CONFLICT DYNAMICS and COMMUNITY RESILIENCE in MASISI TERRITORY a Case Study of Biiri, Kibabi, and Muvunyi Shanga Groupements
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Public Annex
ICC-01/04-01/10-396-Anx 02-09-2011 1/6 CB PT Public Annex ICC-01/04-01/10-396-Anx 02-09-2011 2/6 CB PT I. General contextual elements on the recent FLDR activities in the KIVUS: 1. Since the beginning of 2011, the FARDC conducted unilateral military operations under the “AMANI LEO” (peace today) operation against the FDLR and other armed groups in North Kivu, mainly in Walikale and Lubero territories, and in South Kivu, mainly in Fizi, Uvira and Shabunda territories. 1 2. The UN Group of Experts in its interim report on 7 June 2011 states that the FDLR remain militarily the strongest armed group in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.2 3. The UN Secretary-General further reported on 17 January 2011 that “the FDLR military leadership structure remained largely intact, and dispersed”.3 The FDLR established their presences in remote areas of eastern Maniema and northern Katanga provinces 4 and have sought to reinforce their presence in Rutshuru territory.5 4. The UN GoE reported as late as June 2011 on the FDLR’s continued recruitment 6 and training of mid-level commanders 7. The FDLR also 1 Para 5, page 2 S/2011/20, Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 17 January 2011 (http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2011/20 ), Para 32, page 9, S/2011/345 Interim report of the Group of Experts on the DRC submitted in accordance with paragraph 5 of Security Council resolution 1952 (2010), 7 June 2011 (http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2011/345 -
620290Wp0democ0box036147
Public Disclosure Authorized WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2011 BACKGROUND CASE STUDY EMOCRATIC EPUBLIC OF THE ONGO Public Disclosure Authorized D R C Tony Gambino March 2, 2011 (Final Revisions Received) The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author. They do not necessarily represent the views of the World Development Report 2011 team, the World Public Disclosure Authorized Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent Tony Gambino has worked on development and foreign policy issues for more than thirty years. For the last fourteen years, he has concentrated on the problems of fragile states, with a special focus on the states of Central Africa. He coordinated USAID’s re-engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in 1997 and served there as USAID Mission Director from 2001-2004. He began his work in the Congo in 1979. The author wishes to thank Gérard Prunier, René Lemarchand, Ivor Fung (Director of the UN Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Africa), Rachel Locke, (Head, Africa Team, Office for Conflict Mitigation and Management, Bureau for Africa, USAID), and Thierry Vircoulon (Project Director, Central Africa, International Crisis Group) for their thoughtful, insightful comments. The paper was greatly improved as a result of their questions, concerns, and comments. Remaining flaws are due to the author’s own analytical shortcomings. This paper was largely Public Disclosure Authorized completed in early 2010. Therefore, it does not include information on or analysis of the change from MONUC to MONUSCO or other important events that occurred later in 2010 or in early 2011. -
Le Président Du Conseil De Sécurité Présente
Le Président du Conseil de sécurité présente ses compliments aux membres du Conseil et a l'honneur de transmettre, pour information, le texte d'une lettre datée du 2 juin 2020, adressée au Président du Conseil de sécurité, par le Groupe d’experts sur la République démocratique du Congo reconduit suivant la résolution 2478 (2019) du Conseil de sécurité, ainsi que les pièces qui y sont jointes. Cette lettre et les pièces qui y sont jointes seront publiées comme document du Conseil de sécurité sous la cote S/2020/482. Le 2 juin 2020 The President of the Security Council presents his compliments to the members of the Council and has the honour to transmit herewith, for their information, a copy of a letter dated 2 June 2020 from the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo extended pursuant to Security Council resolution 2478 (2019) addressed to the President of the Security Council, and its enclosures. This letter and its enclosures will be issued as a document of the Security Council under the symbol S/2020/482. 2 June 2020 UNITED NATIONS NATIONS UNIES POSTAL ADDRESS-ADRESSE POSTALE: UNITED NATIONS, N.Y. 10017 CABLE ADDRESS -ADRESSE TELEGRAPHIQUE: UNATIONS NEWYORK REFERENCE: S/AC.43/2020/GE/OC.171 2 juin 2020 Monsieur Président, Les membres du Groupe d’experts sur la République démocratique du Congo, dont le mandat a été prorogé par le Conseil de sécurité dans sa résolution 2478 (2019), ont l’honneur de vous faire parvenir leur rapport final, conformément au paragraphe 4 de ladite résolution. -
Of 20 April 2015
