The Power of Nonviolent Direct Action: Using Civil Resistance To
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Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q
Hastings Law Journal Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 3 1-1965 Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q. Sibley Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mulford Q. Sibley, Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration, 16 Hastings L.J. 351 (1965). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol16/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration By MuLorm Q. Smri.y* A MOST striking aspect of the integration struggle in the United States is the role of non-violent direct action. To an extent unsurpassed in history,1 men's attentions have been directed to techniques which astonish, perturb, and sometimes antagonize those familiar only with the more common and orthodox modes of social conflict. Because non- violent direct action is so often misunderstood, it should be seen against a broad background. The civil rights struggle, to be sure, is central. But we shall examine that struggle in the light of general history and the over-all theory of non-violent resistance. Thus we begin by noting the role of non-violent direct action in human thought and experience. We then turn to its part in the American tradition, par- ticularly in the battle for race equality; examine its theory and illus- trate it in twentieth-century experience; inquire into its legitimacy and efficacy; raise several questions crucial to the problem of civil disobedience, which is one of its expressions; and assess its role in the future battle for equality and integration. -
Nonviolent Resistance and Prevention of Mass Killings During Popular Uprisings
Special Report Series Volume No. 2, April 2018 www.nonviolent-conflict.org Nonviolent Resistance and Prevention of Mass Killings During Popular Uprisings Evan Perkoski and Erica Chenoweth Abstract What drives governments to crack down on and kill their own civilians? And how—and to what extent— has nonviolent resistance historically mitigated the likelihood of mass killings? This special report explores the factors associated with mass killings: when governments intentionally kill 1,000 or more civilian noncombatants. We find that these events are surprisingly common, occurring in just under half of all maximalist popular uprisings against states, yet they are strongly associated with certain types of resistance. Nonviolent uprisings that are free of foreign interference and that manage to gain military defections tend to be the safest. These findings shed1 light on how both dissidents and their foreign allies can work together to reduce the likelihood of violent confrontations. Summary What drives governments to crack down on and kill their own civilians? And how—and to what extent—has nonviolent resistance mitigated the likelihood of mass killings? This special report explores the factors associated with mass killings: when governments intentionally kill 1,000 or more civilian noncombatants. We find that these events are surprisingly common, occurring in just under half of maximalist popular uprisings against the states, yet they are strongly associated with certain types of resistance. Specifically, we find that: • Nonviolent resistance is generally less threatening to the physical well-being of regime elites, lowering the odds of mass killings. This is true even though these campaigns may take place in repressive contexts, demand that political leaders share power or step aside, and are historically quite successful at toppling brutal regimes. -
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements Kathryn Abrams In August 2013, Maria Teresa Kumar, the executive director of Voto Lat mo, spoke aJongside civil rights leaders at the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington. A month earlier, immigrant activists invited the Reverend Al Sharpton to join a press conference outside the federal court building as they celebrated a legal victory over joe Arpaio, the anti-immigrant sheriff of Maricopa County. Undocumented youth orga nizing for immigration reform explained their persistence with Marlin Luther King's statement that "the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towardjustice." 1 The civil rights movement remains a potent reminder that politically marginalized groups can shape the Jaw through mobilization and col lective action. This has made the movement a crucial source of sym bolism for those activists who have come after. But it has also been a source of what sociologist Doug McAdam has called "cultural innova uons"2: transformative strategies and tactics that can be embraced and modified by later movements. This chapter examines the legacy of the Civil Rights Act by revisiting the social movement that produced it and comparing that movement to a recent and galvanizing successor, the movement for immigrant rights.3 This movement has not simply used the storied tactics of the civil rights movement; it has modified them 2 A Nation of Widening Opportunities in ways that render them more performative: undocumented activists implement the familiar tactics that enact, in daring and surprising ways, the public belonging to which they aspire.4 This performative dimen sion would seem to distinguish the immigrant rights movement, at the level of organizational strategy, from its civil rights counterpart, whose participants were constitutionally acknowledged as citizens. -
