MARCUS AURELIUS MARCUS Department at the University of Cologne
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2007 Conference Papers
Volume19 Journalof the NumismaticAs soc ratron of Austraha 2007Conference Papers Images in the Roman world Hugh Preston The role of the visual in establishing, themselves as Roman. The use of imagery reinforcing and transforming Roman seems to have created a significant degree culture is sometimes overlooked in of cohesion, and that surely was one of the traditional historical accounts. It is perhaps reasons that the Empire lasted for centuries. no surprise that the visual receives more Images reinforced cultural and attention in art history. Thus, art historian political identity. The same or similar Jas Elsner, in Imperial Rome and Christian images were used across the Empire and Triumph, wrote ‘In several significant were reused over hundreds of years, ways the Roman world was a visual although the use of imagery became more culture’ and ‘With the vast majority of the sophisticated with time as its propaganda empire’s inhabitants illiterate and often value was increasingly appreciated. unable to speak the dominant languages of The vast visual heritage left by the the elite, which were Greek in the East and Romans is an important source of infor- Latin in the West, the most direct way of mation to complement the written word, communicating was through images.’1,2 and to illuminate the vision we have of their The Roman state was immense and world. While it is important to recognize lasted for centuries. It comprised a host of visual and pictorial imagery as legitimate different ethnic groups and geophysical sources of historical information, care environments. Figure 1 shows the Empire should be taken not to rely exclusively on at its greatest extent. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses A study of the client kings in the early Roman period Everatt, J. D. How to cite: Everatt, J. D. (1972) A study of the client kings in the early Roman period, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10140/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk .UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM Department of Classics .A STUDY OF THE CLIENT KINSS IN THE EARLY ROMAN EMPIRE J_. D. EVERATT M.A. Thesis, 1972. M.A. Thesis Abstract. J. D. Everatt, B.A. Hatfield College. A Study of the Client Kings in the early Roman Empire When the city-state of Rome began to exert her influence throughout the Mediterranean, the ruling classes developed friendships and alliances with the rulers of the various kingdoms with whom contact was made. -
Centurions, Quarries, and the Emperor
Comp. by: C. Vijayakumar Stage : Revises1 ChapterID: 0002507155 Date:5/5/15 Time:11:37:24 Filepath://ppdys1122/BgPr/OUP_CAP/IN/Process/0002507155.3d View metadata,Dictionary : OUP_UKdictionarycitation and similar 289 papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – REVISES, 5/5/2015,provided SPi by University of Liverpool Repository 16 Centurions, Quarries, and the Emperor Alfred M. Hirt INTRODUCTION The impact of Rome on the exploitation of natural resources remains highly visible in the many ancient stone and marble quarries dotting the landscape of the former empire. Not only do they reveal the techniques employed in separating the marble or granite from the rock face, the distribution of their output can still be traced. The progressively more scientific determination of type and origin of these stones used in sacred and profane architecture of the Roman Empire reveals an increasingly detailed image of the distributive patterns of coloured stones. Even so, the analysis of these patterns stays vexed: the written sources are frightfully mute on the core issues, expressly on the emperor’s role in the quarrying industry and his impact on the marble trade. Scholarly discourse has oscillated between two positions: John Ward- Perkins argued that by the mid-first century AD all ‘principal’ quarries were ‘nationalized’, i.e. put under imperial control and leased out to contractors for rent; the quarries were a source of revenue for the emperor, the distribution of its output driven by commercial factors.1 Clayton Fant, however, offered a different view: the emperor monopolized the use of coloured and white marbles and their sources not for profit, but for ‘prestige’, consolidating his position as unchallenged patron and benefactor of the empire. -
Doğu Ve Kuzeydoğu Anadolu'nun Tarihi Ile Ilgili Az Bilinen
