam state's intellectual and political scene was amongst the different tribal communities and the role to be played by the Assamese so dominated by the language issue that of the state. Unlike the peasant resistance nationality was strictly limited to the all other issues were largely overshadowed. movements of the 1880s and 1890s when Assamese speaking people of the Nevertheless, it was from the twenties both the tribal and non-tribal segments ofBrahmaputra valley. This is best revealed onwards that some degree of popular the Assamese population under the in the Assam Congress's election appeal awareness seemed to be growing on theleadership of the rural elite had put up of a 1946 which states: "Unless the province question of unabated influx from neigh- common fight against the British admini- of Assam be organised on the basis of the bouring East Bengal and the gradual stration [Sarkar 1990:53], the Assamese and Assamese culture, occupation of the tribal belts and blocks middle class, which began emerging in the the survival of the Assamese nationality by the land-hungry Bengali peasants. first part of the 19th century and was anda culture will become impossible" Census official C S Mullan's obser- product of western education and modern [Guha 1977:302]. Although as the most vations in the 1931 Census Report ideas, where displayed a large degree of in- representative organisation of the he predicted that if the immigrations difference went towards tribal sensibilities. Assamese middle class, the Congress often on unchecked, the indigenous AssameseNevertheless, during the Congress-led claimed to speak for all the people of would be outnumbered in all but one or struggle against British rule, the tribal/ undivided Assam, in reality there was little two Upper Assam districts, brought to non-tribalthe divide in Assamese society space for the other nationalities of the fore the threat to the Assamese identity. remained partially submerged because north-easternof region in its scheme of things. Even those historians who are highly the fight against the common enemy. Bardoloi's initiative in getting the Sixth critical of Mullan's comments and of Assamese tribals contributed a lot to the Schedule incorporated in the Constitution Assamese linguistic chauvinism, freedom have struggle and several of them made of is often cited as an example of admitted that major demograpic changes the utmost sacrifice for the cause of the Assam Congress's liberal approach did take place in Assam during the independence. first Congress leaders like towards the aspirations of the tribal decades of the 20th century, aided Gopinath and Bardoloi and Chandranath communities. But, even in asking for the abetted by Muslim politicians of the Sarmah state. were aware of the need t, assuage protective clauses of the Sixth Schedule, Even Saiyid Mohammad Saadulla,1 justified who tribal fears; but this was not Bardoloi and the other Assamese leaders headed as many as five ministries in necessarily Assam reflected in the different rungs seemed to be motivated by the hope that during 1937-46 and was known for of Assamese his society and politics. in the long run these tribal communities pro-immigrant policies, finally fell Just out prior to independence, the Cabinet would ultimately merge with the greater with immigrant Muslim leaders Mission like proposals on grouping brought Assamese nationality whose major Maulana Bhasani2 on the issue of all the indigenous people of undivided constituent would obviously be the completely de-reserving the tribal Assam belts together on a common platform Assamesc-speaking segment. Though in and blocks in favour of the immigrants. and the fearof being gifted away to Pakistan the years immediately preceding indepen- Reacting to Bhasani's demand for brought the about a facade of unity among the dence, many of the hill tribes of undivided abolition of the line system introduced Assamese by and their neighbours from the Assam had made it clear that they would the British to protect tribal and indigenous hills. The threat to the region's identity prefer an autonomous existence and a land from being occupied by immigrants, posed by Jinnah and the Muslim League position of equality in relation to the Saadulla compared the situation in became Assam a common binding factor, even as Assamese-speaking people, the Assam to that arising out of the unrestricted the Jewish spectre of the authochthones being Congress gave little thought to this aspect. migration into the Arab homeland. outnumbered He by Muslim immigrants However, it must be said about Bardoloi declared that, not to speak of tribals, assumed even added dimensions. This is that. at a time when most of his Assamese Assamese Muslims were being (:riven out adequately rcfelected in the writings colleagues of in the Congress seemed un- of their land by the immigrants [Gulla almost all the Assamese intellectuals of aware of the feelings of the other nation- 1977:282] the period. Khasi leaders like J J M Nichols- alities of the then state of Assam, he had

12.6 Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1999

