Activism, Advertising, and Far-Right Media: the Case of Sleeping Giants
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The Olympic Games and Civil Liberties
Analysis A “clean city”: the Olympic Games and civil liberties Chris Jones Introduction In 2005, the UK won the right to host the 2012 Olympic Games. Seven years later, the Games are due to begin, but they are not without controversy. Sponsors of the Games – including McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, Cadbury’s, BP and, perhaps most controversially, Dow Chemical [1] – were promised “what is chillingly called a ‘clean city’, handing them ownership of everything within camera distance of the games.” [2] In combination with measures put in place to deal with what have been described as the “four key risks” of terrorism, protest, organised crime and natural disasters, [3] these measures have led to a number of detrimental impacts upon civil liberties, dealt with here under the headings of freedom of expression; freedom of movement; freedom of assembly; and the right to protest. The Games will be hosted in locations across the country, but primarily in London, which is main the focus of this analysis. Laying the groundwork Following victory for the bid to host the Games, legislation – the London Olympic Games and Paralympic Games Act 2006 – was passed “to make provision in connection with the Olympic Games and Paralympic Games that are take place in London in the year 2012.” [4] It is from here that limitations on freedom of expression have come, as well as some of the limitations on freedom of movement that stem from the introduction of “Games Lanes” to London’s road system. Policing and security remains the responsibility of the national and local authorities. -
From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism
Information & Organization, forthcoming 2019 1 From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism Jordana J. George Dorothy E. Leidner Mays Business School, Texas A&M University Baylor University ABSTRACT Digital activism provides new opportunities for social movement participants and social movement organizations (SMOs). Recent IS research has begun to touch on digital activism, defining it, exploring it, and building new theory to help understand it. This paper seeks to unpack digital activism through an exploratory literature review that provides descriptions, definitions, and categorizations. We provide a framework for digital activism by extending Milbrath’s (1965) hierarchy of political participation that divides activism into spectator, transitional, and gladiatorial activities. Using this framework, we identify ten activities of digital activism that are represented in the literature. These include digital spectator activities: clicktivism, metavoicing, assertion; digital transitional activities: e-funding, political consumerism, digital petitions, and botivism; and digital gladiatorial activities: data activism, exposure, and hacktivism. Last, we analyze the activities in terms of participants, SMOs, individuals who are targeted by the activity, and organizations that are targeted by the activity. We highlight four major implications and offer four meta-conjectures on the mechanisms of digital activism and their resulting impacts, and reveal a new construct where participants digitally organize yet lack an identifying cause, which we label connective emotion. Key Words Digital activism, social activism, political participation, social movements, connective emotion, literature review 1.0 Introduction Not long ago, activism to promote social movements was relegated to demonstrations and marches, chaining oneself to a fence, or writing to a government representative. Recruiting, organizing, and retaining participants was difficult enough to ensure that often only largest, best supported movements thrived and creating an impact often took years. -
“What I'm Not Gonna Buy”: Algorithmic Culture Jamming And
‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube Item Type Article Authors Wood, Rachel Citation Wood, R. (2020). ‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube. New Media & Society. Publisher Sage Journals Journal New Media and Society Download date 30/09/2021 04:58:05 Item License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10034/623570 “What I’m not gonna buy”: algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube ‘I feel like a lot of YouTubers hyperbolise all the time, they talk about how you need things, how important these products are for your life and all that stuff. So, I’m basically going to be talking about how much you don’t need things, and it’s the exact same thing that everyone else is doing, except I’m being extreme in the other way’. So states Kimberly Clark in her first ‘anti-haul’ video (2015), a YouTube vlog in which she lists beauty products that she is ‘not gonna buy’.i Since widely imitated by other beauty YouTube vloggers, the anti-haul vlog is a deliberate attempt to resist the celebration of beauty consumption in beauty ‘influencer’ social media culture. Anti- haul vloggers have much in common with other ethical or anti-consumer lifestyle experts (Meissner, 2019) and the growing ranks of online ‘environmental influencers’ (Heathman, 2019). These influencers play an important intermediary function, where complex ethical questions are broken down into manageable and rewarding tasks, projects or challenges (Haider, 2016: p.484; Joosse and Brydges, 2018: p.697). -