A ta tü r k Ü niversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi Journal of Social Sciences CiltVolume 11, SayıNumber 46, HaziranJune 2011, 97-118 Roma-Parth İlişkilerinde Elegeia/Erzurum ve Çevresi Elegia in Roma-Parth Relations Erzurum and Its Surrounding Süleyman ÇİĞDEM Atatürk Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü [email protected] ÖZET En erken dönemlerden itibaren, Doğu-batı hareketlenmelerinde Doğu ve Kuzeydoğu Anadolu önemli bir geçiş noktası olmuş, bölge sürekli dışarıdan gelen saldırılara maruz kalmıştır. Bu çalışmada Roma İmparatorluğu’nun Kafkaslara ve Asya içlerine ulaşmasında stratejik önem arz eden Kuzey Doğu Anadolu bölgesi kentlerinden olan Elegeia’nın Roma-Parth ilişkilerindeki yeri ve lokalizasyonu ile ilgili görüşler ele alınarak, Roma İmparatorluğu döneminde Erzurum ve çevresinin konumu ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Roma İmparatorluğu, Roma-Parth ilişkileri, Erzurum, Elegeria ABSTRACT Since the earliest ages onwards, Eastern and Northeastern Anatolia have been a significant passage in the movements between the East and the West. The mentioned region has thus been exposed to attacks from outside. This study is intended to depict the views relating the place and location of Elegia, which had a strategic role in Roman Empire’s reach into the Caucasus and Asia and which was one of the northeastern Anatolian cities, in Roman-Parth relations. The study also aims to give information about the situation of Erzurum and its surrounding in Roman Empire period. Keywords: Roman Empire, Roma-Parth relations, Erzurum, Elegeia Doğu ve Kuzeydoğu Anadolu’nun tarihi ile ilgili az bilinen konularından biri de, bölgenin Roma İmparatorluğu Dönemi’ndeki durumudur. En erken dönemlerden itibaren, Doğu-batı hareketlenmelerinde Doğu ve Kuzeydoğu Anadolu önemli bir geçiş noktası olmuş, bölge sürekli dışarıdan gelen saldırılara maruz kalmıştır. -
99 9. the Sculptures FOUND in the BOULEUTERION and the Sculptural Program of the VEDIUS SCAENAE FRONS364 the Sculptures Found I
99 9. THE SCULPTURES FOUND IN THE BOULEUTERION AND THE SCULPTURAL PROGRAM OF THE VEDIUS SCAENAE FRONS364 The sculptures found in the Bouleuterion were mainly discovered by J. T. Wood in the early 1860s. Two frag- ments of inscribed statue bases (sculp. 1.3 and 1.6, see chapter 9.5, pls. 67, 2; 68) were recorded by J. Keil in 1908, whereas W. Alzinger’s excavations in 1970 yielded only one small fragment of a male head (sculp. 2.4, pl. 70, 2). About half of the sculptures are attested only by inscribed statue bases or are mentioned in Wood’s letters to the British Museum. As far as we know, Wood sent three sculptures (sculp. 1.1; 1.4; 2.3, pls. 66; 69; 70, 1.3) to the British Museum; one of them (sculp. 1.4, pls. 69; 70, 1) was returned to the Imperial Ottoman Museum in Constantinople. A fourth piece, the statue of a Muse (sculp. 2.1, pls. 70, 4; 71), was also intended for the British Museum, but sank with the ship off the coast of Syros. It was retrieved in a partially damaged state from the sea and is now displayed in the Archaeological Museum of Syros (see below, chapter 9.2). The whereabouts of five other bases or plinths and sculptures (sculp. 1.2; 1.5; 2.2; 3.1; 3.2; pl. 67, 1) found by Wood are unknown. The fragment of the inscribed base sculp. 1.3 is stored in the epigraphic depot at the site of Ephesos; the location of the fragment of the base sculp. -
Ashmolean Non-Monumental Latin Inscriptions
30-Apr-19 Ashmolean Non-Monumental Latin Inscriptions BRICKSTAMPS AshLI 178 TN1864 Brickstamp Description A large complete rectangular brick, with a stamp in hollowed retrograde letters on two lines. Dimensions • Letters: line 1, h., 0.027; line 2, h., 0.025 • Brick: h., 0.223; w., 0.233; d., 0.038 Text VIN PAN SVL/ PI Vin(ici) Pan(tagathi) Sul(picianum)/Pi(---) Translation ‘Sulpician product of Vinicius Pantagathus. Pi(---)’ Photograph • ASHLI Apparatus Date • AD c.120 (Steinby 1974-75: p.91) Collection history This stamp has a temporary accession number (and object barcode ODS9-3396), and is found in storage box CDS9-345. No further information about its provenance is available. Historical notes This stamp belongs to the same series as CIL XV 565, stamps from the figlianae Sulpicianae. In other examples, the second line of the stamp contains the initials of one of his workmen: PI is otherwise unknown. Bibliography Editions Unpublished. Works cited • Steinby, M. (1974-75) ‘La cronologia delle figlinae doliari urbane’, Bullettino della commissione archeologica comunale di Roma 84: 25-132 1 30-Apr-19 AshLI 179 1872.1482(1) (no.364) Brickstamp, Portus Description A circular, orbicular stamp, slightly damaged, with a large orbiculus extending into the central section of the stamp. There is one line of text around the edge of the stamp, and in the centre is a canine animal (interpreted by Dressel 1891 as a wolf, whilst Lanciani 1868: p.174 considered it to be a dog), walking to the right, with one front paw raised. It seems likely that it should be viewed as a wolf (lupus), punning upon the name of its producer (Bodel 2005). -
Map 89 Armenia Compiled by S.E
