The Three Faces of Eve: the Post-War Housewife, Melodrama and Home Justine Lloyd and Lesley Johnson, University of Technology, Sydney [email protected]

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The Three Faces of Eve: the Post-War Housewife, Melodrama and Home Justine Lloyd and Lesley Johnson, University of Technology, Sydney Justine.Lloyd@Uts.Edu.Au The Three Faces of Eve: the post-war housewife, melodrama and home Justine Lloyd and Lesley Johnson, University of Technology, Sydney [email protected] Introduction In this paper we wish to trouble a received history of popular cultural narratives which understands all cultural production in the 1940s and 50s as underpinned by dominant ideologies of the home as women’s proper place. In a longer study, which discusses several post-war lms that feature housewives as main characters, we show that these lms are not so much concerned with promoting domesticity as women’s proper social role as arguing with it (Johnson and Lloyd forthcoming). We suggest that these housewife characters must work through a problematisation of the home; that is, the discourse of self-determination that requires the individual to leave home behind, while still maintaining a gendered identity. These women must be modern citizens, yet still feminine. We suggest that popular lms of the 1940s and 50s therefore express an historically formed emotional ambivalence to the gure of the domestic woman. In this respect, our analysis differs from the analysis of the woman’s picture discussed in Mary Ann Doane’s book, The Desire to Desire. In 1940s lms aimed at a female audience, Doane identies narrative conventions operate to exclude women from occupying identities of maternal reproduction and economic production simulta- neously (Doane 1987). We instead redirect this debate about the representation of women in lm to focus on the ways that the domestic has been gured as a contested space of subjectivity for both women and men. The home in lm offers a space of realisation for female identity, and in the lms that we study, embodied the place at which modern life was articulated and could be ‘brought home’, representing the frag- ile locus of a new world that had been promised before the war. Films produced for a female audience in the 40s and 50s worried over the questions that also concerned women’s magazines and marriage guidance manuals: how much should a woman care about her home? how should she deal with the tension between for her desire for own identity as a modern individual and the inevitable sublimation of her self into her social roles as mother and wife? what did the good (and bad) housewife do and what did she look like? Here, in a comparison between two lms, one from the 40s and one from the 50s, we wish to suggest that transformations in the gure of the ‘housewife’ during this period represent an important shift in women’s a shift in housework as a kind of gendered labour to housewifery as a solidied gendered identity. The average woman does put her life completely in her husband’s hands…1 Representations of home in the lms of the 1940s and 50s can be read as suggest- ing ongoing changes to the identity of the housewife. Popular lms demonstrated the contemporary changes in the agency of the housewife, debated the cultural value of her work in the home, and showed how femininity was an identity constituted and interrupted by other political forces (particularly class, race, nation). These ten- sions were developed through a melodramatic structure of feeling, that is manifest in characters’ lives as an emotional economy of excess and lack: either the housewife was tragically indifferent to, or over-invested in her home and family; she was either insufciently open to modern ideas of the home or marriage, or she was a victim of Koivunen A. & Paasonen S. (eds),Conference proceedings for affective encounters: rethinking embodiment in feminist media studies , University of Turku, School of Art, Literature and Music, Media Studies, Series A, N:o 49 E-book at [http://www.utu./hum/mediatutkimus/affective/proceedings.pdf], Media Studies, Turku 2001. _affective encounters_ modernisation by embracing it too intensely. This problematisation of the housewife -- as a mode of femininity caught between tradition and modernity -- certainly contributed to the devaluation of wom- en’s work and the projection of negative traits of over-mothering, immersion in the private sphere and excessive consumption onto the gure of the domestic woman. Yet this problem of modern womanhood also revealed the dimensions of social change and the new role of women in the market economy of the post-war period. The narratives of the lms we examine construct the married woman as facing a series of limited options. At the one extreme, she can become like a man and express an autonomous self, which means she must be opposed to her family and focused on the world of work. At the other end of the spectrum, she can throw herself into femininity and her own identity in her family to the point of living her life through