301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change A
Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change Abstract Consumer activism, or activism through participating in the market such as through boycotts or ethical shopping, is the most common form of political action in the United States aside from voting. While consumer activism was a popular macro practice social work intervention by social work pioneers and has been an important part of many social change movements, it is rarely discussed formally in the field of social work today. This article provides an overview of consumer activism as a social work intervention, describes historical and twenty-first century examples of consumer activism, discusses the effectiveness of consumer activism, and discusses the strengths and challenges of consumer activism for social workers who engage in it either professionally or personally. This is the unedited Author’s Copy. The published article is: Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer activism is activism taken by consumers through participating in the market. This can involve activities such as choosing to shop for only fair-trade products or boycotting a company because of its labor practices. Consumer activism has a long history in the United States (US), and more than half of US citizens have participated in a form of consumer activism in their lives, with more than a third participating in the past year (Keeter, Zukin, Zndolina & Jenkins, 2002). Aside from voting, consumer activism is the most common way that citizens engage in political participation and is far more common than other types of political engagement, such as contacting legislators, fundraising for charity, taking part in a protest or volunteering for a candidate. -
A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J
Marquette Law Review Volume 100 Article 8 Issue 2 Winter 2016 A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J. Pita Loor Boston University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Immigration Law Commons Repository Citation Karen J. Pita Loor, A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience, 100 Marq. L. Rev. 565 (2016). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol100/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized editor of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 38800-mqt_100-2 Sheet No. 140 Side A 02/22/2017 09:25:38 LOOR-P.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 2/16/17 12:32 PM A STUDY ON IMMIGRANT ACTIVISM, SECURE COMMUNITIES, AND RAWLSIAN CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE KAREN J. PITA LOOR ABSTRACT This Article explores the immigrant acts of protest during the Obama presidency in opposition to the Secure Communities (SCOMM) immigration enforcement program through the lens of philosopher John Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience and posits that this immigrant resistance contributed to that administration’s dismantling the federal program by progressively moving localities, and eventually whole states, to cease cooperation with SCOMM. The controversial SCOMM program is one of the most powerful tools of immigration enforcement in the new millennium because it transforms any contact with state and local law enforcement into a potential immigration investigation. -
Ensuring Brand Activism in Integrated Marketing Communications Campaigns Resonates with Millennial Consumers
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 5-9-2020 Ensuring Brand Activism in Integrated Marketing Communications Campaigns Resonates with Millennial Consumers Anna Hermann Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Advertising and Promotion Management Commons, Business and Corporate Communications Commons, and the Marketing Commons Recommended Citation Hermann, Anna, "Ensuring Brand Activism in Integrated Marketing Communications Campaigns Resonates with Millennial Consumers" (2020). Honors Theses. 1571. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1571 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ENSURING BRAND ACTIVISM IN INTEGRATED MARKETING COMMUNICATION CAMPAIGNS RESONATES WITH MILLENNIAL CONSUMERS by Anna Hermann A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford May 2020 Approved by ___________________________________ Advisor: Professor Christina Sparks ___________________________________ Reader: Professor Robin Street ___________________________________ Reader: Dr. Robert Magee © 2020 Anna Hermann ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Firstly, I need to express my immense gratitude to my advisor, Professor Christina Sparks. She provided me with much guidance, expertise, and encouragement throughout this process. I greatly appreciate her time and patience with me throughout the past year; I could not have completed this project without her. I would also like to thank the two members of my committee, Professor Robin Street and Dr. -
Is Consumer Activism Economic Democracy?