L 102/10 EN Official Journal of the European Union 21.4.2015 COUNCIL IMPLEMENTING REGULATION (EU) 2015/614 of 20 April 2015 implementing Article 9(4) of Regulation (EC) No 1183/2005 imposing certain specific restrictive measures directed against persons acting in violation of the arms embargo with regard to the Democratic Republic of the Congo THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, Having regard to Council Regulation (EC) No 1183/2005 of 18 July 2005 concerning restrictive measures directed against persons acting in violation of the arms embargo with regard to the Democratic Republic of Congo (1), and in particular Article 9(4) thereof, Whereas: (1) On 18 July 2005, the Council adopted Regulation (EC) No 1183/2005. (2) On 5 February 2015, the Security Council Committee established pursuant to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo issued an updated list of individuals and entities subject to restrictive measures. (3) Annex I to Regulation (EC) No 1183/2005 should therefore be amended accordingly, HAS ADOPTED THIS REGULATION: Article 1 Annex I to Regulation (EC) No 1183/2005 is replaced by the text appearing in the Annex to this Regulation. Article 2 This Regulation shall enter into force on the day following that of its publication in the Official Journal of the European Union. This Regulation shall be binding in its entirety and directly applicable in all Member States. Done at Luxembourg, 20 April 2015. For the Council The President F. MOGHERINI (1) OJ L 193, 23.7.2005, p. -
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23 1 Front Cover image: M23 combatants marching into Goma wearing RDF uniforms Antwerp, November 2012 2 Table of Contents Introduction 4 1. Background 5 2. The rebels with grievances hypothesis: unconvincing 9 3. The ethnic agenda: division within ranks 11 4. Control over minerals: Not a priority 14 5. Power motives: geopolitics and Rwandan involvement 16 Conclusion 18 3 Introduction Since 2004, IPIS has published various reports on the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Between 2007 and 2010 IPIS focussed predominantly on the motives of the most significant remaining armed groups in the DRC in the aftermath of the Congo wars of 1996 and 1998.1 Since 2010 many of these groups have demobilised and several have integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) and the security situation in the DRC has been slowly stabilising. However, following the November 2011 elections, a chain of events led to the creation of a ‘new’ armed group that called itself “M23”. At first, after being cornered by the FARDC near the Rwandan border, it seemed that the movement would be short-lived. However, over the following two months M23 made a remarkable recovery, took Rutshuru and Goma, and started to show national ambitions. In light of these developments and the renewed risk of large-scale armed conflict in the DRC, the European Network for Central Africa (EURAC) assessed that an accurate understanding of M23’s motives among stakeholders will be crucial for dealing with the current escalation. IPIS volunteered to provide such analysis as a brief update to its ‘mapping conflict motives’ report series. -
Walikale Nicholas Garrett Artisanal Cassiterite Mining and Trade in North Kivu June 1, 2008 Implications for Poverty Reduction and Security
Walikale Nicholas Garrett Artisanal Cassiterite Mining and Trade in North Kivu June 1, 2008 Implications for Poverty Reduction and Security 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was prepared by Nicholas Garrett for the Communities and Artisanal & Small-scale Mining initiative (CASM). Nicholas Garrett is a Mining Consultant from the UK Resource Consulting Services Ltd (RSS), and specialising in conflict and post-conflict minerals management and corporate social responsibility in high-risk environments. The contribution of Estelle A. Levin and Harrison Mitchell (RSS) and of those who have reviewed the final report is acknowledged, as well as to everyone who provided support to the author to conduct extensive research on the ground in the DR Congo. Front cover photo: Artisanal cassiterite mining in Bisie, North Kivu/DRC © Nicholas Garrett Disclaimer: The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of CASM or other organizations. 2 CONTENTS List of Acronyms 5 Sections Preface and Methodology 6 Synopsis 7 Background and Context 12 Legal Framework 18 Governance 23 Geography, Physical Access, Infrastructure and Transport 32 Structure of Production 37 Economics of Production 41 Economics of Trade 43 Payments to Authorities 56 Demography and Poverty 63 External Stakeholders and Development Assistance 62 Conclusion and Recommendations 76 Bibliography 87 Fact Boxes Box 1: What is Cassiterite? 13 Box 2: Key Features of Artisanal Mining (AM) in North Kivu 16 Box 3: SAESSCAM 22 Box 4: Workers’ Income in Bisie -
Democratic Republic of the Congo Page 1 of 54