This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms a vision of a composite Assam where the While the movements for autonomy andsignificant to note that even at the time different tribal communities would have separate statehood in the hills caught thewhen this observation was being made, all a friendly working relationship with the Assamese middle class leadership the communities referred to by the author Assamese. He, however, did not realise at somewhat unawares, it soon learnt to accept as being part of the 'composite' Assamese, that time that the emerging middle class the truncation of the state, all the assertions were actually demanding cultural and leadership of these communities would about an undivided Assam with the peoples political autonomy in some form or the not be satisfied merely with the provisions of the hills and the plains living in harmony other and that within a short span of time of the Sixth Schedule and would eventually notwithstanding. But the initial the bodo demand for separate statehood demand their full share of political power. Assamese reaction to the birth of plains was to usher in one of the bloodiest periods The process initiated by Bardoloi came tribal organisations demanding their share in Assam's post-independence history. to a halt with his death in 1950. The new of political power and social status was In another article in the same collection, leadership of the Assam Congress under one of antagonism, with Assamese leaders a noted Assamese Muslim intellectual, Bishnuram Medhi displayed a myopic and intellectuals continuing to assert that Mohammad Taher, writes about the vision and failed to reach out not only theto plains tribals were an integral part contribution of of the karbis, mishings, the hill tribes but also to the plains tribals Assamese society. What they failed to seelalungs, dimasas, bodos and kacharis within the Assamese community. One wasof that the process of assimilation of thetowards building the foundation of the main reasons for tribal disenchantment plains tribals into Assamese society was Assamese culture "on which was super- was the lack of development of their areas being checked by a variety of socio- imposed the Aryan culture brought by the which remained as backward as ever. Of economic, political and historical factors. Hindu migrants in the past without giving course, all the blame for the tardy develop- It is true that during the Assam movement rise to any social imbroglio. What gradually ment of areas inhabited by the tribal on the foreign nationals issue (1979-85). emerged in the process was certainly not population cannot be attributed to the state the native Assamese speakers were sup- a cross-breed of social systems, but a government run primalily by the Assamese ported throughout the Brahmaputra valley harmonious cultural entity, a colourfaul middle class. Central funds always came by the plains tribals like the bodos, themosaic of diverse traditions and cultural in a trickle and the national leadership mishings,of the tiwas, the rabhas, etc. It traits, is which was enriched further by fresh the Congress refused to accept Bardoloi's also true that many of these plains tribals contributions in subsequent ages" [p 59]. plea for treating Assam as a special case may be said to have acquired a dual Durgeswar Doley, a leading intellectual because of the extractive nature of the 'nationality' or identity in the sense that of the Mishing community, refers to the colonial economy which had drained manythe of them considered themselves to inherent 'liberalism' of the Assamese region of its rich natural resources without be both tribal and Assamese. But with the people who are seen as a harmonious any ploughback of capital. Moreover, majority of these tribes, this sense ofconglomeration of the tribal, the non-tribal partition had severely affected the state's solidarity with the Assamese wore off and the scheduled castes and who have economy by virtually cutting off the entire once the was signed. They never indulged in any 'fanatical activities'. north-eastern region from the rest of theviewed the accord as a move aimed at According to Doley, the "Assamese society country and putting an end to the centuries- protecting the identity only of the is, and has always been, an open old trade with former East Bengal. Added Assamese-speaking people, while totally society...The process of assimilation and to Assam's woes were the thousands of ignoring and overlooking the grave dangers fusion has always been active and has refugees who crossed over into the thatstate were being posed to tribal identity. embraced every ethnic, linguistic, cultural, from newly-created East Pakistan. When But doubts were raised on the question or religious group" [Doley 1980:400]. One despite all these factors, whatever oflittle providing constitutional safeguards for could go on quoting from the other pieces development was taking place under the the Assamese people, it became clear that in the collection to show that behind the Assam government was being concentrated the state's major tribal populations were almost obsessive refrain of a highly in the non-tribal areas. The alienation of not willing to be identified as Assamese. accommodative and open society there lie the Assamese tribal was beginning. This fact, however, was not accepted by certain basic contradictions which most Underdevelopment, poverty and the ever the Assamese intelligentsia which Assamese intellectuals and social leaders increasing pressure on cultivable land from continued to harp on the tribal/non-tribal refuse to face. synthesis in Assamese society. the immigrants were some of the