Strong Positions and Laryngeal Features in Yukatek Maya* Scott Anderbois University of California, Santa Cruz 1. Introduction Yu
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The Serial Interaction of Stress and Syncope John J
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series Linguistics January 2008 The serial interaction of stress and syncope John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts, Amherst, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs Part of the Morphology Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Phonetics and Phonology Commons Recommended Citation McCarthy, John J., "The es rial interaction of stress and syncope" (2008). Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. 90. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs/90 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Linguistics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2008) 26: 499–546 DOI 10.1007/s11049-008-9051-3 ORIGINAL PAPER The serial interaction of stress and syncope John J. McCarthy Received: 7 November 2007 / Accepted: 12 April 2008 / Published online: 26 August 2008 © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2008 Abstract Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vow- els are deleted. This generalization proves elusive in classic Optimality Theory, how- ever. The source of the problem is classic OT’s parallel evaluation, which requires that the effects of stress assignment and syncope be optimized together. This article argues for a version of OT called Harmonic Serialism, in which the effects of stress assignment and syncope can and must be evaluated sequentially. The results are po- tentially applicable to other domains where process interaction is best understood in derivational terms. -
Syncope in Crimean Tatar*
Syncope in Crimean Tatar* Darya Kavitskaya Yale University Crimean Tatar has a pervasive syncope of high vowels postlexically. The syncope of unstressed vowels only occurs when it results in a phonotactically acceptable syllable structure. Additionally, stressed high vowels delete between identical consonants with the following degemination which is attributed to a highly ranked OCP constraint. An apparent counterexample, the syncope of high vowels followed by voiceless geminates, is shown to be a matter of phonetic implementation, while the former processes have to be represented in phonology. 1. Introduction Crimean Tatar (henceforth, CT) is a West Kipchak language which belongs to the northwestern branch of Turkic (Johanson 1998:81). CT is spoken mainly in the Crimean peninsula in Ukraine, as well as in Uzbekistan, and also in small communities in Russia, Bulgaria, Romania, and Turkey. According to traditional descriptions, CT is subdivided into three dialects: Southern (or Coastal), Central, and Northern (or Steppe) (Johanson and Csato 1998). All three dialects are endangered (Southern and Northern more so than Central): the language is now extensively used mostly by the speakers older than forty, and very few children learn it as their first language. The sociolinguistic situation of CT is quite unusual. In 1944, the entire Tatar population of Crimea was deported to Central Asia (Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan), and to several locations in Russia. As a result, the speakers of CT dialects that used to be linguistically homogenous were separated, mixed, and immersed into radically different language environments. The early 1990s saw the return of Crimean Tatars to their homeland. Currently about 250,000 Crimean Tatars live in Crimea again, and another 250,000 are still in exile. -
Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0). -
Prosodic Identity in Copy Epenthesis Evidence for a Correspondence-Based Approach
Nat Lang Linguist Theory DOI 10.1007/s11049-017-9385-9 Prosodic identity in copy epenthesis Evidence for a correspondence-based approach Juliet Stanton1 · Sam Zukoff2 Received: 31 October 2016 / Accepted: 23 June 2017 © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017 Abstract This paper focuses on languages that exhibit processes of copy epenthe- sis, specifically those where the similarity between a copy vowel and its host ex- tends to prosodic or suprasegmental resemblance. We argue that copy vowels and their hosts strive for identity in all prosodic properties, and show that this drive for prosodic identity can cause misapplication in the assignment of properties such as stress and length. To explain these effects, we argue that any successful analysis of copy epenthesis must involve a correspondence relation (following Kitto and de Lacy 1999). Our proposal successfully predicts the extant typology of prosodic identity ef- fects in copy epenthesis; alternative analyses of copy epenthesis relying solely on fea- tural spreading (e.g. Kawahara 2007) or gestural realignment (e.g. Hall 2003, 2006) do not naturally capture the effects discussed here. Keywords Copy epenthesis · Phonology · Correspondence · Misapplication · Prosody 1 Introduction The term copy epenthesis describes a class of patterns in which the quality of an epenthetic vowel depends on the quality of one of its vocalic neighbors. For exam- ple: in a language where underlying /pri/ is realized as [piri] but /pra/ as [para] (not *[pira]), the vowel that appears in the unexpected position (the copy) is featurally identical to the vowel that appears in the expected position (its host). B J. -
