Economic Statecraft: United States Antidumping and Countervailing Duty Policy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Economic Statecraft: United States Antidumping and Countervailing Duty Policy ECONOMIC STATECRAFT: UNITED STATES ANTIDUMPING AND COUNTERVAILING DUTY POLICY Submitted by Karen Philippa Malmgren for a Ph.D in International Relations at The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London, July 1991. 1 UMI Number: U039704 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U039704 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Ti-hF S F 2 ABSTRACT: Economic Statecraft: United States Antidumping and Countervailing Duty Policy. Ph.D submitted by Karen Philippa Malmgren in the Department of International Relations, The London School of Economics and Political Science. The Antidumping and Countervailing Duty laws are competition policy instru­ ments with which the United States ostensibly seeks to promote the role of market forces, enhance competition and thereby uphold the post-war international economic order. However, through a combination of administrative pragmatism and statutory emendation, these trade laws have evolved into instruments with which the United States impedes market forces and insulates its domestic economy from the very competition these laws supposedly aim to encourage. This is a paradox. Important political issues arise from this paradox which are obscured by the traditional methods of examining trade policy. This dissertation demonstrates that the political aspects can be made apparent if the laws are thought of as instruments of economic statecraft. Through an original application of the theoretical framework David Baldwin has developed in Economic Statecraft, it is argued that the trade remedy laws utilize state power for the purpose of changing the behaviour, beliefs, policies and propensities to act of foreign governments or firms. By examining the detail inherent in the two statutes it is demonstrated that far from compelling foreigners to abide by market forces and undertake competitive trade practices, the US penalizes them for doing so. On the pretext that foreigners' trade practices are "unfair", the US is compelling them to engage in genuinely anticompetitive practices. Competition is the central mechanism of the post-war international trade system. Therefore, the United States is undermining that order with its use of these instruments of statecraft. Further, remedy policy is generating political conflict between the US and its major trading partners because there is fundamental disagreement as to the normal and appropriate role for governments and firms to play in a modern market economy. Differences of opinion about what is "unfair" in this context arise, as is demonstrated, on political grounds rather than economic ones. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION ONE: THE THEORETICAL AND ANALYTICAL ISSUES — Pages 7-80 Chapter One: Trade Remedy Policy: Economic Statecraft -- Page 8 The Problem - - Page 8 Purpose -- Page 11 Methodology -- Page 13 Structure -- Page 16 Endnotes -- Page 17 Chapter Two: Trade Remedy Policy -- Page 18 What is Trade Remedy Policy? -- Page 18 The Purpose of Remedy Policy - - Page 20 The Arguments -- Page 24 Free Trade Versus Protection -- Page 25 Intervention versus Non-Intervention -- Page 29 Dead Ends -- Page 31 An Alternative Framework: Economic Statecraft -- Page 32 Return to Non-Tariff Barriers and Non-Tariff Distortions -- Page 39 Elusive Solutions - - Page 43 Endnotes -- Pages 44-49 Chapter Three: The Post-War International Economic Order -- Page 50 The International Trade System - - Page 50 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade -- Page 54 Safeguards -- Page 58 Domestic Policymaking -- Page 62 The Congress - - Page 64 The Executive -- Page 68 The Judiciary -- Page 69 Firms and Special Interests -- Page 71 The United States: The Paradox -- Page 73 Endnotes -- Pages 76-80 SECTION TWO: ANTIDUMPINGPOLICY AS ECONOMIC STATECRAFT - Page 81-161 Chapter Four: Antidumping Policy: Economic Statecraft -- Page 82 What is Dumping? -- Page 85 A Brief History of the Statute -- Page 85 Endnotes -- Pages 94-96 Chapter Five: Operative Terms -- Page 97 Dumping as Sales at Less Than Fair Value -- Page 97 Dumping as Sales Below Cost - - Page 111 Dumping Margins and Underselling -- Page 119 Injury -- Page 120 Domestic Industry and a Like Product -- Page 123 Standing -- Page 128 Against Whom is the Allegation Levied? -- Page 129 Causality -- Page 131 Cumulation -- Page 134 Conclusion -- Page 135 Endnotes -- Pages 136-144 4 Chapter Six: Remedies -- Page 145 Duties -- Page 147 Settlements -- Page 151 Conclusion -- Page 156 Endnotes -- Pages 160-161 SECTION THREE: COUNTERVAILING DUTY POLICY AS ECONOMIC STATECRAFT — Pages 162-257 Chapter Seven: Countervailing Duty Law -- Page 163 What is a Subsidy? -- Page 167 A Brief History of the Statute -- Page 170 Export Subsidies -- Page 175 A Statute Subverted -- Page 180 The Intervention versus Non-Intervention Approach -- Page 182 Orthodox Trade Theory -- Page 183 Efficiency Only -- Page 185 Injury Only -- Page 186 The Failure of the Efficiency-Only and Injury-Only Schools -Page 188 Governmentsand Markets -- Page 189 The Analytical Problems - - Page 193 Differing Macroeconomic Goals- - Page 195 Endnotes -- Pages 199-203 Chapter Eight: Countervailing Duty Policy: A Better Approach - - Page 204 How Subsidies are Defined in Practice -- Page 204 The Line - - Page 205 Normal