major III factors which pushed the plains tribals ofIt would perhaps be relevant to refer Neo-Assamese Muslims the Brahmaputra valley to the wall. hereThe to a collection of articles on Assam Assamese middle class's insistence on a brought out by the Asom Sahitya Sabha Though none of the contributors to the dominantly Assamese linguistic identity during the height of the Assam Movement. above volume refers to the immigrant for the state and the support given to thisThe collection entitled Assam and the Muslim as being a part of the Assamese by the ruling Congress Party went a longAssamese Mind, has articles written nationality, by several of the writers, however, way in alienating first the hill tribes andsome of the leading Assamese intel- refer to the contribution of the Assamese then the plains tribes. It was evident thatlectuals. For instance, the Jnanpith award- Muslims and the 'baganias' or tea-labour the Assamese middle class leadership, pre-winning Assamese writer, Birendrakumar community. The eighties which high- occupied as it was with the struggle Bhattacharyya, to observes: "The Assamese lighted the infiltration issue, rather para- establish Assamese hegemony, had failed nationality is a heterogeneous community doxically brought the immigrant Muslim to repond to the growing sense of insecurity which includes tribal groups like the ravas, to the centre stage of Assam's culture and in the tribal mind. As a result, this sense the bodos, the tiwas, the mishings, politics.the Over the years, large segments of of alienation came to be expressed in thekarbis and the dimasas. Compared to thesethe immigrant Muslim population of the growth of different tribal organisations members of this composite nationality, state had been sending their children to which started demanding political power the Bengalis and others are newcomers Assamese to medium schools and returning and social justice. the land" [Bhattacharyya 1980:83]. It Assameseis as their mother tongue. This

Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1999 1267

This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms was particularly true of immigrant popula- put forth his case for acceptance into was the in actuality one of 'Growing More tions inhabiting the riverine belts called Assamese nationality. Muslims' - yet it was another Assamese 'chars'. And, once Assamese was made What is of interest is that while, on Muslim, the Mohammad Tayebullah who led the official language of the state, the one hand, the struggle to make Assamese the Congress in Assam during the tumul- immigrant Muslim was quick to seize thethe official language (1960) and later tuous the pre-partition days and who con- opportunity of identifying himself with medium of instruction at the college/ sistently opposed tooth and nail the politics the Assamese-speaking majority. university level (1972) alienated the tribalof the Muslim League. It is worth pointing out here that though populations of both the hills and the plains Tayebullah's opposition to League Bengali Hindus in Assam often speak and led to major cleavages in the Assamese politics was so total that he fell out with Assamese fluently and have made notable society, on the other hand, it drew Bardoloi the when the latter reached an contributions to Assamese literature and immigrant Muslim populations closer agreement to with the Muslim League in the arts, yet they were seldom prepared the to Assamese fold. March 1945 as a result of which the fifth give up their linguistic identity. But this As long as the Assamese language Saadulla ministry was formed in which was not the case with the immigrant remained the vehicle of expression of a practically all the non-Muslim members Muslim. popular culture embracing different were Congress nominees, though the As this section of Assamese-speaking communities - as it was from the 15th to Congress itself did not accept any office. immigrant Muslims started growing the early part of the 20th century- Tayebulla, immediately after his release numarically, Assamese socio-culturai accommodation was the keynote as far as from prison on the March 27, 1945, issued organisations accepted them first as 'Na the core Assamese and the tribal segments a statement in his capacity as the president Asamiya' or neo-Assamese and then as were concerned. But, once the official of the Assam Congress opposing the tri- Assamese. For instance, leaders ol the stamp was put on the Assamese language. partitie agreement and said that Bardoloi Asom Sahitya Sabha, the state's premier it became an instrument of exclusiveness did not have the right to use the Con- socio-literary organisation representing by the determining certain specific cultural gress's name in coming to an agreement Assamese-speaking people, have in recent parameters. It was in this newly-emerging with war-time collaborators like Saadulla years been emphasising the need to accept scenario, when state sanction to a particular [Guha 1977:290]. It was Tayebullah who the immigrant Muslim population as partlanguage triggered off certain radical steered the Assam Congress during those and parcel of the Assamese society alignmentsand and realignments among the crucial days when the entire state was have been critical of those who still refer different communities of the region, that mobilised to oppose the grouping to them as 'Mias' or 'Na Asamiya'. The the