Phonological Processes
Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs. -
Bleaching and Coloring*
386 Bleaching and Coloring* Patricia D. Miller Ohio State University Current studies in natural phonology have dealt with vowels in terms of three cardinal properties: palatality, labiality, and sonority. Palatality and labiality--the chromatic properties--are optimized by a minimally open, maximally constricted vocal tract; and sonority is optimized by a more open vowel tract) Thus the familiar triangle: A or, more exactly a a represents the maximal opposition of the three properties.2 And in many ways, the vowel space does seem to be triangular: ordinarily, the more sonorant a vowel is, the less color it has; and the more chromatic it is--the less sonorant. Thus, while i, e, and m are all palatal, i is more palatal than e, and e is more palatal than m; and, similarly, the degree of rounding varies for u, o, 3. The vowels #, A, and a are colorless or achromatic. They lack both palatality and labiality, and differ only in sonority.3 In this framework, the terms bleaching and coloring are almost self-explanatory: bleaching removes color, and coloring adds color. Bleaching Bleaching may remove palatality or labiality, or both simultaneously: V !lover -Labial !unstressed and/or !lax/short -Palatal] !mixed _(context) Full-scale operation of bleaching will produce linear vowel systems like those of the Caucasian languages reported to have k, A, a. If A lowers, it will produce the system 4, a like that of Kabardian (Kuipers 1960:23 et passim), or that of the child Curt4 (011er forthcoming); or, if all achromatics lower, it will give the single- vowel system, a. -
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Perception of Illegal Contrasts: Japanese Adaptations of Korean Coda Obstruents Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6x34v499 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 36(36) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Whang, James D. Y. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 6-7, 2010 General Session Special Session Language Isolates and Orphans Parasession Writing Systems and Orthography Editors Nicholas Rolle Jeremy Steffman John Sylak-Glassman Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2016 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Basque Genitive Case and Multiple Checking Xabier Artiagoitia . 1 Language Isolates and Their History, or, What's Weird, Anyway? Lyle Campbell . 16 Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese Jidong Chen . 32 Orthography Shapes Semantic and Phonological Activation in Reading Hui-Wen Cheng and Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris . 46 Writing in the World and Linguistics Peter T. Daniels . 61 When is Orthography Not Just Orthography? The Case of the Novgorod Birchbark Letters Andrew Dombrowski . 91 Gesture-to-Speech Mismatch in the Construction of Problem Solving Insight J.T.E. Elms . 101 Semantically-Oriented Vowel Reduction in an Amazonian Language Caleb Everett . 116 Universals in the Visual-Kinesthetic Modality: Politeness Marking Features in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Johnny George . -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? a Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments
Is Phonological Consonant Epenthesis Possible? A Series of Artificial Grammar Learning Experiments Rebecca L. Morley Abstract Consonant epenthesis is typically assumed to be part of the basic repertoire of phonological gram- mars. This implies that there exists some set of linguistic data that entails epenthesis as the best analy- sis. However, a series of artificial grammar learning experiments found no evidence that learners ever selected an epenthesis analysis. Instead, phonetic and morphological biases were revealed, along with individual variation in how learners generalized and regularized their input. These results, in combi- nation with previous work, suggest that synchronic consonant epenthesis may only emerge very rarely, from a gradual accumulation of changes over time. It is argued that the theoretical status of epenthesis must be reconsidered in light of these results, and that investigation of the sufficient learning conditions, and the diachronic developments necessary to produce those conditions, are of central importance to synchronic theory generally. 1 Introduction Epenthesis is defined as insertion of a segment that has no correspondent in the relevant lexical, or un- derlying, form. There are various types of epenthesis that can be defined in terms of either the insertion environment, the features of the epenthesized segment, or both. The focus of this paper is on consonant epenthesis and, more specifically, default consonant epenthesis that results in markedness reduction (e.g. Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004)). Consonant -