2010 Human Rights Report: Democratic Republic of the Congo Page 1 of 54 Home » Under Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs » Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor » Releases » Human Rights Reports » 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices » Africa » Congo, Democratic Republic of the 2010 Human Rights Report: Democratic Republic of the Congo BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report April 8, 2011 The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is a nominally centralized republic with a population of approximately 68 million. The president and the lower house of parliament (National Assembly) are popularly elected; the members of the upper house (the Senate) are chosen by provincial assemblies. Multiparty presidential and National Assembly elections in 2006 were judged to be credible, despite some irregularities, while indirect elections for senators in 2007 were marred by allegations of vote buying. There were many instances in which state security forces acted independently of civilian control and of military command. In all areas of the country, state security forces continued to act with impunity throughout the year, committing many serious abuses, including unlawful killings, disappearances, torture, rape and engaging in arbitrary arrests and detention. Severe and life-threatening conditions in prison and detention facilities, prolonged pretrial detention, lack of an independent and effective judiciary, and arbitrary interference with privacy, family, and home also remained serious problems. Members of the state security forces continued to abuse and threaten journalists, contributing to a decline in press freedom. Internally displaced persons remained a major problem, and the integration of ex-combatants and members of rebel and militia groups (RMGs) into state security forces and governance institutions was slow and uneven. -
Press Release Local Voices EN Best Final
Tapez pour saisir le texte LOCAL VOICES Congolese Communities & The Kivu Conflict ! press release A Series of Photostories on Local Realities of Conflict in Eastern DRC “Our drama is that armed groups are supposedly formed in order to protect their community, but at the end of the day, it is the very same armed groups that kill their own community.” A community leader from Goma, North Kivu ! ! “All our troubles [of armed conflict] came from bad governance. We succeeded institutionalizing the culture of corruption in our country.” A Civil Society activist from Goma, North Kivu. ! ! “As long as armed groups remain, we will never be able to return to our villages!” A woman among the two millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) that are forced to live in a camp because of armed violence in North and South Kivu. local voices - congolese communities & the kivu conflict - www.localvoicesproject.com A member of APCLS armed group is leaving its military base to fight Cheka armed group in Pinga, Walikale territory. Both groups fight for the control of Pinga and the mineral resources that are abundant in Walikale territory. Lukweti, Masisi territory, North Kivu, August 2013. local voices - congolese communities & the kivu conflict - www.localvoicesproject.com Tapez pour saisir le texte LOCAL VOICES - Congolese Communities & The Kivu Conflict ! A Series of photostories helps make local voices heard on DRC conflict Local Voices, Search For Common Ground and International Alert are proud to announce the launch of their joint project Local Voices – Congolese Communities & The Kivu Conflict on December 5, 2013. ! ! Local Voices – Congolese Communities & The Kivu Conflict aims to share the experiences of the local populations who, in remote areas of Kivu, have been facing militias and armed violence for 20 years. -
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC of the CONGO Hundreds of Schools Were Looted, Damaged, and Destroyed Or Used for Military Purposes in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Global Coalition EDUCATION UNDER ATTACK GCPEA to Protect Education from Attack COUNTRY PROFILES DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO Hundreds of schools were looted, damaged, and destroyed or used for military purposes in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Armed parties also reportedly threatened, abducted, injured, and killed students and education personnel. Both boys and girls were recruited from schools or along school routes, and reports indicated that girls were taken specifically for sexual purposes. Context Already ongoing for more than two decades, conflict continued in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. 678 A new conflict began in the Greater Kasai region in April 2016, when tensions between the government and traditional chiefs led to the emergence of the Kamuina Nsapu militia. 679 This violence surged in 2017, with conflict also escalating in North and South Kivu and Tanganyika provinces. 680 The armed parties included the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo) (FARDC) and more than 120 non-state armed groups. 681 Most armed groups were small. One of the largest remaining groups was the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) (FDLR), which was estimated to have between 500 and 1,000 fighters in 2017. 682 The UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), which began its peacekeeping mission in 1999, also continued to operate in the country. 683 As of August 2017, 3.8 million people were internally displaced throughout DRC. 684 State and non-state parties reportedly raped, sexually enslaved, and forcibly impregnated women and girls because of their ethnicity. -