immigrant Muslim emerged as one of scheme under the Cabinet Mission plan. president of the 1996 session of the Asom the major pillars of Assamese linguistic It may be said, therefore, that on the Sahitya Sabha went to the extent of nationalism. whole, the general trend among the declaring that the immigrant-turned- Just as the Assamese Hindu, whose Assamese Muslims has always been one Assamese is more patriotic in the matter tradition and culture form the bedrock of of trying to integrate themselves with the of Assamese linguistic nationalism Assamese society enriched as it is by tribal Assamese community in such a manner because, unlike many of the so-called "core and Muslim contributions, would love to that culturally they have become one of Assamese" with surnames like bora and claim that his is a liberal society where its important segments. Politically too, the saikia who send their wards to English- no particular religious-cultural trend is the Assamese-speaking Muslim has often medium schools, the immigrants believe dominant one, similarly the Assamese distanced himself from the general run of in educating their children in the Assamese Muslim has prided himself over the fact Muslim politics in the state. For instance, tongue. that he has always considered himself first Amalendu Guha refers to government Conscious efforts on the part of the an Assamese and then a Muslim. But, just intelligence reports to show that Assamese- Assamese intellectuals were now aimed as the Assamese Hindu (which includes speaking Muslims responded poorly to the at drawing a dividing line between thosea large segment of plains tribal people) call given by the provincial Muslim League immigrants who have come and made cannot claim that his has been a record to observe January 3, 1947 as 'black flag Assam their home, accepting the Assamese untarred by communal clashes, similarly day' in protest against evictions immigrant language and culture, and those who the have Assamese Muslim too cannot say that settlers from grazing and forest reserves come after March 1971, the cut-off he date has always been above religious con- by the Bardoloi government [Guha as given in the Assam Accord. Soon siderations this whenever issues of nationality 1977:317]. cut-off date would also cease to hold were any at stake. Unlike many other regions of the Indian significance. While it is true that several leading subcontinent, the cultural divide between The Assamese were grateful to theAssamese Muslims were drawn into the the Assamese Hindu and the Assamese immigrant Muslim for returning Assamese politics of the Muslim League and Muslim is not at all sharp. This had as his mother tongue, thereby ensuring supported the the demand for a six-province prompted Muslim historians from other majority status of the Assamese andPakistan that would include Assam, yet paAs of the country to say that the Assamese defeating the 'machinations' of the Bengali the provincial Muslim League drew its Muslims were less Muslim and more Hindu to reduce Assam into a bilingual support mainly from the immigrant Assamese in their culture and habits. For state. No doubt, for all practical purposes, Muslim population of the state. While it instance, Sahabuddin Talish who ac- Assam today is a bilingual state, withis also true that it was the Assamese Muslim companied Mir Jumla during the Mughal Assamese in the Brahmaputra valley prime and minister of the state, Saiyid invasion of Assam in 1662-63, stated thus: Bengali in the Barak valley. In such Muhammad a Saadulla, who was responsible "As for the Musalmans who have been context, the neo-Assamese immigrant for actively encouraging the influx of taken prisoner in former times and had Muslim also did not take long to realise Muslim peasants from East Bengal- chosen to marry here, their descendants his importance as a balancing force inprompting the Wavell to say that Saadulla's act exactly in the manner of the Assamese, state's socio-political scene and strongly policy in the thirties of 'Grow More Food' and have nothing of Islam except the name;

1268 Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1999

This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms their hearts are inclined far more towards Referring to the difference between the the state language, the Assamese Muslims mingling with the Assamese than towards immigrant Muslims of the Brahmaputra had played a significant supportive role, association with the Muslims" [Gait valley and those of the Barak valley on yet it was during the anti-foreigners stir 1967:153]. the matter of assimilation with the of 1979-85 that they felt somewhat Such a degree of assimilation was Assamese, Ahmed and Yasin make the alienated and insecure for the first time possible partly because of geographical following observation: in the state's post-independence history. factors and partly because of the accom- The immigrant Muslims, who have come Nevertheless, large sections of Assamese modative nature of Assamese society toled Assam at different phases of the present Muslims actively participated in the anti- by the Ahom kings who appointed century from East Bengal (now known as foreigners stir and the All Assam Students' Muslims to important positions. The Bangladesh) and settled mostly in the 'char' Union (AASU) was led at a very crucial first group of Muslims came and settled (highland formed in