Canadian Journal of Archaeology Journal Canadien D'archéologie

Canadian Journal of Archaeology Journal Canadien d’Archéologie

SPECIAL ISSUE: UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY Guest Edited by Lisa Hodgetts and Laura Kelvin

Volume 44, 2020 • Issue 1 Canadian Journal of Archaeology / Journal Canadien d’Archéologie

Editor-in-Chief/Rédacteur en chef Associate Editor/Rédacteur adjoint John Creese Frédéric Dussault Department of Sociology and Anthropology [[email protected]] North Dakota State University Copy Editor/Réviseure Dept. 2350, PO Box 6050, Aleksa Alaica Fargo, ND, USA 58108-6050 Department of Anthropology, Ph: (701) 231-7434 University of Toronto [[email protected]] [[email protected]] Editorial Assistant/Adjointe à la rédaction Book Review Editor/Rédactrice des comptes rendus Cheryl Takahashi Katherine Patton Takahashi Design Anthropology Building, University of Toronto 4358 Island Hwy. S. 19 Russell Street, Toronto, ON M5S 2S2 Courtenay, BC V9N 9R9 Ph: (416) 946-3589 Ph: (250) 650-3766; [[email protected]] [[email protected]]

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD / COMITÉ CONSULTATIF DE RÉDACTION

• Arctic—Peter Dawson, Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary • Subarctic—Scott Hamilton, Department of Anthropology, Lakehead University • Pacific Northwest—Alan McMillan, Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University • Prairie Region—Jack Brink, Royal Alberta Museum, Edmonton • Ontario—Neal Ferris, Department of Anthropology, University of Western Ontario • Quebec—André Costopoulos, Department of Anthropology, McGill University • Atlantic—Michael Deal, Department of Archaeology, Memorial University of Newfoundland • Historical Archaeology—Catherine Losier, Department of Archaeology, Memorial University of Newfoundland • First Nations Issues—Eldon Yellowhorn, Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University • Archaeological Heritage Management—Paul Thibaudeau, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Carleton University

CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION BOARD OF DIRECTORS / LE CONSEIL DE DIRECTION DE L’ASSOCIATION CANADIENNE D’ARCHÉOLOGIE

President/Présidente Past-President/Président sortant Lisa Hodgetts Michael Deal Department of Anthropology Department of Archaeology Western University Memorial University London, ON N6A 3K7 St. John’s, NL A2C 5S7 [[email protected]] [[email protected]]

Vice-President/Vice-présidente Secretary-Treasurer/Secrétaire-trésorière Sara Beanlands Joanne Braaten Boreas Heritage Consulting Inc. Canadian Archaeological Association 46 Arlington Ave. Aspen Woods Postal Outlet Halifax, NS B3N 2A1 Box 15075, Calgary, AB T3H 0N8 [[email protected]] [[email protected]]

ISSN 0705–2006 Printed in Canada © Canadian Archaeological Association 2020

Cover image: Maggie and Billie Jararuse and their daughter Billie-Jean Tuglavina (at left) stand on the remains of their family home in Hebron. Image courtesy of Michelle Davies. Canadian Journal of Archaeology Journal Canadien d’Archéologie Volume 44(1) • 2020

SPECIAL ISSUE: UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY Guest Edited by Lisa Hodgetts and Laura Kelvin

ARTICLES Unsettling Archaeology Laura Kelvin and Lisa Hodgetts...... 1 Broadening #MeToo: Tracking Dynamics in Canadian Archaeology Through a Survey on Experiences Within the Discipline Lisa Hodgetts, Kisha Supernant, Natasha Lyons, and John R. Welch...... 20 Community-Sourced Archaeology and Relinquishing the Inception of Research Joshua Dent...... 48 Unsettled Archaeology with a Resettled Community: Practicing Memory, Identity, and Archaeology in Hebron Michelle Tari Davies...... 66 Strength-Based Approaches to Involving Inuit Youth in Archaeological Research Laura Kelvin, Emma Gilheany, Nicholas Flowers, Denver Edmunds, Mackenzie Frieda, Claire Igloliorte, Halle Lucy, and John Piercy...... 83 Unsettling the Archaeology Field School: Development of a Community Engaged Model at the University of Northern British Columbia Farid Rahemtulla...... 105 Do My Braids Look Different? Indigenous Identity in Archaeology Danii Desmarais...... 133