U= !ON=UMER "!;UVU=ME!ONOMU! pEMO!R"!o# _ RZVENRo 7E"VER The Second Gilded Age has also been a golden era for consumer activism. As the nation state and organized labor have both diminished in their ability to translate public attitudes into resource outcomes, civil society groups have turned to a third axis of social power, consumer behavior, to bring multinational corporations to heel. We are witnessing historically high levels of participation in market-based campaigns, boycotts, and conscientious shopping. Recent waves of consumer activism recall the frequent boycotts that characterized the history of the early American labor movement. Yet whether consumer power actually furthers the project of economic democracy—that is, social control over economic production—remains controversial. This Article argues that two forms of consumer activism, which I call organized buying and ethical consumption, differ fundamentally in their democratic potential. Organized buying refers to a targeted effort to use consumer power to achieve a discrete goal; ethical consumption refers to the more diffuse preferences of individual consumers for morally favored goods. I illustrate these distinctions through case studies from food politics: the United Farm Workers’ grape boycotts, and the contemporary market for organic food. Only organized buying, I argue, has the potential to subordinate economic power to democratic control. Ethical consumption, on the other hand, aligns with the market fundamentalist view that all political preferences can and should be satisfied through individual purchasing decisions. Although this Article does not deal with doctrinal questions, a more nuanced understanding of the political economy of consumer activism should inform discussions about product labeling, the regulation of secondary labor activity, and free speech protections for consumer behavior. -
Poking the Bear: Feminist Online Activism Disrupting Conservative Power
DSJ, 5(Fall 2019/2020), 28-44 ISSN: 2578-2029 Copyright © 2020 Research Articles Poking the Bear: Feminist Online Activism Disrupting Conservative Power Rusa Jeremic University of Toronto INTRODUCTION his is the time for a critical digital pedagogy that simultaneously recognizes both the potential inherent in social media to challenge power and build movements and the dangers T lurking in a fake news era that spreads hate, division, and distraction. This paper explores how Canadian digital feminist activists challenged conservative power over three federal elections with innovative creativity using critical pedagogical humour that resulted in an impromptu online social movement focused on ousting the Prime Minister. CHALLENGING AUTHORITARIAN POWER WITH A SMILE efore Trump, Canadian Conservative Party member Stephen Harper sat as Prime Minister from 2006-2015. Although Harper might appear a stark contrast to the bombastic Trump, B while in power, he enacted policies that were nothing short of a slow erosion of Canadian democracy. He ruled by stealth through a steady and consistent attack on fundamental Canadian values. Harper refused to speak to the media, enacted policies that violated and eroded women’s rights, and vowed to create a “barbaric cultural practices” (Andrew-Gee, 2015, para 1) snitch line targeting immigrants, amongst other inflammatory acts. His actions signalled a turn toward authoritarianism and a battle of competing ideologies. Parallel to Harper’s time in power, the emergence of Web 2.0 social media tools created the opportunity for all kinds of people to engage in online activism as content producers/educators. A good number of those people were women. -
Rejecting and Embracing Brands in Political Consumerism
Rejecting and Embracing Brands in Political Consumerism Rejecting and Embracing Brands in Political Con sumerism Magnus Boström The Oxford Handbook of Political Consumerism Edited by Magnus Boström, Michele Micheletti, and Peter Oosterveer Print Publication Date: Feb 2019 Subject: Political Science, Political Behavior Online Publication Date: Aug 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190629038.013.50 Abstract and Keywords Brands play important roles as targets and arenas for political consumerism. Much of po litical consumerist action navigates towards large and highly visible brands, which politi cal consumers reject or embrace. This chapter views a brand—the name and logo of an actor/object and their associated/recognized meanings—as a core symbolic asset of an or ganization. The chapter argues that such a symbolic resource brings both opportunities and risks. A brand increases its power if it is entwined in institutions, identities, everyday practices, discourses, values, and norms. Successful eco- or ethical branding can bring profits, legitimacy, and power to companies. At the same time highly visible brands are targets of negative media reporting and movement attacks, and thus they are vulnerable to reputation risks. Through a literature review, the chapter demonstrates how brands re late to boycott/brand rejection, buycott, discursive, and lifestyle political consumerism. The concluding discussion suggests topics for future research. Keywords: boycott, buycott, discursive, labelling, lifestyle A columnist for the New York Times recently argued that online campaigns “against brands have become one of the most powerful forces in business, giving customers a huge megaphone with which to shape corporate ethics and practices, and imperiling some of the most towering figures of media and industry.”1 Regardless if he is correct or not in his assessment of the strong power of brand-focused online activism, without a doubt brands play imperative roles as targets and arenas for political consumerism, par ticularly in present times. -