river by deposit of period when almost all its top leaders were in the region from the 13th to the 15th silt) areas of Lower Assam, and the behind bars, by Nurul Hussain who was centuries. They were easily assimilated Muslims of the Barak valley share athe AASU vice-president. During the within the broad cultural base of common cultural and linguistic heritage. agitation, there were also several instances Assamese society built up of tribal But folkthe distinctive feature of the immigrant when Assamese Muslimsj oined Assamese traditions and a liberal brand of Hinduism Muslims of the Brahmaputra valley is that, Hindu villagers in resisting attacks by deeply influenced by Srimanta although their mother tongue is Bengali, immigrant Muslims. Although the stated Sankardeva' sschool of Vaishnavism. This they would like to be identified as Naaim of the movement was to drive out the Asamiya or neo-Assamese. In the early is adequately reflected in the 'zikirs' and foreign nationals - both Bengali Muslims part of the 1 970s, they declared themselves and Bengali Hindus - from the region, yet 'zaris', devotional songs composed in as Assamese at the time of census Assamese by the 17th century Muslim the communal flare-ups in different parts enumeration. Their children study in of the state made the Assamese Muslims saint, Shah Milan of Baghdad, who came Assamese medium schools and they are to be known as Azan Fakir in Assam. The feel increasingly insecure. trying to identify themselves as a part of zikir and zari speak mainly of peace, the greater Assamese society. In otherIn several districts of the state, especially harmony and the transitory nature of words, except for the Muslims oftheBarak in Lower Assam, immigrant pockets com- human life and seem deeply influenced valley, the Muslims of Assam consider prising both Hindus and Muslims were by popular folk-music forms as well as themselves as an inseparable component attacked and hundreds of people killed. by the Vaishnava music of Assam. They of the Assamese society, and, thus, The have massacre at Nellie and the killings at form an integral part of the cultural been accomplishing a difficult Chaolkhowatask of Chapori where immigrant mosaic of the Assamese people. Dis- assimilation and identification with the Muslims were the targets, added to the cussing the assimilation of the Muslims socio-cultural life of Assam... [Ahmed and growing sense of disillusionemnt among into Assamese society, two Assamese Yasin 1997:144]. the AsamiyaMuslims [Hussain 1993:127]. Muslim social scientists have the following This is indeed an interesting example Discussingof this, Ahmed and Yasin write: to say: a particular community or section of people "The long Assam movement halted, ... the political assimilation of the Muslims trying to shed its distinctive linguistic- undoubtedly, for the first time the pro- in the state has considerable cultural roots. cultural heritage and adopt a totally cess of Muslims' assimilation and their A number of Muslim writers, poets and different group identity; and that too identityby with the greater Assamese ctitics have made lasting contributions to a largely political decision of declaring society...not only the Bengali speaking the world of Assamese language and themselves as Assamese. But is the immigrant Muslims were soft targets of literature. To start with Azan Fakir, the shedding of the earlier linguistic-cultural assault, intimidation and harassment, the process of assimilation of the Muslims had identity of aparticular community of indigenouspeople Muslims and even well-known begun in the background of a tolerant and possible in such a manner? And, personalities...weremore not spared humilia- integrative Vaishnava movement launched importantly, what would be the nature tion...Consequently, of many of the immi- by Sankardeva, the great saint and literary tensions that would necessarily grant be Muslims, who in 1971 had identified figure of Assam. Important personalities generated in the process of this 'amalga- themselves with the Assamese society and like Dr Moidul Islam Bora, Mofizuddin mation', through a political decision, language, of expressed themselves openly, Ahmed Hazarika (whose Gyan Malini a two very different and distinct socio-at a meeting at the Haji Musafirkhana collection of highly lyrical poems, is a at Guwahati on the eve of the 1991 Census, monumental work), Mohammad Piar and linguistic groups? With the flow from Bangladesh continuing and more and themore futility of false pretensions of assimila- Syed Abdul Malik set new trends in the world of Assamese literature. A number Bengali-speaking migrants in the Brahma- tive gestures and their efforts towards consolidation of their Assamese identity. of new and promising writers and poets putra valley opting to declare themselves like Syed Abdul Halim, Ismail Hussain as Assamese, the assimilative power While of the vast majority of the immigrant and Khanir Ahmed (both Hussain and Assamese society, guided by the integrative Muslims, who have already gone far ahead Ahmed hail from the immigrant Muslim Vaishnavism of Sankardeva, would beof theput process of Assamisation, adhered community) have further strengthened the to severe test in the decades to come. to their decision of 1971 in respect of their mother tongue issue, an insignificant process of assimilation and consolidation IV of Muslim's quest