English Education and Social Reproduction: an Ethnography Ofadolescents in a Korean Public School

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English Education and Social Reproduction: an Ethnography Ofadolescents in a Korean Public School ENGLISH EDUCATION AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OFADOLESCENTS IN A KOREAN PUBLIC SCHOOL by Jin-Suk Yang A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Jin-Suk Yang (2018) English Education and Social Reproduction: An Ethnography of Adolescents in a Korean Public School Doctor of Philosophy Jin-Suk Yang Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning University of Toronto 2018 Abstract This research examines the relationship between English and social reproduction through a group of Korean adolescents in a public school. I address how social reproduction occurs through English education by focusing on two social categories: Returnees from Early Study Abroad (ESA) and Underachievers in English. They embody differential access to English by social class. I draw upon both Bourdieu‟s legitimate language (Bourdieu, 1977, 1991), and language ideology (Lippi-Green, 1997), and their application to sociolinguistic studies (Heller, 2007; Heller & Martin-Jones, 2001). Based on a one and a half-year ethnography, I focus on students‟ language learning practices and identity construction across four sites: English classrooms, the English Speech Festival, Afterschool Class, and a summer English camp. I analyzed the ways in which school reproduces the “English gap” by social class. First, a systematic curricular gap and academic streaming reinforced students‟ differential achievement. Second, according to “native-like” ideology, Returnees enjoyed full-fledged membership in English-only events while Underachievers remained as bystanders. Third, school welfare programs specifically engineered to support Underachievers (i.e., Afterschool Class and psychiatric counselling) did not take their life patterns, peer networks and norms into account. Finally, teachers‟ emphasis on grammatically correct English did not allow -ii- Underachievers a legitimate speaking position in a communication-oriented class. In accounting for some Underachievers‟ low motivation, teachers assessed them as either Responsible or Irresponsible and referred the latter to psychiatric counselling. Despite their marginal status, Underachievers challenged Returnees in reference to the gendered peer culture, which portrayed Returnees‟ native-like English as a feminine quality. Returnees were thus socialized to perform Korean-accented English to blend into their peer society. This dissertation challenges the assumption that input-oriented English education policy should address the widening English gap along social class. I argue that the Irresponsible Underachievers‟ non-participation in English reflects their development of working-class consciousness, in which few think of getting middle-class jobs through education. Contrary to marginalization in classrooms, experiences in the low-skilled job market give Underachievers confidence to challenge school authority. In the long-term, however, the lack of English skills will prevent Underachievers from achieving middle-class employment in Korea, where English functions as a key gatekeeper. -iii- Acknowledgements Many individuals across the globe have been a source of guidance and support during this journey. Without you, I would not be where I am now. I am particularly grateful to my research participants, who gave me a gracious welcome to their world. I appreciate their willingness to share time, stories, and insights with me. I would like to express my deepest appreciation to Dr. Monica Heller. From the beginning, I could not have imagined having a better supervisor and mentor for this project. She engaged with several versions of manuscripts, nudging me to see beyond what I saw. Her simple yet thought-provoking question “why?” taught me, both consciously and unconsciously, how to think and write. I am indebted to her patience, encouragement, and unyielding commitment to my learning over the years. Thank you Monica for your time, ideas, and efforts that made this research possible. I am deeply grateful to Dr. Julie Kerekes and Dr. Alejandro Paz, two other members of my dissertation committee, who provided me with insightful feedback to drafts of my proposal and thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. Jeff Bale and Dr. Katherine Rehner for their valuable feedback at my final oral examination. I extend my gratitude to my external examiner Dr. Adrienne Lo (University of Waterloo) for bringing valuable perspective and expertise to my project. Thank you all for making my defense an enjoyable moment with lots of laughs, encouragement, and engaging discussions. My heartfelt gratitude also goes to Dr. Alister Cumming and Dr. Jesook Song, who encouraged me at various points of my study. This dissertation was funded by OISE Graduate Funding, OISE Doctoral Completion Award, the School of Graduate Studies Research Travel/Conference Grant, and the Korean-Canadian Scholarship Foundation. I appreciate their generous support. I thank my friends and colleagues at OISE for all of the fun, intellectual conversations, and pep talks. Hyeyoon Cho, Gina Park, and Yuko Watanabe sheltered me when I needed help. My special thanks go to Megumi Seki, for keeping me stay calm and carry on. Friends at the International Student Ministry and at Jong Park Taekwondo also enriched my time at OISE. I am grateful to Iris Eom and Tony Lai for their support and advice. I would like to thank my parents for their unconditional love and support in my pursuits. Jeongsook, I thank you with a quote you treasure: “Because I have a sister, I will always have a friend.” My brother-in-law Hanyong and brother Myungsik, thank you for your continued trust and encouragement. My niece Chaemin, who came into our family a year ago, brought us great joy and gratitude. Any stress simply melts away whenever I am with you, Haru– You are an excellent family doctor! Last but not the least, I thank Cheolwoo Jeong. The joy, comfort, and love you bring to my life over the years have carried me through. I am grateful to have had you with me on this journey. -iv- Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. iv Table of Contents ..................................................................................................................... v List of Tables ........................................................................................................................... vii List of Figures ....................................................................................................................... viii Chapter 1 A Social Turn to “Underachievers” ...................................................................... 1 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 2. Social Reproduction in School ...................................................................................... 10 3. From a Lazy Student to a Welfare Subject: Underachievers in School ........................ 14 4. Language Ideology: Streaming and Bilingualism ......................................................... 20 5. Sociolinguistic Ethnography in School: Into the Wild .................................................. 23 5.1. Data Collection and Analysis .............................................................................. 28 6. This Dissertation ........................................................................................................... 36 Chapter 2 Historicizing South Koreans’ Experiences of Public (English) Education ..... 38 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 38 2. A History of Public Education in Korea: Erasing off Class in Society ......................... 39 3. English Education in Korea........................................................................................... 45 4. The Other Gangnam: Sociohistorical Backgrounds of Hillside .................................... 51 4.1 The Neighborhood of Hillside .............................................................................. 51 4.2 Gentrification and Hillside ................................................................................... 53 Chapter 3 Unequal Access to Meritocracy: English Education in Schools ...................... 60 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 60 2. The Same Subject? Institutional Rupture in English Curriculum ................................. 62 3. Class-Based Responses to the Disjointed Curriculum .................................................. 66 4. Academic Streaming ..................................................................................................... 74 4.1 The Basic Level: Shame and Pride ....................................................................... 74 4.2 The General Level: Boredom and Difficulty ........................................................ 83 5. The Development of Oppositions: Returnees and Underachievers............................... 88 5.1 Cooperation with Power Versus Resistance to Authority: Boys ........................... 91 5.2 Achieving Mainstream Femininity: Girls ............................................................. 95 6. English Speech
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