Subsidies -- Page 207 The Pliant Line -- Page 214 Domestic Subsidies -- Page 219 The Specificity Test -- Page 222 Upstream Subsidies -- Page 226 What is the Value of a Subsidy? -- Page 229 The Calculation Methodology: A Question of Costs -- Page 231 ’'Normal” Costs - - Page 233 "Subsidized" Costs - - Page 235 Allocating Duties -- Page 237 De Facto versus De Jure - - Page 242 Injury, Domestic Industry -- Page 242 Conclusion -- Page 243 Endnotes -- Pages 244-248 Chapter Nine: Countervailing Remedies - - Page 249 Settlements - - Page 250 Competition Policy: Anticompetitive Ends -- Page 252 Conclusion - - Page 256 Endnotes -- Page 257 SECTION FOUR: ILLEGITIMATE STATECRAFT -- Pages 258-275 Chapter Ten: Economic Statecraft and International Relations -- Page 259 Endnotes -- Pages 273-275 BIBLIOGRAPHY-- Pages 276-288 5 PREFACE I would like to thank my father in particular for providing me with the means to embark upon and finish this dissertation. His intellectual guidance and moral support throughout have inspired me to think harder and better than I would have been able to without him. My mother too gets my thanks for being an unerring support to me during the course of this project. Without her, this dissertation would have been much less easy to read. To Susan Strange I owe a great debt. Without the Politics of the World Economy program she created at the London School of Economics I would undoubtedly have struggled indefinitely to draw the links between economics and politics. She taught me to always consider the assumptions behind arguments, patterns of thinking and policy. As my first supervisor she levelled deserving criticism at my ideas and work which inspired me to cast off dogma and explore beyond the "official" borders of social science disciplines. That is how I have come to write a thesis which covers economics, law, politics and international relations. I would also like to thank Michael Hodges for supervising my work. And, finally, I owe a very great debt of thanks to James Mayall who guided me to completion. The care he took in reading and criticizing my work was invaluable to me. Without his encouragement I would no doubt have taken longer to complete this dissertation. I must also thank the members of the International Political Economy Seminar, all Doctoral candidates, whose rigour and wide knowledge and constant encouragement helped me to hone my own ideas and envisage the wider field of international political economy. Outside the University of London there are others who were especially helpful to me in the course of researching and writing this thesis. Gary Horlick was extremely encouraging. He helped to confirm that the path on which I was travelling was accurate. I thank him for his advice. Rodney Grey too talked with me at length and guided me through the thorny field of trade policy. I am endlessly grateful to both of them. Others, those in government, law and the diplomatic corp, who gave me assistance, guidance and advice, also deserve my warmest thanks. Of course, the work that follows, and any errors of fact or logic in it, are my own, alone. Philippa Malmgren July 1991 6 7 CHAPTER ONE — TRADE REMEDY POLICY: ECONOMIC STATECRAFT THE PROBLEM It is common knowledge that the United States has played an active part supporting the post-War (WWII) international trade system. In this system, competition, rather than colonial claims, for example, is the central mechanism by which the gains from international trade are distributed internationally. In addition to enforcing and abiding by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT),the international agreement which sets out the rules that support competition, the United States government employs its own trade measures to enforce
Recommended publications
  • Why NATO Endures
    This page intentionally left blank Why NATO Endures Why NATO Endures develops two themes as it examines military alli- ances and their role in international relations. The first is that the Atlantic Alliance, also known as NATO, has become something very different from virtually all pre-1939 alliances and many contemporary alliances. The members of early alliances frequently feared their allies as much if not more than their enemies, viewing them as temporary accomplices and future rivals. In contrast, NATO members are almost all democracies that encourage each other to grow stronger. The book’s second theme is that NATO, as an alliance of democracies, has developed hidden strengths that have allowed it to endure for roughly sixty years, unlike most other alliances, which often broke apart within a few years. Democracies can and do disagree with one another, but they do not fear one another. They also need the approval of other democracies as they conduct their foreign policies. These traits constitute built-in, self-healing tendencies, which is why NATO endures. Wallace J. Thies, a Yale Ph.D., has held full-time teaching positions in political science at the University of Connecticut (Storrs), the University of California, Berkeley, and the Catholic University of America. Why NATO Endures is his third book. His two previous books are When Governments Collide: Coercion and Diplomacy in the Vietnam Conflict (1980) and Friendly Rivals: Bargaining and Burden-Shifting in NATO (2003). He has also published articles in the Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Strategic Studies, International Interactions, Comparative Strategy, and European Security and has served as an International Affairs Fellow of the Council on Foreign Relations, working at the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Defining the Financial Safety Net