In Search of Peace: an Autopsy of the Political Dimensions of Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo
IN SEARCH OF PEACE: AN AUTOPSY OF THE POLITICAL DIMENSIONS OF VIOLENCE IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO By AARON ZACHARIAH HALE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2009 1 © 2009 Aaron Zachariah Hale 2 To all the Congolese who helped me understand life’s difficult challenges, and to Fredline M’Cormack-Hale for your support and patience during this endeavor 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I was initially skeptical about attending The University of Florida (UF) in 2002 for a number of reasons, but attending UF has been one of the most memorable times of my life. I have been so fortunate to be given the opportunity to study African Politics in the Department of Political Science in a cozy little town like Gainesville. For students interested in Africa, UF’s Center for African Studies (CAS) has been such a fantastic resource and meeting place for all things African. Dr. Leonardo Villalón took over the management of CAS the same year and has led and expanded the CAS to reach beyond its traditional suit of Eastern and Southern African studies to now encompass much of the sub-region of West Africa. The CAS has grown leaps and bounds in recent years with recent faculty hires from many African and European countries to right here in the United States. In addition to a strong and committed body of faculty, I have seen in my stay of seven years the population of graduate and undergraduate students with an interest in Africa only swell, which bodes well for the upcoming generation of new Africanists. -
Third Party Review of the Bisie Security Report
Third Party Review of the Bisie Security Report International Peace Information Service (IPIS) 1 Editorial Third Party Review of the Bisie Security Report Antwerp, July 2016 Front Cover Image: Picture at Bisie, IPIS, 2016 Authorship: The report was written by the International Peace Information Service (IPIS). Acknowledgment: IPIS was commissioned by the Conflict-Free Sourcing Initiative (CFSI)/Electronic In- dustry Citizenship Coalition (EICC) to undertake a third party review of a report developed by Pact Insti- tute, titled Bisie Third Party Security Report for the Period 2010-September 2015. International Peace Information Service (IPIS) is an independent research institute, providing gov- ernmental and non-governmental actors with information and analysis to build sustainable peace and development in Sub-Saharan Africa. The research is centred around four programmes: Natural Resources, Business & Human Rights, Arms Trade & Security, and Conflict Mapping. Conflict-Free Sourcing Initiative (CFSI): Founded in 2008 by members of the Electronic Industry Cit- izenship Coalition (EICC) and the Global e-Sustainability Initiative (GeSI), CFSI provides companies with tools and resources to improve their regulatory compliance and support responsible sourcing activities. The CFSI is supported by over 330 companies from a range of industries addressing conflict minerals issues in their supply chains. CFSI’s Conflict-Free Smelter Program (CFSP) provides an independent third- party audit to identify smelters and refiners that have effective management -
Accompanying Note on the Interactive Map of Militarised Mining Areas in the Kivus
Accompanying note on the interactive map of militarised mining areas in the Kivus Steven Spittaels & Filip Hilgert 1 Editorial Research: Steven Spitaels & Filip Hilgert Layout: Anne Hullebroeck Antwerp, August 2009 Caption photo Front Page: A delivery of wolframite at a trading house in Butembo (Photo: IPIS April 2009) “This publication is funded by the Africa Conflict Prevention Pool Fund, a Joint UK Government Approach to Preventing and Reducing Conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa. The content of this publication is the sole respon- sibility of IPIS and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the UK government” • The authors would like to thank the following partner organisations for their essential contributions to the research: • BEGEM • Fopradi • Assodip • Groupe Jérémie • SEDI • GADHOP • The authors would like to thank the following organisations for their assistance with the research: • Division des Mines Nord-Kivu • Division des Mines Sud-Kivu • OGP • The authors appreciate the opportunity to have consulted with the United Nations Security Council Group of Experts on the DRC 2 Executive summary The MiMiKi map constitutes a first systematic attempt to clarify the issue of profit by armed groups from the extractive industry in the east of the DRCongo. The interactive map contains information on the location of mines, the presence of armed groups at mining pits and a number of other variables. Although most recent analyses written on the issue point out that the region’s relative mineral wealth is not the primary cause of the armed conflict in the Kivus, its role in financing armed groups is indisputable.