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The Myth of Aphrodite and Adonis in Roman Mosaics of Jordan, Arabia
JMR 8, 2015 1-16 The Myth of Aphrodite and Adonis in Roman Mosaics of Jordan, Arabia, Antioch, Mauretania Tingitana and Hispania Ürdün, Arabistan, Antakya, Mauretania Tingitana ve Hispanya’daki Roma Mozaikleri Üzerinde Aphrodite ve Adonis Miti José María BLÁZQUEZ* (Received 9 February 2015, accepted after revision 29 October 2015) Abstract The myth of the love between Aphrodite and Adonis has a Syrian origin. It was known in Greece since 700 B.C. The early Greek vases, Athenian black figure vases and Athenian red figure vases do not represent it. It appears in Corinthian mirrors from the mid-4th century B.C. A huge celebration took place in the Ptolemaic court in Alexandria in honour of Adonis. During the Roman Empire it was represented in several Roman mosaics in An- tioch. The myth is not known in mosaics of Orient, Greece and Northern Africa. It was represented in Madaba during the mid-4th century A.D. In Western Roman mosaics it was represented in Lixus, Mauretania Tingitana, and in several mosaics of Hispania. A celebration in honour of Adonis took place in Hispalis in 287 A.D. Keywords: Aphrodite and Adonis, greek vases, mirror of Corinth, Ptolemaios, not Orient, not Northern Africa, Antioch, Lixus, Hispania, Hispalis. Öz Aphrodite ve Adonis arasında yaşanan aşk miti Suriyeli bir kökene sahiptir. Yunanistan’da, İ.Ö. 700’lerden beri bilinmektedir. Erken Yunan vazoları, Atina siyah ve kırmızı figürlü vazolar bu konuyu betimlememektedir. Bu konu, İ.Ö. 4. yüzyıl ortalarında, Korint paralellerinde görünmektedir. İskenderiye’de, Ptolemaios Hanedanı sarayında, Adonis onuruna büyük törenler düzenlenmekteydi. Roma İmparatorluğu Dönemi’nde, Antakya’da birçok Roma mozaiği üzerinde bu konu tasvir edilmiştir. -
FORTIFICATIONS in AFRICA: a BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY Alexander
FORTIFICATIONS IN AFRICA: A BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY Alexander Sarantis General Discussion In contrast with other regions of the West and (in the case of Cyrenaica) the East, the publications on the fortifications of Africa have merited their own paper. This is down to the fact that it is not as easy to summarise the major works on fortifications in all of the North African provinces, from Cyrenaica to Mauretania Tingitana, for the 3rd to 6th c., as it is in the case of other areas. Work on each of the major African provinces, and on the periods before and after the Vandal era, tend to be treated separately in the literature.1 Although, as will be seen in this paper, limited major exca- vation work has taken place on military sites in these regions, a substantial body of literature exists for each of the major areas, mostly based on field survey and textual evidence. Because this paper deals chronologically with developments across the period, referring in the same sections to refer- ences from various regions, its text will appear at the outset, and biblio- graphic entries organised by region will follow. Mattingly and Hitchner (1995) 174–76 and 211–13 is a good introduc- tion to research on fortifications and the army in Roman and late antique North Africa. Le Bohec (1991) offers a more detailed review of work since 1979, and Krimi (2004) and Bel Faïda (2004) survey recent literature on Roman Tripolitania and North African frontier studies, respectively. Welsby (1990) contains useful references to work on Early and Late Roman military architecture. -
119 Los Orígenes Del Reino De Mauretania (Marruecos)
POLIS. Revista de ideas y formas políticas de la Antigüedad Clásica 22, 2010, pp. 119-144. LOS ORÍGENES DEL REINO DE MAURETANIA (MARRUECOS) Enrique Gozalbes Cravioto Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha La Historia del reino de las Mauretaniae (Marruecos y Argelia) es relativamente bien conocida en la época del Principado de Augusto y comienzos del Imperio. Bogud, rey de la Mauretania occidental, había pasado a Hispania a luchar en el marco de las guerras civiles romanas, y una de sus acciones había sido el ataque al famoso templo gaditano del Herakleion en el año 38 a. C.1. Los habitantes de la ciudad y región de Tingi aprovecharon su ausencia para rebelarse frente a él, con lo que perdió totalmente el control de su reino2. De esta forma Bochus II de la Mauretania oriental con facilidad, con el beneplácito total de Roma, pudo anexionarse el territorio, volviendo a reunificar los dos reinos. Bogud no tuvo otra solución que huir a Oriente donde fallecería en combate algunos años más tarde. El rey Bochus II (o “el Joven”) falleció poco tiempo más tarde, en el año 33 a. C., sin tener una descendencia conocida, y en su testamento había decidido legar sus territorios al pueblo romano3. Octavio Augusto planificó entonces con sumo cuidado el establecimiento de lo que en terminología moderna, quizás excesiva, se ha denominado un “protectorado”, buscando con ello un control indirecto del territorio, una actitud elogiada como muy prudente por parte de la mayoría de los historiadores contemporáneos. En el 1 Porfirio, De Abst. I, 25. 2 Dion Cassio XLIII, 45, 8. -
Map 28 Mauretania Tingitana Compiled by M