    A SYMPOSIUM OF VIEWS Defining the Financial Safety Net he 2007–08 subprime crisis has appear to have placed the safety net under heightened the policy world’s interest all domestic financial institutions, which Tin the makeup of financial markets. raises the question of why any U.S. non- Financial institutions have set up off-bal- bank financial institution wouldn’t consider ance-sheet vehicles as a means of disburs- shifting its headquarters to London, given ing and concealing risk, but to what extent the promised protection by British taxpay- do these off-balance-sheet vehicles during ers. Would the same taxpayers be willing times of crisis fall under the central bank to guarantee the entire world’s non-bank safety net? In the early stages of the sub- financial institutions? Put another way, prime crisis, the Federal Reserve quickly should U.S. taxpayers be asked to guaran- made clear the off-balance-sheet vehicles tee the financial activities of a Hong Kong of banks enjoyed safety net protection, but trader using an American investment bank not those of non-bank financial institutions. as a clearing broker? This brings up the issue of whether the How should the U.S. and global safety collapse of a large American investment net be defined for the twenty-first century? bank would be any less destructive to the Specifically, is the current system of off- macro economy than the failure of a com- balance-sheet vehicles inconsistent with the mercial bank. In the United Kingdom, after goal of greater financial transparency? Are initially refusing to bail out the mortgage reforms needed, and if so, which kind of bank Northern Rock, authorities now reforms? THE MAGAZINE OF Two dozen experts weigh in.
    [Show full text]
  • Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1979: Revamping the U.S
    Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business Volume 2 Issue 1 Spring Spring 1980 Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1979: Revamping the U.S. Trade Machinery Eliot B. Schreiber Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njilb Part of the International Trade Commons Recommended Citation Eliot B. Schreiber, Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1979: Revamping the U.S. Trade Machinery, 2 Nw. J. Int'l L. & Bus. 224 (1980) This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1979: Revamping the U.S. Trade Machinery The United States is no longer the successful competitor it once was in the international marketplace.I During the last decade, concern has grown in both the national and international communities about the way in which United States trade policy is formulated and imple- mented. This concern has resulted in a reorganized and strengthened U.S. trade machinery. Briefly, the Carter Administration's new Reor- ganization Plan No. 3 of 19792 has placed the responsibility for the negotiation of foreign trade matters and for the formulation of trade policy in the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR), and has called upon the Department of Commerce to implement these trade policies.' This comment will discuss the factors leading to the promulgation of the Administration's Plan, outline the Plan itself, and examine its potential for success.
    [Show full text]
  • Changed the World the INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
    Harold James on Weightless Globalization THE DOLLAR-GOLD50TH ANNIVERSARY: DELINKING Robert Zoellick on the Last Fifty Years Fred Bergsten Behind the Scenes With John Connolly The Magazine of International Economic Policy SUMMER 2021 • $18 The Secret Meeting in 1971 that Changed the World THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD THE MAGAZINE OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY MARIO DRAGHI THE RT. HON. LORD LAWSON OF BLABY Prime Minister of Italy Former Chancellor of the Exchequer, U.K. Founder, Editor, and Publisher JEAN-CLAUDE TRICHET CARLA A. HILLS Former President, European Central Bank Former U.S. Trade Representative David Smick ALAN GREENSPAN ANDREAS DOMBRET Former Chairman, Federal Reserve Former Member of the Executive Board, Managing Editor Deutsche Bundesbank, and Former Member of Angela C. Wilkes MIGUEL MANCERA the Supervisory Board, European Central Bank Former Governor, Banco de México JÜRGEN STARK GEORGE SOROS Former Chief Economist, European Central Bank Executive Editors Soros Fund Management MANUEL JOHNSON Robert W. Merry ROGER B. PORTER Former Vice Chairman, Federal Reserve Owen Ullmann Harvard University ADAM S. POSEN ANATOLE KALETSKY Peterson Institute for International Economics Gavekal Dragonomics Cover Artist JOSEPH S. NYE, JR. MAKOTO UTSUMI Doug Thompson Harvard University Former Vice Minister of Finance, Japan HANS-WERNER SINN HORST KÖHLER Editorial Assistants Ifo Institute Former Managing Director, International Monetary Fund Josef J. Neusser, Jean Wells LAURA D’ANDREA TYSON University of California, Berkeley IL SAKONG Institute for Global Economics Contributing Editors JEFFREY SACHS Former Minister of Finance, Korea Columbia University MELVYN KRAUSS Rob Johnson - Capital Markets PAUL KRUGMAN Hoover Institution Princeton University PHILIP K. VERLEGER, JR. Yoichi Funabashi - Japan MOHAMED EL-ERIAN PKVerleger LLC Chief Economic Advisor, Allianz Philipp Hildebrand - Europe KLAUS C.