You May Well Ask: "Why Direct Action? Why Sit Ins, Marches and So Forth? Isn't Negotiation a Better Path?" You Are Quite Right in Calling for Negotiation
TITLE: PENTECOST 2020 Media: Liturgical Watercolor Artist: Marcus A. Hong “You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored.” Martin Luther King, Jr. “Letter from a Birmingham City Jail” "If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet deprecate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground, they want rain without thunder and lightning. This struggle may be a moral one, or it may be a physical one, and it may be both moral and physical, but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never does and it never will." Frederick Douglass, from the "West Indian Emancipation" speech, 1857 I recently re-read the Pentecost narrative in Acts chapter 2. As if for the first time, I recognized how disturbing and disruptive the event must have been. There is a sound like "a VIOLENT rushing wind." (NRSV) Flame appears above the disciples. People think the disciples are drunk. 1 In this chaotic moment, Peter addresses the crowd, quoting the prophets: "In the last days it will be, God declares, that I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and your young men shall see visions, and your old men shall dream dreams. -
Anniversary of the Thalhimers Lunch Counter Sit-In
TH IN RECOGNITION OF THE 50 ANNIVERSARY OF THE THALHIMERS LUNCH COUNTER SIT-IN Photo courtesy of Richmond Times Dispatch A STUDY GUIDE FOR THE CLASSROOM GRADES 7 – 12 © 2010 CenterStage Foundation Table of Contents Acknowledgements 3 Standards of Learning 4 Historical Background 6 The Richmond 34 10 Thalhimers Sit-Ins: A Business Owner’s Experience 11 A Word a Day 15 Can Words Convey 19 Bigger Than a Hamburger 21 The Civil Rights Movement (Classroom Clips) 24 Sign of the Times 29 Questioning the Constitution (Classroom Clips) 32 JFKs Civil Rights Address 34 Civil Rights Match Up (vocabulary - grades 7-9) 39 Civil Rights Match Up (vocabulary - grades 10-12) 41 Henry Climbs a Mountain 42 Thoreau on Civil Disobedience 45 I'm Fine Doing Time 61 Hiding Behind the Mask 64 Mural of Emotions 67 Mural of Emotions – Part II: Biographical Sketch 69 A Moment Frozen in Our Minds 71 We Can Change and Overcome 74 In My Own Words 76 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Contributing Authors Dr. Donna Williamson Kim Wasosky Elizabeth Thalhimer Smartt Janet Krogman Jon King The lessons in this guide are designed for use in grades 7 – 12, and while some lessons denote specific grades, many of the lessons are designed to be easily adapted to any grade level. All websites have been checked for accuracy and appropriateness for the classroom, however it is strongly recommended that teachers check all websites before posting or otherwise referencing in the classroom. Images were provided through the generous assistance and support of the Valentine Richmond History Center and the Virginia Historical Society. -
MARTIN LUTHER KING and the PHILOSOPHY of NONVIOLENCE Wikimedia Commons Wikimedia
Bill of Rights Constitutional Rights in Action Foundation SUMMER 2017 Volume 32 No4 MARTIN LUTHER KING AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF NONVIOLENCE Wikimedia Commons Wikimedia Martin Luther King, Jr. addressing the crowd of about 250,000 people at the March on Washington in August 1963. Martin Luther King, Jr. is remembered for his achievements The man, who turned out to be an American Nazi Party in civil rights and for the methods he used to get there — member, continued to flail. namely, nonviolence. More than just a catchphrase, more than just the “absence of violence,” and more than just a tactic, The integrated audience at first thought the whole nonviolence was a philosophy that King honed over the thing was staged, a mock demonstration of King’s non- course of his adult life. It has had a profound, lasting influ- violent philosophy in action. But as King reeled, and real ence on social justice movements at home and abroad. blood spurted from his face, they began to realize it was In September 1962, King convened a meeting of the no act. Finally, several SCLC members rushed the stage Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the to stop the attack. main organizational force behind his civil rights activism, But they stopped short when King shouted, “Don’t in Birmingham, Alabama. King was giving a talk on the touch him! Don’t touch him! We have to pray for him.” need for nonviolent action in the face of violent white The SCLC men pulled the Nazi off King, who was beaten racism when a white man jumped on stage and, without so badly he couldn’t continue the speech. -
Ethical and Political Approaches Anthology V8 WEBSITE VERSION