Map 28 Mauretania Tingitana Compiled by M. Euzennat, 1995 Introduction Map 1a Fortunatae Insulae Map 28 Mauretania Tingitana The Mediterranean coast of Mauretania was regularly visited from the seventh century B.C. onwards, first by Phoenician (later Carthaginian) sailors on their way west to Spain. At the same time, the merchants of Gades (Map 26 D5) explored the Atlantic coast as far as the island of Mogador, today firmly identified as Cerne (Map 1a C2), which served as a trading station for two centuries as well as from time to time thereafter. The map attempts to reflect the current views of geologists and geographers on the nature of the physical landscape in antiquity, particularly in the Atlantic coastal plains (Desanges 1978, 111-12, 134; Euzennat 1989, 98-103; EncBerb 20 Gharb). Little is known of the organization of the interior, occupied by warlike Moorish tribes, before the middle of the second century B.C. when it came to be ruled by King Bocchus and his descendants. Eventually, in 33, the entire kingdom of Mauretania somehow passed to the Romans, who established three colonies, Zilil, Babba (unlocated) and Banasa, spread out between Tingi and the Oued Sebou (ancient Sububus fl.), and sited in part to strengthen links with the two principal centers of the south, Sala and Volubilis. In 25 B.C. Augustus reconstituted the kingdom of Mauretania for Juba. In A.D. 40, however, after the death of Juba’s son Ptolemy, it was divided into two Roman provinces, Mauretania Caesariensis to the east and Mauretania Tingitana to the west. -
Heraclius Emperor of Byzantium
HERACLIUS EMPEROR OF BYZANTIUM WALTER E. KAEGI PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB21RP, United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru,UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon´ 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org C Walter E. Kaegi 2003 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions ofrelevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction ofany part may take place without the written permission ofCambridge University Press. First published 2003 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeface Adobe Garamond 11/12.5 pt. System LATEX 2ε [TB] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data Kaegi, Walter Emil. Heraclius: emperor ofByzantium / Walter E. Kaegi. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0 521 81459 6 1. Heraclius, Emperor ofthe East, ca. 575–641. 2. Byzantine Empire–History–Heraclius, 610–641. 3. Emperors–Byzantine Empire–Biography. I. Title. DF574 .K34 2002 949.5 013 092 –dc21 [B] 2002023370 isbn 0 521 81459 6 hardback Contents List of maps page vi List of figures vii Acknowledgments viii List of abbreviations x Introduction 1 1 Armenia and Africa: the formative years 19 2 Internal and external challenges -
The Viking Expeditions to Spain During the 9Th Century
TH THE VIKING EXPEDITIONS TO SPAIN DURING THE 9 CENTURY by Víctor Emanuel Aguirre Odense, Centre for Medieval Studies 2013 CONTENT 2 MAPS 3 4 THE VIKING EXPEDITIONS TO SPAIN DURING THE 9TH CENTURY The Sources This article in two parts aims at making the Scandinavian readers a bit more familiar with a topic that has barely been approached by scholars, neither in the north nor in the south. The target of this first part is to contribute to the Nordic historiography with a series of texts that prove useful to track down the movements of the Vikings1 along the coasts of the Iberian Peninsula during the 9th century. The importance of these reports lays in the fact that there is no alternative way of knowing of such events – rather isolated, yet important – that have taken place during the Spanish and Scandinavian Middle Ages. There is no archaeological evidence, and the chances to relay on the study of old place names are very reduced and isolated2. Given the consequent importance of chronicles, our efforts should not be merely placed on transcribing them and describing the historical context in which they were created, but we should focus on assessing how useful they are as tools to reconstruct a historical era. Scandinavian historians and experts in Viking history are all likely to be familiar with the Annales Bertiniani, which represent an important source for studying the movements of the Nordic pirates in France. They will however find other Hispanic – and even Arab and Latin – source more obscure, as their contributions to the study of the Vikings has been much less 1 *I would like to dedicate this article to Karen Fog Rasmussen, to show my gratitude for her help, kindness and patience. -
Imperium Romanum - Scenarios © 2018 Decision Games
Imperium© 2018 DecisionRomanum Games - Scenarios 1 BX-U_ImperiumRom3-Scenarios_V4F.indd 1 10/10/18 10:38 AM # of Players No. Name Dates Period Max/Min/Opt. Page Number 1 The Gallic Revolt * Nov. 53 to Oct. 52 BC 1 2 4 2 Pompey vs. the Pirates * (1) Apr. to Oct. 67 BC 1 2 5 3 Marius vs. Sulla July 88 to Jan. 82 BC 1 4/3/3 6 4 The Great Mithridatic War June 75 to Oct. 72 BC 1 3 8 5 Crisis of the First Triumvirate Feb. 55 to Sep. 52 BC 1 6/4/5 10 6 Caesar vs. Pompey Nov. 50 to Aug. 48 BC 2 2 12 7 Caesar vs. the Sons of Pompey July 47 to May 45 BC 2 2 13 8 The Triumvirs vs. the Assassins Dec. 43 to Dec. 42 BC 2 2 15 9 Crisis of the Second Triumvirate Jan. 38 to Sep. 35 BC 2 5/3/4 16 10 Octavian vs. Antony & Cleopatra Apr. 32 to Aug. 30 BC 2 2 18 11 The Revolt of Herod Agrippa (1) AD March 45-?? 3 2 19 12 The Year of the Four Emperors AD Jan. 69 to Dec. 69 3 4/3/3 20 13 Trajan’s Conquest of Dacia * (1) AD Jan. 101 to Nov. 102 3 2 22 14 Trajan’s Parthian War (1) AD Jan. 115 to Aug. 117 3 2 23 15 Avidius Cassius vs. Pompeianus (1) AD June 175-?? 3 2 25 16 Septimius Severus vs. Pescennius Niger vs. AD Apr. 193 to Feb. -