    [Show full text]
  • From Economics of the Firm to Business Studies at Oxford: an Intellectual History (1890S-1990S) Lise Arena
    From Economics of the Firm to Business Studies at Oxford: An Intellectual History (1890s-1990s) Lise Arena To cite this version: Lise Arena. From Economics of the Firm to Business Studies at Oxford: An Intellectual History (1890s-1990s). History. University of Oxford, 2011. English. tel-00721620 HAL Id: tel-00721620 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00721620 Submitted on 28 Jul 2012 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. From Economics of the Firm to Business Studies at Oxford: An Intellectual History (1890s-1990s) A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD Lise Arena Oriel College 2011 2 To Anna Maricic who, twenty years ago, was concerned with the Marshallian foundations of Industrial Economics, 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing this thesis, I owe a debt of gratitude to very many people, not least because of the manifold interactions – with interviewees, archivists, and of course, supervisors and advisors – that have marked the progress of my thesis. My first and greatest gratitude is to Jane Humphries who persistently encouraged me as well as extended great wisdom and guidance to me throughout my studies at Oxford University.
    [Show full text]
  • The Neomercantilist Fallacy and the Contextual Reality of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Legal Studies and Business Ethics Papers Wharton Faculty Research 2016 The Neomercantilist Fallacy and the Contextual Reality of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Philip M. Nichols University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/lgst_papers Part of the Business Commons, and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Nichols, P. M. (2016). The Neomercantilist Fallacy and the Contextual Reality of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Harvard Journal on Legislation, 53 203-246. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/ lgst_papers/22 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/lgst_papers/22 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Neomercantilist Fallacy and the Contextual Reality of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Abstract The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (the “Act”) may be one of the most misunderstood pieces of legislation within the federal corpus of laws. Its genesis is often ascribed to an almost reactionary moral indignation over the abuses of a presidential administration, whereas in reality Congress had more prosaic objectives, one of the more important of which was to preserve and enhance the strength of the global market. The Act has often been described as the first and for a time only law of its kind, ve en though in reality it joined a very similar Swedish law.1 Most seriously, the Act has been analyzed through the prism of a mode of thought that could be called neomercantilism, a mode of analysis that this Article demonstrates is fundamentally erroneous. Neomercantilism draws from the much older political theory of mercantilism, which sought to increase national wealth through managed trade.
    [Show full text]
  • America's Frontline Trade Officials
    OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE AMERICA'S FRONTLINE TRADE OFFICIALS Charles Lewis THE CENTER FOR PUBLIC INTEGRITY OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE x", AMERICA'S FRONTLINE TRADE OFFICIALS Charles Lewis THE CENTER FOR PUBLIC INTEGRITY 191 OK Street, N.W. Suite 802 Washington, D.C. 20006 (202) 223-0299 The Center for Public Integrity is a new educational, non-profit organization examining public service and ethics-related issues in Washington, with a unique approach combin- ing the substantive study of government with in-depth reporting. The Center is funded by foundations, corporations, labor unions, individuals and news organizations. This Center REPORT and the views expressed herein are those of the author. What is written here does not necessarily reflect the views of individual members of The Center for Public Integrity Board of Directors or the Advisory Board. Copyright @1990 THE CENTER FOR PUBLIC INTEGRITY. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without the written permission of The Center for Public Integrity. Design and production, J. Gibson and Company. The right to search for truth implies also a duty; one must not conceal any part of what one has recognised to be true. Albert Einstein Charles Lewis is the founder of the Center for Public Integrity. For 11 years, from 1977 through 1988, he did investigative reporting at ABC News and CBS News. His last posi- tion in television was as a producer for "60 MINUTES," assigned to correspondent Mike Wallace.
    [Show full text]