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CRSO Working Paper No. 202 PROLETARIANIZATION: THEORY

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CRSO Working Paper No. 202 PROLETARIANIZATION: THEORY ........................................... PROLETARIANIZATION: THEORY AND RESEARCH Charles Tilly University of Michigan August 1979 ........................................... CRSO Working Paper No. 202 Copies available through: Center for Research on Social Organization University of Michigan 330 Packard Street Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 My argument is as simple as a needle . and, 1 hope, as sharp. Like a needle in a thicket, however, the argument easily gets lost in details. elaborations and qualifications. So let me start with a bnld statement. then elaborate. Proletarianization is the set of processes which increases the number of people who lack control over the means of production, and who survive by selling their labor power. From the perspective of ordinary people's lives, PROLETARIANIZATION: THEORY AND RESEARCH proletarianization is the single most Ear-reaching social change that has occurred in the western world over the past few hundred years, and that is going on in the world as a whole today. Sociologists have provided no coherent account of proletarianization's causes, forms and consequences. In fact, socl- ologists have given very 1ittl.e attention to this dominant social process. The models of large-scale change prevailing in North American sociology, with their stress on differentiation and integration, are utterly inadequate to Charles Tilly deal with proletarianization. The problem does not lie in poor data or University of Michigan inappropriate methods, although both are obstacles to our understunding. August 1979 The problem resides in bad theory. Outside of sociology -- and notably in history -- historically-grounded Marxist theory has so far shown the greatest promise of dealing adequately with proletarianization. Get yourself some good theory; data and methods will fall into place. prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Boston, August 1979 Is that statement bald enough? Now let's put some I~airon it. Plenty of sociology consists of crystallizing folk beliefs, and then organizing the evidence for and against them. Thst is not all to the bad. Folk beliefs, after all, accumulate experience the way stumps accumulate lichens: the lichens eventually change the contours of the stumps. Yet reliance on crystallized folk beliefs, decorated as science, brings the risk that we accept the ideas as much for their comfortable prevailing among specialists in the field. tie also remains faithful to fnmilJ.nrity ns for their intrinsic merits. Witness this passage from a the field in another regard: he ignores the process of proletnrianization. ten-year-old standard text on the sociology of economic development: Proletarianization is an increase in the number of workers who depend for What we are witnessing is the increasing differentiation of functions. survival on the sale of their labor power, a decrease in the number of which constitutes the basic process of social zhange associated with workers who exert substantial direct control over the means of production. economic development. It is quite true that agriculturalists in In order to grasp the importance of the process, we must shake off the recent a backward economy perform a wide range of functions, but this is habit of thinking about "the proletariat" as composed exclusively of also one of the reaons that their labor is so low in productivity. people working at subdivided tasks in large manufacturing units under close Increases in human productivity appear to require an increasing time-discipline. Those people are latecomers, essentially creatures of division of labor and specialization of function. And this is a the last century. The current world-wide process of proletarianization, process that is quite pervasive in a society, not simply a matter of however, has been going on for five centuries or so -- beginning mainly in work alone. At the higher ,levels of human productivity, then, we western Europe, accompanying the advance of capitalism into other domains, find societies in which individuals carry out a limited number of taking place chiefly in small towns and rural areas over most of its history, more specialized tasks. This makes them more dependent upon one transforming agriculture and small-scale manuEacturing long before the ern another and requires that they be brought more into contact with one of factory and mill. In terms of impact on the quality of everyday life, another through a wide range of social mechanisms. This also means proletarianization is -- and was -- the most powerful process in the complex that they will be interacting with one another in quite limited of changes we vaguely and variously call industrialization, economic aspects of their broader lives as individuals (Ness 1970: 11). development, or the growth of capitalism. The passage crystallizes western folk wisdom, and contemporary sociological Proletarianization is and was a powerful process in two regards: theory, concerning the historical association between prosperity and quantitative and qualitative. In quantitative terms, the last few hundred changes in the organization of work. Differentiation causes increasing years have brought an extraordinary proletarianization of our world. productivity, which causes prosperity. Differentiation, runs the account, In 1700, according to Paul Bairoch's estimates, the world's labor force also causes changes in the structure and quality of routine social life. was about 270 million people. By 1970. the number was just under 1.5 What causes differentiation is less clear; it may be an inevitable billion -- a sextupling since the start of the eighteenth century (Bairoch consequence of increasing social scale, a standard response to pressing 1971: 965). As of 1700, it would be surprising to discover that more than social problems, or a deliberate invention adopted with an eye to stepping 10 percent of the world's labor force consisted of people who survived by up production. selling their labor power. As of 1970. depending on how we define the In that smary, our author does exactly what the author of a text relationship of workers in socialist countries to the means of production, on the sociology of economic development should do: he states the view -4- we can reasonably guess that either a majority or a fat majority of the' capital and/or land does not necessarily entail expropriaLion of workers. world's labor force was proletarian. Most likely the world's proletariat The remarkable increase in the importance of family farms in the world grain multiplied thirty or forty times as the labor force sextupled. The fact market over the past century demonstrates the possible coincidence of concen- that at least half the world labor force was then still in agriculture, tration and de-proletarianization. Nevertheless, hiatorically speaking. and that we often use the loose term "peasant" for workers in relatively proletarianization has linked itself very closely to the concentration of land uncapitalized, labor-intensive agriculture, should not divert our attention and capital. It is precisely the contingency of that strong link which lnys from the large proportion of Third World agriculturalists who are essentially down a challenge to theory and research. wnge-laborers without effective control over the land. During recent decades, To be sure, we often attribute the changes for which I am making the rapid increase in their numbers has no doubt constituted the largest proletarianization responsible to "industrialism" or "modernism" in single contribution to the proletarianization of the world. general. Our folk beliefs certainly run in that direction. "Industrialism", Qualitatively, the creation of a proletariat has transformed all however, hardly seems a good name -- much less a good explnnation -- for arenas of social life: reducing the likelihood that children would take transformations which occur so regularly in the agrarian sector. As for over the economic enterprises of their parents; snapping the links among "modernism" or "modernization", the idca is so vague and global as to lack marriage, inheritance, and reproduction; swelling the numbers of people who theoretical bite. For my part, I see an historically specific relationship must buy most of their food, and are therefore vulnerable to swings in between the changes in the quantity nnd quality of social life reviewed food prices; altering the character and pacing of work itself. The paths, earlier and the development of capitalism. But, for the moment, that paces, and penalties of these changes have varied greatly from one time and connection is not essential to the argument. All we need agree is that, place to another, depending on the existing systems of production and whatever else was happening, the proximate process which brought the reproduction, as well as on the kind of production involved. It is a long changes about was the increase in the number of workers dependent on the way from the creation of an eighteenth-century textile industry in Swiss sale of their labor power for survival. It was proletarianization. Yet highland villages to the rise of export-oriented rice production in our standard texts ignore the process. twentieth-century Vietnam. But both were active sites of proletarianization. The texts represent the state of our field. If we look to Cerhard Dighteenth-century Switzerland and twentieth-century Vietnam had in Lenski, as he constructs a general account of the links between systems of common a two-sided
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