for survival as a part minority did declare Bengali as their mother of the greater Assamese community... New Equations tongue at the time of the 1991 Census" [Ahmed and Yasin 1997:146-47]. The continued migration of Bengali [Ahmed and Yasin 1997:148]. This apparently ideal situation is bound speaking Muslims into Assam has created The authors of the article raise some to alter if the influx from Bangladesh an identity crisis not only for the Assamese significant points regarding the status of continues unabated, thereby adversely Hindu but, interestingly, for the Assamese the Assamese vis-a-vis the immigrant affecting the delicate balance in Assamese Muslim as well. Though in earlier populist Muslims in the following manner: society. agitations like the one for making Assamese The Muslims of Assam, being confronted

Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1q99 1269

This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms with the identity crisis, are putting to indigenous Assamese Muslim and the one- spoken variety of the language? Would the themselves a few but extremely important time Bengali immigrant Muslim is bound future of the Assamese nationality with a questions having far-reaching implications. to become thinner and thinner and a more distinct socio-cultural base of its own be Unlike the Muslims of northern India, the cohesive Muslim identity will inevitably ensured only if the number of Assamese Muslims of Assam have been trying to emerge. Already the new generation of speakers recorded in the census figures resolve their identity problem by actively Assamese Muslim intellectuals is talking remain more or less constant; or would participating in the state politics. Yet, they in terms of proportional reservation of other socio-economic factors also count? often have to find an answer to disturbing Muslims in jobs and services in the state. Can language be seen as the sole deter- questions: Who are they? Are those mining ingredient of the culture of a Muslims who are born and brought up in They are not talking only about the particular community or nationality? Or Assam and whose forefathers came to indigenous Assamese Muslims but about would Assamese culture and society be Assam in the 13th century, whose mother- all Muslims in general. This change has enriched by a new consciousness which tongue is Assamese. whose cultural been clearly brought about by the alter- would have a strong Islamic content? These foundation has been shaped by the folk- ations in the demographic pattern of tradition of Assam, really Assamese or Assamese society effected by the unabated questions are bound to arise whenever Muslims or both? Are the immigrant influx of Bengali-speaking Muslims who, assimilation of two culturally diverse Muslims who too have accepted Assamese in the course of a few years, seek and gain groups of people takes place because of as their mother tongue and recorded thus entry into the Assamese fold. In the changed historio-political factors. in 1971, whose children are taking educa- situation, the Assamese Muslim would Thus, the emergence of the new tion in Assamese-medium schools in their obviously come into greater contact with Assamese-speaking and one-time Muslim respective areas, whose new generation his religious brethren elsewhere and immigrant from East Bengal (later East has produced a good number of Assamese increasingly come under the pressures of Pakistan and Bangladesh) as a major poets, writers and intellectuals, really a broader Muslim society. In recent times, constituent of the Assamese nationality is Assamese, Bengali or Muslims? Where do indigenous Assamese Muslims have bound to bring about far-reaching changes they stand? Shall they declare themselves reacted sensitively to immigrant Muslims in the culture and civilisation of the as Assamese and consider [themselves] as being loosely called Bangladeshis and Assamese people as a whole. Certain a part of the mainstream Assamese but not assertions have been made about the historians have all too often found fault accorded recognition by the mainstream? Assamese bona fides of those who have with the observations of the census official, [Ahmed and Yasin 1997:148]. C S Mullan, who, in his report of 1931, While raising these points, Ahmed and joined the Assamese mainstream. had warned that if the influx of Bengali Yasin conclude that because of the present The indigenous Assamese Muslim is no Muslims continued at an unabated rate, situation in Assam, a large segment of the longerjust avery small butdistinct segment then the future of Assamese culture would Muslim population is being tempted to of the Assamese nationality; rather, with be threatened much more seriously than disown its Assamese cultural identity and the ranks of the Assamese Muslim swelling it was during the Burmese invasions of the adopt pan-Islamic positions. fast because of the integration into early part of the 19th century. Mullan was It is important to note here that the Assamese society of large numbers of Assamese Muslims. who have been so immigrant Muslims or neo-Assamese, the referring to the grim possibility of one much an integral part of the Assamese Assamese Muslim is bound to find himself society and who used to have almost no in a more determining role, all the present social interaction with the immigrant doubts about his identity notwithstanding. MANAGEMENT