Laura Kelvin Unsettling Archaeology Canadian Journal ofArchaeology/JournalCanadien d’Archéologie44:1–19 logy aresoentrenchedandpervasive, change the unequalpowerrelationswithin archaeo- that govern and support our work. Because them withinourselvesandthe institutions tures andsociety.Wemuststart byaddressing misogyny inCanadiansettler colonial struc- deeply embedded colonialism, racism, and and anti-mysogynist,wemustaddressthe archaeology that is anti-colonial, anti-racist, building strong futures. To movetowardsan learning, feeling,relinquishingcontrol,and they encompassthemesoftruth,listening, illustrated in the papers in this special issue, their ownexperiences,andthecontext.As unique relationshipstosettlercolonialism, participant, dependingonindividuals’ differently withineachprojectandfor of ourlives.Unsettlingparadigmsplayout the waysweparticipateinit,allaspects our relationships to settler colonialism and They requireustoacknowledgeandconfront lation governingprivatesectorarchaeology. of government,andheritagepolicylegis- ding universities,museums,differentlevels structures ourworkoperatesthrough,inclu- work wedoasarchaeologists,butalsothe Unsettling approachestargetnotonlythe and ensurethatitbenefitsonlyaselectfew. continue topermeatearchaeologicalwork disrupt thesettlercolonialfoundationsthat unsettling researchparadigms,whichaimto LGBTQ2S+ communitymembers.Wecallfor People, BlackPeopleofColour,and people inthepresent,especiallyIndigenous often oppressingbothpeopleofthepastand and remainsatoolforsettlercolonialism, to archaeology. Archaeology is aproduct of Canada andargueforunsettlingapproaches settler colonialismpermeatesarchaeologyin cial issue,weexaminesomeofthewaysthat Abstract. Inthisintroductiontothespe- † andLisaHodgetts ‡ ‡ † teur privé.Ellesnousobligentàreconnaître la législationrégissant l’archéologie du sec- ment, ainsi que la politique du patrimoine et musées, lesdifférentsniveauxdegouverne- fonctionne, notammentlesuniversités, aussi lesstructuresparlesquellesnotretravail nous faisonsentantqu’archéologues,mais lisantes nevisentpasseulementletravailque quelques privilégiés.Cesapprochesdéstabi- faire ensortequecelui-cineprofitequ’à d’imprégner letravailarchéologique,età peuplement, une fondation qui continue perturber les fondations de la colonie de de recherchedéstabilisantsquivisentà LGBTQ2S+. Nous réclamons des paradigmes couleur etlesmembresdelacommunauté peuples autochtones, lesNoirs, lesgens de passé etlesgensduprésent,enparticulier peuplement opprimantàlafoislesgensdu et demeure un outil du colonialisme de l’archéologie. L’archéologieestunproduit des approchestypiquedanslemilieude nous en appelonsàunedéstabilisation imprègne l’archéologie au Canada et des façonsdontlacoloniedepeuplement numéro spécial, nous examinons certaines Résumé. Danscetteintroductionàce acting. table), questioning,andmostimportantly, feeling (particularlywhenwefeeluncomfor- commitment toanongoingcycleoflearning, may comeslowly.Itwillinvolvelong-term Department ofAnthropology,Social Science Department ofAnthropology,432Fletcher [[email protected]] University ofManitoba,Winnipeg, MB Argue Building,15ChancellorCircle, London, ON Centre, TheUniversityofWestern Ontario, N6A 5C2[[email protected]] (2020) R3T 2N2