Afro-Romanic, Basque and the Origins of Ibero-Romance Languages
Vol. 1. Issue 2. Eurasian Journal of Humanities (2016) ISSN: 2413-9947 Historical Linguistics: Afro-Romanic, Basque and the origins of Ibero-Romance languages Francisco A. Marcos-Marín University of Texas at San Antonio [email protected] Abstract: The following pages will present the state of the art regarding questions such as: How much do we know about the continuity of Latin in Northwest Africa between the 5th and the 10th centuries? How well do we know Afro-Romanic? Could we determine some basic linguistic features of Afro-Romanic and, if yes, which ones? Which data are consistent with the presence of Berbers, Afro-Romanic speakers, in Al- Andalus? To what extent Afro-Romanic may have exerted an influence on Andalusi Romance? Which consequences this may have on the present knowledge of Iberian Romance languages? Some of the answers are striking and all of them deserve a closer revision into the origins of Ibero-Romance considering the latest data. Keywords: Africa, Al-Andalus, Berber, Latin, Romance Languages. Resumen: Las páginas siguientes se preguntan por estado de la técnica en relación a cuestiones tales como: ¿Cuánto sabemos sobre la continuidad del latín en el noreste de África entre los siglos V y X? ¿Cuánto sabemos del afro-románico? ¿Podemos determinar algunos rasgos básicos del afro-románico? Si la respuesta es afirmativa ¿Cuáles? ¿Qué datos son consistentes con la presencia de los bereberes, hablantes de variedades afro-románicas, en Alandalús? ¿Hasta qué punto el afro-románico pudo tener alguna influencia en el romance andalusí o qué consecuencias puede tener todo ello en el conocimiento actual de las lenguas iberorrománicas? Algunas respuestas llaman la atención y todas ameritan una mejor revisión de los orígenes del iberorrománico, a la luz de los datos disponibles más modernos. -
The Two Mauretaniae: Their Romanization and The
THE TWO MAURETANIAE: THEIR ROMANIZATION AND THE IMPERIAL CULT by CLAUDIA GIRONI submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject ANCIENT HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR : PROF. U.R.D. VOGEL JOINT SUPERVISOR : DR M. KLEIJWEGT Date submitted November 1996 SUMMARY The 'Romanization' of the African provinces of Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis was in fact a two-way process of exchange between Roman and African elements which resulted in a uniquely Romano-African civilization. The imperial cult highlights issues common to all Romanization processes, such as ruler-subject interaction and the role of local initiative in bringing about change, as well as unique issues such as the impact of politics on emperor-worship. The success of the imperial cult was hampered by the fact that only a select few - notably the wealthy local elite - derived direct benefit from the process, and by the fact that, because the pre-Roman Mauretaniae had no established ruler-cults, the imperial cult failed to assimilate with local tradition. As a result, the cult was unable either to make a decisive impact on the Romanization of the Mauretanians, or to achieve any real religious unity among them. KEY TERMS Romanization; Imperial cult; North African history; Roman empire; Mauretania Tingitana; Mauretania Caesariensis; Mauri; Religious syncretism; Roman gods; Roman priests; African religion, ancient. DECLARATION I declare that "The two Mauretaniae : their Romanization and the imperial cult" is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. -
A Roman Town in Africa
A ROMAN TOWN IN AFRICA It is no doubt a truism to say that the ancient civilizations of Greece and Rome were based on the idea of the city state. Everyone would probably agree that it is possible to define the Roman Empire as a complex of municipalities, each one with its own government which administered the municipal property, had the right of jurisdiction over the citizens, and served as the agent of the central government for the collection of taxes and for various other purposes. Above these local units was the government of Rome, itself a municipality that had sur- rendered many of its sovereign rights to one man, the Emperor, and whose duty it was to protect the peace of the whole empire. It is this superstructure, the government of Rome, that has always engaged the special attention of students of ancient history. The lesser units, the municipalities, have never been studied as closely as they deserve to be. This is, indeed, a fact that is easily understood. Our chief sources of information, the writings of the Romans themselves, give heed only to what happened to the Roman state. The affairs of the provinces, when they did not directly affect the fortunes of Rome, were beneath notice. Yet the life of the provinces, and even the life of individual municipalities, is :certainly important for one who wishes to understand the social conditions of the Roman Empire. The affairs of these smaller units touched the lives of ordinary men infinitely more closely than did the affairs of Rome. If the central government saw to it that the inhabitants of the Empire were safe from the attacks of barbarians from without and of pirates and brigands from within, the life of the municipalities influenced all the more intimate relations of life, one's method of gaining a livelihood, one's social intercourse, one's pleasures. -
Why Did Claudius Annex Lycia?