On Syncope in Old English
In: Dieter Kastovsky and Aleksander Szwedek (eds) Linguistics across historical and geographical boundaries. In honour of Jacek Fisiak on the occasion of his fiftieth birthday. Berlin: Mouton-de Gruyter, 1986, 359-66. On syncope in Old English Raymond Hickey University of Bonn Abstract. Syncope in Old English is seen to be a rule which is determined by syllable structure but furthermore to be governed by a set of restricting conditions which refer to the world-class status of the forms which may act as input to the syncope rule, and also to the inflectional or derivational nature of the suffix which are added also to the precise phonological structure of those forms which undergo syncope. A phonological rule in a language which does not operate globally is always of particular interest as the conditions which restrict its application can frequently be recognized and formulized, at the same time throwing light on the nature of conditions which can in principle apply in a language’s phonology. In Old English a syncope rule existed which clearly related to the syllable structure of the forms it did not operate on but which was also subject to a set of restricting conditions which lie outside the domain of the syllable. The examination of this syncope rule and the conditions pertaining to it is the subject of this contribution. It is first of all necessary to distinguish syncope from another phonological process with which it might be confused. This is epenthesis, which appears to have been quite widespread in late West Saxon, as can be seen in the following forms. -
Rhythmic Syncope and Opacity in Mojeño Trinitario Françoise Rose
Rhythmic syncope and opacity in Mojeño Trinitario Françoise Rose To cite this version: Françoise Rose. Rhythmic syncope and opacity in Mojeño Trinitario. Phonological Data and Analysis, Linguistic Society of America, 2019, 1 (2), pp.1-25. 10.3765/pda.v1art2.2. hal-02275393 HAL Id: hal-02275393 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02275393 Submitted on 30 Aug 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution| 4.0 International License Phonological Data & Analysis Volume 1, Article 2: 1–25 (2019) pɗɑ https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v1art2.2 Received 7 December 2017; revised 19 October 2018; accepted 29 January 2019. © 2019 Françoise Rose. Published by the Linguistic Society of America with permission of the author under a CC BY 3.0 license. Rhythmic syncope and opacity in Mojeño Trinitario Françoise Rose* Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique – [email protected] This paper presents rhythmic syncope in Mojeño Trinitario, an Arawak language spoken in lowland Bolivia. In this language, every vowel that is in a weak prosodic position can syncopate. The syncope pattern of Mojeño Trinitario is remarkable for several reasons. -
Epenthesis in Jerash Fallaahi Dialect: an Autosegmental Analysis
International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science Vol. 7 No. 9 October 2019 Epenthesis in Jerash Fallaahi Dialect: An Autosegmental Analysis Dr. Muneera Mohammad Jaradat Jordan University of Science and Technology, Department of English Language and Linguistics Email: [email protected] Published: 26 October 2019 Copyright © Jaradat. Abstract: The study aims to investigate the phonological epenthesis processes which are manifested in Jerash Falla:ħi Dialect (JFD), a rural Jordanian dialect spoken in the north of Jordan by almost 130,000 people and has never been investigated before. The study uses a non-linear approach, namely, the autosegemental approach to analyze the phonological epenthesis processes. The data are collected by recording spontaneous conversations of twenty participants of Jerash Falla:ħi people who are native speakers of this dialect. The analysis shows that JFD displays two types of epenthesis, namely, vowel epenthesis and consonant epenthesis. Vowel epenthesis involves the insertion of the high short vowel /i/, or the high back vowel /u/, or the short low central vowel /a/ in certain cases within the word boundary or within an adjacent utterance; word-finally and word- medially. The second type is consonant epenthesis, which involves the insertion of the glottal stop /? / within the word boundary. In this type, the glottal stop can only occur word initially. Keywords: Jerash Fallahi Dialect, phonological processes, autosegmental analysis, vowel epenthesis, consonant epenthesis Cite this article: Jaradat, M.M. (2019). Epenthesis in Jerash Fallaahi Dialect: An Autosegmental Analysis. International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science, 7(9), 43-59. 43 International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science ISSN: 2307-924X www.ijlass.org 1.