Bengali Muslims, are today being faced With the segment of immigrant Muslims PLANNING FOR THE with a crisis of identity. A community in Assamese society registering a sharp TWENTY-FIRST which has, through the centuries, lived rise, far-reaching culture changes are bound CENTURY to follow the shift in the demographic harmoniously with the other communities (In Three Volumes) balance. Unlike the Muslims of the earlier within the broader framework of the Dr. Giriraj Shah (Retd. Inspector period who, for a variety of reasons, got Assamese nationality, is today being General of Police, U.P.) assimilated within the Assamese cultural confronted by questions regarding its own identity. The other segments of the framework, the substantially large Muslim The book primarily deals with three Assamese nationality never viewed the population of today cannot be expected pivotal aspects of management plan- ning for the twenty-first century: viz. Assamese Muslim as any sort of threat to to accept Assamese cultural icons and institutions so easily. For instance, the The principles, the effectiveness of their socio-cultural identity and the latter methods, and the factors contributing adjusted his identity problems to suit 'namghar' or the community place of to success or failure. It may be termed the former. It is only when a particular worship forms an integral part of Assamese as a systematic and modem approach minority within a broader community or society and is central to its socio-cultural to leading the workforce which is con- nationality grows into a sizeable group and religious life. Would the masjid be sidered as the road to excellence in that it becomes aware of its identity issues. able to play an equally central role as the management. The book fills a room And that is exactly what seems to be namghar in the emerging Assamese and proves to be a valuable addition to the list of works on the subject. happening to the Assamese Muslim society? How far would the immigrant neo-Assamese Muslims be able to integrate community at the present juncture. Today 81-212-0577-8 1999 900 pp themselves with the Assamese nationality 23 cm. Rs. 1400 it is coming to see itself not only as a and what sort of social tensions would segment of the broader Assamese nationality but also in relation to the other such a process generate? How far would Muslims of the state. the cultural roots of Assamese liteartnre With more and more immigrant Muslims and society be affected by the assimilation joining the Assamese mainstream, the process? How far would the adoption of social divide that once existed between the Assamese by the immigrants affect the

1270 Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1999

This content downloaded from 59.180.134.145 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 13:51:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms particular community or nationality being 24.56 per cent in 1971 to 28.53 per cent fight the zamindars. Soon he became influential totally outnumbered by another through in 1991. It is evident that infiltration from among the Bengali Muslim immigrants in Assam and was elected a member of the Assam a demographic invasion; of the relatively Bangladesh has contributed largely to this legislative assembly in 1937. Bhasani led the small Assamese nationality being finally increase in the Muslim population. immigrant Muslims in a movement against the swamped by the larger and more versatile This demographic change has not only line system in Assam and demanded that belts Bengali-speaking migrants from East been reflected in the parliamentary politics and blocks reserved for the tribals be opened Bengal. WhatMullan had failed to visualise of the state but also in the policies and up for occupation. As the president of the was that, in the subsequent half-century positions of the insurgent groups like the provincial Muslim League, Bhasani had, with following his census report, those very United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) support from the Muslim League leaders of Bengal, planned a series of marches in Lower immigrants whom he considered to be a which have come out with documents Assam in February 1947 against the line system threat to the Assamese identity would, by addressed to the 'immigrant population of but the move fizzled out when the possibility taking a largely political decision of East Bengal origin in Assam' wherein the of Assam being included in East Pakistan shedding their Bengali linguistic identity contributions of the latter have been praised receded. After partition, Bhasani became an and accepting Assamese as their mother and they have been described as an im- important leader in East Pakistan and later on played an important role in the creation of tongue (though retaining their religo- portant segment of the Assamese nation- Bangladesh. cultural identity) become an integral part ality [ULFA 1992]. In the same booklet 2 Saiyid Muhammad Saadulla headed, five of the Assamese community, thereby the ULFA dismisses the All Assam different ministries in Assam during the period initiating a process of far-reaching cultural Students' Union-All Assam Gana Sangram April 1937 to Febraury 1946. An Assamese changes affecting its very roots. Parishad led Assam movement on the Muslim, Saadulla is seen as being largely responsible for the large-scale entry and But, even while