others and circumscribing their own expression of autonomy. The equivalence of the role of housewife with a feminine identity is the exact problem of these lms, and one that their main characters must resolve or resign to by the end of the last reel. The ‘desire to desire’ , named as the subject of these lms by Mary-Ann Doane, is the problem of the ctional housewife, yet it also the desire to desire ‘properly’, that is her task. Through the plots and twists of these lms, modernity is also problema- tised, and an alternative experience of modernity is shown to operate for women. The desire to be modern, while maintaining links to family and tradition are the terms of women’s modernity, constructed through the opposition that Nancy Armstrong has identied of the household as a centrifugal force tempering the effects of the market- place as a centripetal force (Armstrong 1987, p.95). In her study of women’s writing of the eighteenth and nineteenth century, Armstrong observes that the “writing of female subjectivity opened a magical space in the culture where ordinary work would nd its proper gratication and where the very objects that set men against each other in the competitive marketplace served to bind them together in a community of common domestic values.” (Armstrong 1987, p.95). These lms open up a simi- larly ‘magical’ space in which both feminine faults and virtues were magnied into entire characters, and the home became the site of a problematisation of the divisions between the public and the private, the marketplace and the domestic. This problematisation is not equivalent to the notion of the housewife as an embodiment of feminine pathology that emerged in a number of key texts before and after the 1950s. From Freud’s essay on the hysterical teenager, Dora, and her house-obsessed mother, to Friedan’s Feminine Mystique, the persona of the frus- trated housewife displays the projection of lack and a devaluing by both women and familial experts of the home (Freud 1977;Friedan 1983). The home, while modern- ised and brought up-to-date in the 1950s by the latest domestic and communica- tions technology and the popularisation of techniques of child-rearing, relationship management, dietary and health advice has remained unassimilable to the site of the real action of modernity: the public sphere gured in the world of work and the streets of the modern city. But in the 1950s a dissatisfaction with the capacities and responsibilities of housework cast the emotional state of the housewife as a case of arrested or incomplete development within the terms of modernity: her daily life characterised by repetition rather than progress; her association with cleaning, child- rearing and dreary routines of shopping a worker who produced no product; and her spatial connement to the home crucially outside the urban and public world of mass culture and the dynamics of spectacular changes and developments in modernity. As this paper on the lms of the period will show through an account of representations of this space, any vision of the domestic as temporally and spatially other to moder- nity was not easily accepted by women who occupied and shaped it. 139 _affective encounters_ Denitions of Melodrama The prolic feminist criticism of melodrama in the 1980s was signicant for historicis- ing of categories of feeling and sentiment (Gledhill 1987). Drawing on Raymond Wil- liams’ recognition of the salient relationship between political change, social catego- ries and emotions, feminists investigation of the structures of feeling in the genre emerged at the same time as the appearance of the domestic as a setting and women as protagonists (Williams 1966). Because melodrama as a genre works through an opposition between romance and the ordinary, it takes the material of everyday life and expands and hyperbolises emotions contained within it. Thus the emotional mode of melodramatic heroines has been called ‘hysterical’ by Lacanian-inuenced feminist theorist Joan Copjec, in an interesting discussion of melodrama as a feminised sublime (Copjec 1998). However, the ways that melodrama uses a hysterical mode to amplify “the gestures of suffer- ing”, according to Copjec, is not a sign of women’s irrationality or the text’s unreality, but “like wrestling”, “in a world which is unsure what justice should look like” the genre “manages justice… so that virtue always wins out” (Copjec 1998, p.260). When Richard Dyer reects on his mother’s pleasure in watching and identication with the very British melodrama, Brief Encounter, he seeks to understand the ways that the lm’s main character yearns for, and ultimately is refused, the possibility of passion in stable, normal, middle-class culture (Dyer 1993, p.38-40). He also comments, in a section of his essay titled ‘So English’, on how the lm claims to observe the social world of post-war Britain, through its outdoor locations and use of the signs of every- day repetition and the authentic speech of characters culture (Dyer 1993, p.41-65).
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