Article 2 • KELVIN & HODGETTS et à confronter nos relations avec la colonie publicly voiced their opposition to the de peuplement et les façons dont nous y par- construction of the Coastal GasLink ticipons, dans tous les aspects de notre vie. pipeline through their unceded ter- Les paradigmes déstabilisants varient au sein ritory after they were left out of the de chaque projet et pour chaque participant, en fonction des relations uniques des indivi- consultation processes. The federal dus avec la colonie de peuplement, de leurs government’s initial failure to work propres expériences et du contexte. Comme with the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs l’illustrent les articles de ce numéro spécial, to address their concerns, and their elles englobent les thèmes de la vérité, de approach to signing a Memorandum of l’écoute, de l’apprentissage, des sentiments, Understanding with the Wet’suwet’en de l’abandon du contrôle et de la construc- shows a lack of understanding of the tion d’un avenir solide. Pour évoluer vers problems created by imposed colonial une archéologie anticoloniale, antiraciste forms of governance—an understanding et anti-misogyne, nous devons répondre au colonialisme, au racisme et à la misogynie qui that is required for reconciliation. The sont profondément ancrés dans les structures federal government’s support for the coloniales et dans la société canadienne. pipeline and use of the RCMP to push Nous devons commencer par les aborder the pipeline to realization show that their en nous-mêmes et au sein des institutions interest in reconciliation is a façade. qui gouvernent et soutiennent notre travail. Since March, Canadians have seen Puisque les relations inégales de pouvoir au the COVID-19 pandemic disrupt our sein de l’archéologie sont tellement ancrées daily lives. It continues to kill thou- et omniprésentes, le changement se fera sands and strain the world’s healthcare lentement. Il impliquera un engagement à long terme dans un cycle continu d’appren- systems. It is bringing global and local tissage, de sentiment (en particulier lorsque inequalities into sharp focus as it dispro- nous nous sentons mal à l’aise), de remise en portionately impacts communities made question et, surtout, d’action. most vulnerable by poverty, systemic racism, and oppression. Within Canada, wenty-twenty has brought to settler colonialism has created a system Tthe public eye many horrendous of poor access to adequate housing reminders of the inequities in Canadian and health care for Indigenous people, society and around the world. Many creating the potential for rapid spread archaeologists have long recognized the with little access to treatment. This is settler colonial structure of archaeology compounded by the fact that easily pre- and the inequalities in the discipline. ventable diseases like tuberculosis that As the events of 2020 continue to bring exacerbate the symptoms of COVID- attention to injustices and structural 19 are still prevalent in Indigenous oppression in the land now called comunities. Likewise, anti-Black racism Canada, we are forcefully reminded of shapes the types of jobs Black people our relationships with these structures. have access to, where they live, their We are likewise reminded that to truly income levels, and limits their access to address these problems in archaeology health care, all of which create high risk we must also challenge the structures in conditions for Black people. There is a Canada that underlie them. lack of race-based COVID-19 data for The year began with blockades and Canada, but data from the United States protests in support of the hereditary show that Black people are dispropor- chiefs of the Wet’suwet’en Nation, who tionately affected because of these same

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY • 3 factors (O. Bowden 2020). Many “essen- and People of Colour (BIPOC) to share tial workers”, some of whom have the their experiences of racism and call for greatest risk of exposure at work, are in justice in response to police brutality and low- and under-paying jobs, with grocery for the dismantling of oppressive, racist store clerks probably the most oft-cited systems. example. Health care workers make up These events have disrupted many of a large proportion of cases. In Canada, the systems and structures of Canada, women currently make up 80% of the and as people hope for a return to health workforce (Bourgeault et al. “normal” as quickly as possible, many 2018), and workers in nursing homes question why we would want to return and long-term care are predominantly to the pre-COVID status quo and are women of colour (Das Gupta 2020), put- calling for new systems and structures ting them at higher risk. that promote equity and justice. It is More recently, protests are taking our hope that these national and inter- place in Canada (in person and online) national events of 2020, in highlighting that draw attention to the death of all of these inequities, will prompt social unarmed Black and Indigenous people and structural change, both within at the hands of police. These protests archaeology and across Turtle Island. are the result of a demand for answers Applying unsettling approaches, which surrounding the suspicious death of aim to disrupt the reciprocal relation- Regis Korchinski-Paquet, a 29-year-old ship between settler colonialism and Indigenous-Black Toronto resident, research, to our work as archaeologists is when police were called to her apart- one way to work towards change. ment. The protests are happening in The papers in this special issue were solidarity with the Black Lives Matter/ part of a session titled “Unsettling anti-police brutality protests exploding Archaeology” that we organized at the across the United States, which came to fifty-first Annual Meeting of the Cana- a boiling point following the killing of dian Archaeological Association in Win- George Floyd, an unarmed Black man, nipeg in 2018. We invited contributions at the hands of Minneapolis police, and identifying areas where archaeological the killing of Breonna Taylor, a Black practice and knowledge construction woman sleeping in her own home, at the continue to marginalize and oppress hands of Louisville police. These move- some elements of the population, and ments are also calling attention to the contributions that promote social and long history of police violence against structural change. The full day session Indigenous people in Canada, includ- showcased a wide range of important ing the killing of at least eight Indig- research encompassing the themes enous people in Canada—Jason Collins, of colonialism, heteropatriarchy, and Eishia Hudson, Stewart Kevin Andrews, interpretive biases. The papers in this Everett Patrick, Abraham Natanine, special issue build on decades of earlier Chantel Moore, Rodney Levi, and Regis work by archaeologists to identify and Korchinski-Paquet—within the span of counter power imbalances within our three months during the spring of 2020. discipline and the ways we practice. Resulting media attention to systemic Because they are interwoven with struc- racism in this country has provided a tural inequalities within broader society, platform for many Black, Indigenous, these imbalances are difficult to shift