Map 89 Armenia Compiled by S.E. Kroll (Iran), M. Roaf, St J. Simpson and T. Sinclair (Turkey), 1996 Introduction Turkey The Roman empire occupied parts of the area covered by the map, and from 591 nearly all of it. Moreover, irrespective of political hegemony, the Armenian and Syrian regions here were by virtue of culture and religion an extension of the Greek and Roman world. Armenia in the Roman and Late Antique periods was bounded to the west by the R. Euphrates and to the south by the Taurus mountains, apart from the upper Tigris basin (districts of Ingilene, Sophanene and Arzanene). The area to the south of the Taurus was not considered part of Armenia nor settled by Armenians, but was inhabited by Syrians. The northern edge of the map more or less coincides with the boundary of Armenia in the Roman and Late Antique periods, except towards the east, where significant districts of Armenia–the plain east of the R. Araxes and the mountainous area around Lychnitis Limne–lie within Map 88. The parts of Armenia on Map 89 consist mostly of plains separated by mountains and hills. Elevation rises from west to east, reaching about 5,000 ft in the Thospitis Limne basin. It drops, however, in the basin of Matiane Limne and the Araxes plain further north; these two areas were part of Atropatene during classical antiquity, but were counted within Armenia by the early seventh century A.D. (they are now in Iranian Azerbaijan). Despite its height and partly mountainous nature, the terrain of Armenia was capable of supporting a large and quite evenly dispersed population. -
1 Vision, Folly and Balance: Imperial Approaches to Commerce and War
Vision, Folly and Balance: Imperial Approaches to Commerce and War in the Roman Near East, 27 BCE – 180 CE Abstract: Few occurrences in antiquity are as widely discussed by a diverse, ancient authorship as transcontinental commerce between the Mediterranean Sea and East Asia. Yet modern historians remain profoundly divided over long-distance trade’s origin, operation and effect with regard to the governance of the Roman Principate. There is broad consensus, however, that the volume and value of this trade consistently increased between the administrations of Augustus and Marcus Aurelius. These two centuries also witness curiously divergent foreign policies between emperors, particularly in Rome’s Near Eastern possessions. It is thus argued that these phenomena are intrinsically connected and further, that emperors considered them so in deliberating policy. These findings throw light on previous topical historiography and propose a different approach to writing—and understanding—a Roman commercial history. Michael E. Paranac Senior Thesis, Department of History Columbia College, Columbia University April 2010 Professors Marco Maiuro and Adam McKeown, Advisors 1 2 Introduction It was, no doubt, under the corrupting influence of such temptations as these, that our eagles achieved the conquest of the world: thus do we seek to obtain their patronage and sanction for our vices, and make them our precedent for using unguents even beneath the casque. 1 -- Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia , XIII.4 When Emperor Marcus Aurelius died on the banks of the Danube in 180 CE at Vindobona, or Vienna, the Roman Empire he left behind was the largest transcontinental, trans- cultural, singular political entity in history before the rise of the European nation state some fifteen centuries later. -
Viri Militares Moving from West to East in Two Crisis Years (Ad 133 and 162)1
CHAPTER 4 Viri Militares Moving from West to East in Two Crisis Years (Ad 133 and 162)1 Anthony R. Birley 1 Introduction Something needs to be said about the term viri militares. Livy applied the term to Laelius and other men on Scipio’s staff, to whom the general awarded deco- rations.2 Sallust uses the term homines militares for two praetors of 63 BC.3 His prime example of a homo militaris is M. Petreius, who had “won great glory in the army for more than thirty years as tribune or legate or praetor.”4 Tacitus seems to have applied the term to men of lower rank, when lamenting how under Domitian “so many armies had been lost, in Moesia and Dacia, in Germany and Pannonia, by the folly or cowardice of their generals, so many military men, with so many cohorts, had been defeated in battle and taken prisoner.”5 Augustus’ reform of the political and military system reduced the opportu- nities for lengthy service and of course for winning glory. Corbulo had been up against the changed conditions under Claudius, and is said by Tacitus to have reacted to the emperor’s ban on his campaigning beyond the Rhine by sighing 1 This paper is a postscript to A.R. Birley, ‘Two governors of Dacia Superior and Britain’, in V. Iliescu, D. Nedu, A.-R. Barboş, eds., Graecia, Roma, Barbaricum. In Memoriam Vasile Lica (Galati 2014), 241–59, where it is shown that the Hadrianic expeditio Brittannica named in two inscriptions must refer to Hadrian’s visit to Britain in AD 122; and that the careers of the two officers known to have served in it (ILS 2726 and 2735) cannot be taken to prove that there was a ‘second war’ in the island during his reign, as is still claimed. -
Representations of Semiramis from Antiquity to the Medieval Period Victoria Eileen Worrall Bachelor of Arts (Hons