Sleeping Giants: a Ofensiva Moral Dos Gigantes Adormecidos Contra O Novo Regime De Desinformação
VOL. 23, Nº 1, JAN.-ABR. 2021 ISSN 1518-2487 Sleeping Giants: a ofensiva moral dos gigantes adormecidos contra o novo regime de desinformação Sleeping Giants: La ofensiva moral de los gigantes dormidos contra el nuevo régimen de desinformación The moral offensive of Sleeping Giants against the new regime of disinformation Arthur Coelho Bezerra Juliano Borges Doutor em Ciências Humanas pela Universidade Jornalista (UFRJ) e doutor em Ciência Política pelo Federal do Rio de Janeiro, com pós-doutorado antigo IUPERJ com pós-doutorado em Comunica- também pela UFRJ. Mestre em Sociologia pelo ção Política pela Universidade do Estado do Rio antigo IUPERJ. Pesquisador Titular do Instituto de Janeiro. Professor titular do curso de Comuni- Brasileiro de Informação em Ciência e Tecnolo- cação Social do IBMEC e integrante do grupo de gia (IBICT/MCTIC), com bolsa de produtividade do pesquisa Escritos - Estudos Críticos em Informa- CNPq. Professor do Programa de Pós-Graduação ção, Tecnologia e Organização Social do Instituto em Ciência da Informação (PPGCIIBICTUFRJ). Lí- Brasileiro de Informação em Ciência e Tecnologia der do grupo de pesquisa Escritos - Estudos Crí- (IBICT). ticos em Informação, Tecnologia e Organização Contato: [email protected] Social Contato: [email protected] CreativeCommons Atribuição NãoComercial CompartilhaIgual Resumo O artigo analisa o trabalho do movimento cívico digital Sleeping Giants de enfrentamento à desinformação na internet por meio da desmonetização de sites produtores de conteúdos maliciosos. Com base em análises de posts e interações do movimento no Twitter, além de entrevista concedida pela cocriadora do grupo aos autores, apresentamos as táticas, os alvos e o tipo de linguagem que Sleeping Giants utiliza para combater a desinfor- mação na internet. -
Mediatized Populisms: Inter-Asian Lineages
International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4073–4092 1932–8036/20170005 Mediatized Populisms: Inter-Asian Lineages Introduction PAULA CHAKRAVARTTY New York University, USA SRIRUPA ROY University of Göttingen, Germany1 This essay offers an explanation for the rise of contemporary “mediatized populisms.” Disaggregating the idea of a singular media logic of populist politics, we examine the institutional and political-economic dynamics of mediatization and the variegated structures of mediated political fields in which contemporary populist political formations are embedded. Moving away from broad “global populism” approaches as well as case studies from Europe and the Americas that have thus far dominated discussions of populism, we make the case for empirically grounded comparative studies of populism from the particular standpoint of regional contexts across Asia that offer theoretical insights often missed in prevailing “technology-first” and election-focused approaches. We then outline three distinctive features of media-politics relations (and their transformations) that have enabled the contemporary rise of mediatized populism across the Inter-Asian region. Keywords: populism, mediatization, Inter-Asian, comparative politics, political economy Paula Chakravartty: [email protected] Srirupa Roy: [email protected] Date submitted: 2017–08–31 1 Research for this essay is funded by the Social Science Research Council of New York’s Transregional Virtual Research Institute on Media Activism and the New Political. Most of the essays in this Special Section were presented at a Social Science Research Council (SSRC) InterAsia workshop on Mediatized Populism Across InterAsia, which was held in Seoul in April 2016. We are grateful to Seteney Shami and Holly Danzeisen of the SSRC, and to all our participants and especially our workshop co-organizer, Zeynep Gambetti, for their deep and constructive engagements and insights. -
© Copyright 2020 Yunkang Yang
© Copyright 2020 Yunkang Yang The Political Logic of the Radical Right Media Sphere in the United States Yunkang Yang A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2020 Reading Committee: W. Lance Bennett, Chair Matthew J. Powers Kirsten A. Foot Adrienne Russell Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Communication University of Washington Abstract The Political Logic of the Radical Right Media Sphere in the United States Yunkang Yang Chair of the Supervisory Committee: W. Lance Bennett Department of Communication Democracy in America is threatened by an increased level of false information circulating through online media networks. Previous research has found that radical right media such as Fox News and Breitbart are the principal incubators and distributors of online disinformation. In this dissertation, I draw attention to their political mobilizing logic and propose a new theoretical framework to analyze major radical right media in the U.S. Contrasted with the old partisan media literature that regarded radical right media as partisan news organizations, I argue that media outlets such as Fox News and Breitbart are better understood as hybrid network organizations. This means that many radical right media can function as partisan journalism producers, disinformation distributors, and in many cases political organizations at the same time. They not only provide partisan news reporting but also engage in a variety of political activities such as spreading disinformation, conducting opposition research, contacting voters, and campaigning and fundraising for politicians. In addition, many radical right media are also capable of forming emerging political organization networks that can mobilize resources, coordinate actions, and pursue tangible political goals at strategic moments in response to the changing political environment.