Ethical and Political Approaches Anthology V8 Pre-publication draft. “Are We Smart Enough to Know When to Take the Political Turn for Animals?” Published in Ethical and Political Approaches to Nonhuman Animal Issues edited by Andrew Woodhall and Gabriel Garmendia da Trindade (Palgrave Macmillan; 2017) Kim Stallwood An advocate for animals who is an author and independent scholar and consultant [email protected] www.kimstallwood.com Author, Growl: Life Lessons, Hard Truths, and Bold Strategies from an Animal Advocate (Lantern Books; 2017) Kim Stallwood 1 Ethical and Political Approaches Anthology V8 Are We Smart Enough to Know When to Take the Political Turn for Animals? 1. Protests in the Primaries The 2016 presidential election in the United States had its share of street theatre, but not all was attributable to Donald Trump. Early on in the primaries, on March 30, three protestors from the animal rights organisation Direct Action Everywhere (DxE) interrupted US Senator and Democratic candidate Bernie Sanders while he spoke at a town hall meeting in Kenosha, Wisconsin.1 This was one of a small number of protests targeting Sanders by DxE. A YouTube video showed the protestors holding a banner declaring “Animal Liberation Now.” They shouted that Sanders once said, “The greatness of a nationI is measured by how it treats its most vulnerable,” but claimed that Sanders — who campaigned as a “Democratic socialist” — continued to “ignore the most vulnerable in our society,” meaning nonhuman animals. The protestors eventually were drowned out by the crowd’s hand-clapping and chanting of “Bernie! Bernie! Bernie!” From the stage, Sanders gestured for the protestors to sit down. -
The Civil Rights Movement in the West: 1950-1970
"JUSTICE IS SLOW BUT SURE": THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN THE WEST: 1950-1970 Quintard Taylor* Americans remain fascinated by the African American-led Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s that transformed this nation. Our fascination for the era encompasses a search for its proper place in the nation's history. In the early 1970s, the first Civil Rights Movement historians portrayed the period as one dominated by a national political coalition, inspired by heroic figures such as Martin Luther King and Fannie Lou Hamer, which secured major new national legislation such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. By the 1980s and 1990s other historians argued that the movement could best be explained in terms of local initiatives from "grass-roots" organi- zations in the South. For them, it was the role of indigenous Southern black leaders throughout the region and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Com- mittee (SNCC) organizers who assisted their efforts.' Civil rights campaigns in the American west suggest a third alternative. This movement was a national transformation, an energizing of small and large African American communities in the North and West as well as the South, which was certainly inspired by national goals and leadership, but which also pursued a distinct local agenda. For African American westerners, the Move- ment was not simply a television report of police dogs set on demonstrators in distant Birmingham or Alabama State Troopers confronting voting rights marchers at the Edmund Pettus Bridge outside Selma. It was instead the cam- paign of ordinary people to end job bias or school segregation in local commu- nities as diverse as Berkeley, Omaha, San Antonio, Phoenix, Wichita, Seattle and Las Vegas.' An examination of the civil rights movement in the American West offers opportunities for analyzing the third alternative and possibly refashioning our views on that era. -
Inspired by Gandhi and the Power of Nonviolence: African American
Inspired by Gandhi and the Power of Nonviolence: African American Gandhians Sue Bailey and Howard Thurman Howard Thurman (1899–1981) was a prominent theologian and civil rights leader who served as a spiritual mentor to Martin Luther King, Jr. Sue Bailey Thurman, (1903–1996) was an American author, lecturer, historian and civil rights activist. In 1934, Howard and Sue Thurman, were invited to join the Christian Pilgrimage of Friendship to India, where they met with Mahatma Gandhi. When Thurman asked Gandhi what message he should take back to the United States, Gandhi said he regretted not having made nonviolence more visible worldwide and famously remarked, "It may be through the Negroes that the unadulterated message of nonviolence will be delivered to the world." In 1944, Thurman left his tenured position at Howard to help the Fellowship of Reconciliation establish the Church for the Fellowship of All Peoples in San Francisco. He initially served as co-pastor with a white minister, Dr. Alfred Fisk. Many of those in congregation were African Americans who had migrated to San Francisco for jobs in the defense industry. This was the first major interracial, interdenominational church in the United States. “It is to love people when they are your enemy, to forgive people when they seek to destroy your life… This gives Mahatma Gandhi a place along side all of the great redeemers of the human race. There is a striking similarity between him and Jesus….” Howard Thurman Source: Howard Thurman; Thurman Papers, Volume 3; “Eulogy for Mahatma Gandhi:” February 1, 1948; pp. 260 Benjamin Mays (1894–1984) -was a Baptist minister, civil rights leader, and a distinguished Atlanta educator, who served as president of Morehouse College from 1940 to 1967. -
Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns Second Edition
handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 1 Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns Second Edition Published by War Resisters’ International Second Edition June 2014 ISBN 978-0-903517-28-7 Except where otherwise noted, this work is licensed under Attribution-Non-Commercial-Share Alike 2.0 UK: England & Wales. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0/uk/) 1 handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 2 2 handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 3 CREDITS The process of writing this Handbook was a collective effort, with people from across the world (more than 20 countries) contributing their time, skills, knowledge and resources. The first edition was translated into 10 languages. The second edition was expanded on by a range of writers and contributors. All of the content and translations are available for free online at http://wri-irg.org/pubs/NonviolenceHandbook Coordinator: Andrew Dey Editorial Committee: Javier Gárate, Subhash Kattel, Christine Schweitzer and Joanne Sheehan Editorial consultant: Mitzi Bales Layout: Contributors to both editions of the handbook include: Ahmadullah Archiwal, Eric Bachman, Roberta Bacic, Jagat Basnet, April Carter, Janet Cherry, Jungmin Choi, Howard Clark, Jake Coleman, Lavinia Crossley, Jagat Deuja, Denise Drake, Hilal Demir, Luke Finn, Abraham Gebreyesus Mehreteab, Dan Glass, Symon Hill, Ruth Hiller, Ippy, Yeo Jeewoo, Jørgen Johansen, Sian Jones, Randy Kehler, Adele Kirsten, Boro Kitanoski, Hans Lammerant, Cattis Laska, Tali Lerner, Benard Lisamadi Agona, Dieter Lünse, Brian Martin, Jason MacLeod, Shannon McManimon, Rosa Moiwend, Michael Randle, Andrew Rigby, Vicki Rovere, Chesterfield Samba, Ruben Dario Santamaria, Vivien Sharples, Martin Smedjeback, Majken Sorensen, Andreas Speck, Jill Sternberg, Roel Stynen, Miles Tanhira, Katja Tempel, Cecil Barbeito Thonon, Ferda Ûlker, Sahar Vardi, Stellan Vinthagen, Steve Whiting, Dorie Wilsnack. -
And the Environment Resistance, Social Change
Resistance, Social Change, and the Environment Introduction Environment is one of the key sites of global social change, with environ- mental activist groups seeking to draw attention to the effects of specific practices on the environment, and subsequently seeking to impact policy making and practices that shape the environment (Castells, 1996, 1997, 1998; della Porta & Diani, 2006; Rootes, 2004; Sklair, 1995). In our discus- sion of the politics of resistance in this chapter, we will specifically focus on global social change movements that emphasize local participation and processes of change, situated amidst the broader backdrop of claims making and presentation of arguments that seek to impact the realms of policy making and programming. Drawing upon examples from the global North as well as from the South, we will particularly examine the ways in which social change processes are constituted amidst policy frameworks and articulations across various global spaces. We will attend to the discursive pro- Chapter cesses and strategies through which resistive efforts Four of transforming environmental policies are played out. The voices of resistance weaved together in this 137 138 Resistance, Social Change, and the Environment chapter create opportunities for engaging in dialogue with alternative rationalities for organizing the environment and, more importantly, the knowledge about the environment. In the voices of resistance to the global politics of the environment, entry points are created for disrupting the monolithic narratives of global policies that are dictated by the powerful influences of transnational cor- porations (TNCs) in shaping global, national, and local environmental policies (Pezzullo, 2004; Rootes, 2002a, 2002b; Sklair, 1995; Smith, 2002; Yearley, 1994, 1996; Yearley & Forrester, 2000). -
Remembering Rustin: a Rhetorical Analysis
REMEMBERING RUSTIN: A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF INTERSECTIONAL MEMORY by ADAM J. SHARPLES JASON EDWARD BLACK, COMMITTEE CHAIR ROBIN BOYLORN RACHEL RAIMIST A THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Communication Studies in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2012 Copyright Adam J. Sharples 2012 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT While communities grapple with combining the discourses of race and sexuality, as well as reviving the accomplishments of LGBTQ individuals through/in our public memories, the voice of Bayard Rustin, celebrated activist and noted contributor of the nonviolent resistance movement of the 1960s, demands to be heard. Though historians have modestly attended to Rustin’s contributions and historical legacy, his ethos as a rhetorical figure has eluded scholarship within communication studies. Building upon a grounded construct of theoretical frameworks connecting public memory, queer public address, and intersectionality this study engages the rhetoric and public memory of Bayard Rustin. This study explores the rhetorical strategies available to a gay civil rights leader and how these strategies affect the legacy of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement, the future of gay rights, and discourses at the intersection of race and sexuality. Through examining his most popular pieces of discourse from 1942 to 1987, this study first attempts to recover the rhetoric of Rustin by comparing his rhetorical tactics across temporal and situational spaces. Second, this study analyzes the rhetoric surrounding contemporary sites of Rustin’s memory in the service of intersectional resistance, queer history, and LGBTQ politics through a reading of the PBS documentary Brother Outsider: The Life of Bayard Rustin , and subsequent curricula and discussion guides developed for middle and high school students.