Representations of Semiramis from Antiquity to the Medieval Period Victoria Eileen Worrall Bachelor of Arts (Hons. I) A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2019 School of Historical & Philosophical Inquiry Abstract The traditions surrounding Semiramis, the Babylonian Queen, are as rich as they are diverse. At different times and places, differing social, economic, political, and religious circumstances have combined to create a variety of versions of Semiramis to suit numerous agendas. Therefore, we do not see one singular canonical tradition on the Queen but a multifaceted version in which her story is transmitted, refracted, and distorted by numerous hands. Running through this multiplicity of images are continual concern about Semiramis’ identity as ruler and her position as an Oriental queen. Images of Semiramis are highly conditioned by discourses relating to the East and normative expectations about gender. This thesis identifies three main themes in Semiramis’ tradition: sexual excess, ability at monumental construction, and success in military exploits. Each chapter assesses the main literary trends supplemented with a case study. The first chapter on sexual excess establishes that there is a long tradition of the Western imaginary associating the Oriental East as sexually promiscuous. This manifests in the sexualized image of Semiramis apparent in our sources, particularly with later charges of incest examined in the case study. Chapter Two, on monumental construction, demonstrates that strong Orientalist clichés and literary tropes are entrenched in the traditions of the Queen and are further reinforced by the tomb story. In contrast, the military representations of Semiramis, examined in Chapter Three, vary greatly. -
Provincia Armenia in the Light of the Epigraphic Evidence1
ELECTRUM * Vol. 28 (2021): 135–150 doi:10.4467/20800909EL.21.010.13368 www.ejournals.eu/electrum Provincia Armenia in the Light of the Epigraphic Evidence1 Michael Alexander Speidel http:/orcid.org/0000-0003-2201-6567 Universities of Warsaw and Zürich Abstract: One very prominent context of the Pre-Christian history of Armenia of course lies with its relations with the great neighbouring empires of Parthia and Rome. These relations were mainly the result of Armenia’s geopolitical location between the two empires, its natural resources and its control of strategic long-distance routes. From a Roman point of view, Armenia certainly was the most important geopolitical concern in the East. Roman-Armenian relations therefore are a vast and complex subject, and their history extends over many centuries. In the years between 114 and 117 AD these relations assumed an extraordinary albeit short-lived condition when the kingdom of Greater Armenia became a Roman province. The present contribution reviews the Roman inscriptions that can be dated to this period, as well as the historical evidence they provide for the history of Greater Armenia as a Roman province. Keywords: Armenia, Trajan, Roman History, Latin Epigraphy. Provincia Armenia maior’s new Roman Government In the spring of 114 at Elegeia, the imperial base in Armenia, the Roman emperor Trajan declared to the surprise of the Armenian king and his followers that he “would surrender Armenia to no one, for it belonged to the Romans and was to have a Roman governor” (Dio 68.20.3). After a swift take-over of Armenia and after Trajan “won over” several kings, who “voluntarily submitted” as well as others who were “disobedient” but were 1 For earlier Roman threats to provincialize Armenia maior see RGDA 27. -
"The Conversions of Adiabene and Edessa in Syriac Christianity And
The Conversions of Adiabene and Edessa in Syriac Christianity and Judaism: The Relations of Jews and Christians in Northern Mesopotamia in Antiquity Michael Thomas Abstract This paper examines the conversion legends of Adiabene to Judaism and Edessa to Christianity in the first century and the role these stories played in the relations of Jews and Syriac Christians in Northern Mesopotamia to the 6th century AD. Syriac Christianity retained closed connections to Judaism well into the fourth century. Why then did this relationship sour afterwards? These legends preserve evidence of a reorientation of the Christian community from its Mesopotamian Jewish- Christian roots to Antiochean, Gentile Christianity and thus provide an explanation for the collapse of positive relations between Jews and Christians in Mesopotamia. The Conversion of the Royal House of Adiabene (recorded by Josephus) recounts that Queen Helena and Prince Izates converted to Judaism in the first century. Similarly, Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History preserves the legend of the conversion of King Abgar of Edessa to Christianity. This Christian legend reflects a positive relationship between Syriac Christians and Jews. This is due in part to the Roman/Parthian stalemate which isolated Syriac Christianity from the more anti-Jewish, Antiochian Gentile Christianity. After the Romans seized control of Edessa, Syriac Christianity established new connections with Antioch and the Roman Empire more generally; relations with Jews of Northern Mesopotamia deteriorated. These changes are witnessed in a sixth century adaptation of the Legend of Abgar: The Doctrine of Addai. As Syriac Christianity reoriented to Antioch, the Legend of Abgar was changed to reflect this new reality.