accepting the charge foreigners issue as one based on populist settlement of Muslim immigrants from East that Mullan's observations were motivated emotion and calls upon the Bengal. Injust one year, 1939-40, the Saadulla by colonial considerations of driving a to fight for their salvation along with the government settled Bengali Muslim immigrants wedge between the indigenous population immigrants. on one lakh bighas of land in the Brahmaputra of Assam and the Muslim immigrants, yet valley. Saadulla joined the Muslim League in V the fact remains that, over the years, the 1937 and supported the grouping scheme under Conclusion Assamese Hindu as well as the plains the Cabinet Mission plan. tribal communities are being gradually The quest for Assamese identity has References reduced to a minority in several districts indeed taken new and exciting turns. Ahmed, Abu Saied and Adil-ul-Yasin (1997): of the state. This is naturally being Whereas, in the natural course of events, 'Problems of Identity, Assimilation and accompanied by a substantial degree of it would mainly have been the different Nation-Building: A Case Study of the Muslim land-alienation among the indigenous plains tribal communities of the Brahma- of Assam' in Girin Phukan and N L Dutta Assamese in favour of the immigrants. By putra valley (and may be a few other tribes (eds), Politics ofldentityand Nation-Building in North-East India, Dibrugarh University, all accounts, the rise in the Muslim like the karbis and the dimasas as well) Dibrugarh. population (overwhelmingly Bengali- which would have finally integrated with Bhattacharyya, Birendra Kumar (1980): 'The speaking at the beginning) in Assam has the broader Assamese nationality, now it Assamese Mind' in Nagen Saikia (ed) Assam been quite sharp, though certain scholars has been the once much-hated and much- and the Assamese Mind, Jorhat. have made consistent attempts to play feared immigrant Muslim who has Barpujari, H K (ed) (1992): The Comprehensive , Vol II, Guwahati. down immigration figures. succeeded in finding for himself a berth Baruah, Gunabhiram (1885): 'Bangali' in Asam The Muslim population in the Brahma- within the Assamese nationality. It seems Bandhu, (Assamese), Magh. (January- putra valley increased from a mere 9 per to have been a quirk of history that February). cent in 1881 to 19 per cent in 1931 and Assamese over-zealousness in protecting -(1972 reprint): Asam Buranji, (Assamese) 23 per cent in 1941. For instance, in the their language and linguistic identity Guwahati, first printed 1875. Bhuyan, A C and S De (eds) (1980): Political Barpeta subdivision (later district), eventually led to an irredentism which History ofAssam:1940-1947, Vol III, Dispur, Muslims who were only 0.1 per cent of went a long way in alienating the tribal Government of Assam, Constituent Assembly the population in 1911 grew to 49 per cent communities while at the same time Debates, Vol VIII. in 1941 and 65.17 per cent in 1991. The opening the doors for that very section Doley, of Durgeswar( 1980): 'Assamese Liberalism' 1991 Census figures show that while the people against whom the Assamese have in Nagen Saikia (ed) op cit. Gait, Edward (1967): A History of Assam, first Muslim population of the country increased been agitating for almost a century now. printed 1905, Calcutta. by 40.2 million or 65.47 per cent over that The Assamese seem to be still nourishing Gohain Baruah, Padmanath (1976 reprint): of 1971, in Assam the increase has been the illusion that the tribal content of their Asamar Buranji, (Assamese), Guwahati, first 77.42 per cent. The Muslims now form society is even today very central. The printed, 1889. Guha, Amalendu (1977): Planter Raj to Swaraj: a majority in the districts of Dhubri (70.42 reality otherwise. Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in per cent), Goalpara (50.18 per cent), Notes Assam 1826-1947, New Delhi. Barpeta (56.07 per cent) and Hailakandi - (1991): Medieval and Early : (55.18 per cent). If the current trend of [This article is a revised version of a paper presented Society, Polity, Economy, Calcutta. increase continues, then the districts of at a seminar on 'Dynamics of Identity and Hussain, Monirul (1993): The Assam Movement: Class, Ideology and Identity, Delhi. Nowgong, Marigaon and Karimganj would Intergroup Relations in North-East India' held at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, Moon, P (ed) (1973): Wavell: The Viceroy's also become Muslim majority ones by the in November 1996.] Journal, London. tur of the century. The 1991 Census shows Sanj ukta Mukti Bahini (ULFA) ( 1992): 'Asombasi that during the period 1971-91 the 1 Abdul Hamid Khan, better known as Maulana Purbabangia Janagonoloi'. Prasar Patra Bhasani, was born in a poor peasant family of percentage of Hindu population in Assam (Assamese), July. East Bengal. He was involved in the khilafat Sarkar, Sumit (1990): Modern India: 1885-1947, fell from 72.51 per cent in 1971 to 67.13 and non-cooperation movements and finally Bangalore. per cent in 1991. By contrast, the Muslim emerged as a leader of the Muslim peasants Taher, Mohammad (1980): 'Pride of Being an population of the state increased from of East Bengal where he organised them to Assamese' in Nagen Saikia (ed) op cit.

Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1999 1271

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