ADALYA XIV, 2011 Why did Claudius Annex Lycia? Julian BENNETT* Introduction Generally speaking, the available ancient sources provide us with very little clue as to exactly what motivated individual Roman emperors to annex fresh territories and make them a part of Rome’s imperium. Thus the question as to why a particular region was appropriated by one of other emperor is more often than not a matter of speculation on the part of modern scholars, relying as they have to on individual interpretation of a somewhat limited ‘data-set’ rather than a concise series of clear-cut ‘facts’. This is not, or so it might seem at first sight, the case with the annexation of Lycia by Claudius in AD 43. The two ancient sources on the matter directly report that a state of ‘discord’ or ‘civic unrest’ motivated the decision to take control of a territory that had long been a compliant client state and firm ally of Rome1. Absolute belief in this ‘fact’ has a long history2, and is also the basic conclusion of the most recent discussion of the annexation of Lycia, as provided by Sencer Şahin and Mustafa Adak in their magisterial Stadiasmus Patarensis3. Indeed, these authors begin their analysis of the matter with the terse heading ‘Politische Instabilität auf der lykischen Halbinsel als wesentliches Motiv der Annexation’4. True, they do make a series of cursory remarks on other motives advanced by earlier scholars in connection with the annexation of the territory - the craving on the part of Claudius for ‘imperial glory’, best achieved through territorial expansion5; a desire on his part to extend his personal patronage;6 and perhaps even ‘fiscal advantages’7. -
Mauretania Lusitania Bond Issue
12 THE SUN, TUESDAY, AUGUST 12, 1913.' . LONG ACRE LIGHT GO. TO FIX FOXHALL KEEWE'S DEBT. Iteferee Demanded to Comitate Bam liar III I'ntber's Estate. WINS FIGHT FOR LIFE A motion for the appointment it a mm referee to compute the amount due by uost expeditious notiTR nwr.cT via risnauAitD. l'oxliall Kcenc, the polo player, to tho CUNARDBERLIN, VIENNA LONDON, PARIS, estate of his fnther, James It. Keene, to Fore- wns made yesterday before Supreme Court Th Steamers in tha World Edison Poople Lose Snlt Justice Crane In Hrooklyn. Fattest The action is brought In the name of close Mortgnge Covering WultcrTH. durncc, ns assignee of n mort-Kng- o from the executor. According to Mauretania Lusitania Bond Issue. the complaint, young Keene owed his OUEENSTOWN. FISHGUARD. LIVERPOOL. f Ta a, a a m a father approximately $130,000 nnd on UAafl an u t'AMPANlA. fli:iT. 1. 1 A. M. April, 100K, nave him a deed to eight par- IdeedYour MAURETANIA::. AUG. 26, 1 A.M. t'Altd.NlA ..SKIT. 3D. in A. M. W'estbury, IV 1., containing A THOUSAND MIUI TNKOUGH RCW cels of land at CAMPANIA Alt). 31. I A. M. "LUSITANIA . .SEPT. 1 A. M. TO BE forty deed to be MOUND'S SCENIC WONDf RUU i 24, BACK INTEREST PAID over acres, the considered LUSITANIA Sept 3, 1 A. M. a mortgage. ConnectlNi the Moit Famous Ritortl MAURETANIA . .OCT. 1, 1 A. M. The Indebtedness Is said to amount now tvMmtriea. CARMANIA...... MP IT. n. III A, H, to S17S.fiC4.93.