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 4 • KELVIN & HODGETTS and require unsettling paradigms that qualities are deeply embedded in the work to disrupt settler colonialism, not Canadian settler colonial nation state. just in archaeology, but also in the struc- Settler colonialism is a distinct mode of tures it is facilitated through, including colonialism, where colonizers arrive at universities, museums, government and a place with the intention of making it the private sector. An underlying theme their permanent home, thereby laying in these papers is that to do unsettling claim to the land and asserting settler work, we must unsettle ourselves and sit sovereignty over all things in their new with discomfort as we learn about our domain (Tuck and Yang 2012). Unlike privileges and the ways our actions and exogenous forms of colonialism that complacencies contribute to systems of revolve around the selective expropria- oppression. tion of resources and rely on Indigenous While there are commonalities in populations to extract them, settler terms of the structural nature of the colonialism is maintained by the logic injustices highlighted in the papers in of elimination; in order for settlers to this issue, we must be careful not to occupy the land, they must ultimately frame all experiences of oppression as erase its Indigenous inhabitants. Settler equivalent. It is important to acknowl- colonialism in Canada also relied on the edge that decolonizing is a distinct move- exploitation of enslaved Black and Indig- ment and cannot be subsumed under enous people. Wolfe (2006) points out other social justice movements, since that settler colonialism acts as an endur- the fight against other forms of injustice ing structure, not an event, meaning it can still invoke Others (women, People is not a historical moment of conquest of Colour, members of the LGBTQ2S+ but an ongoing form of occupation community, among others) as settlers, through the enduring social, political, making their struggle about gaining and economic structures built by invad- more equal access to the rights of white ing people (Grimwood and Johnson settlers (Smith 2006). These movements 2019; Kauanui 2016; Tuck and Yang need to happen in conversation with one 2012; Wolfe 2006). Colonialism, then, is another, and the settler colonial struc- not “temporally contained in the arrival ture of Canada needs to be recognized of the settler but is reasserted each day and addressed within all movements of occupation” (Tuck and Yang 2012:5). (Fortier 2017). We must continually Racism, white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, and capitalism are forms of check our aspirations against the oppression woven into settler colonial- aspirations of other communities ism. Everyone living in a settler colonial to ensure that our model of libera- context has a relationship with settler tion does not become the model colonialism—one can benefit from set- of oppression for others [Smith tler colonialism, be oppressed by it, or 2006: 408]. both benefit from and be oppressed by it, simultaneously. Everyone living in set- An Abridged Account of Canadian tler colonial contexts is both racialized Settler Colonialism and Archaeology and gendered (Arvin et al. 2013). Settler Canadians love to promote Canada as colonizers are Eurocentric, believing friendly and peaceful, when in fact, they have ethnic and moral superiority white supremacy and systemic ine- and this superiority is inevitable and

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY • 5 natural (Cox 2017). Although white establishment of Canada. The Canadian supremacy and racism are products of peacemaker myth carries on today with settler colonialism and are prevalent a new storyline about achieving recon- in Canada, it is important to note that ciliation between the settler majority “racial domination is reproduced dif- and Indigenous people (Dhillon 2017; ferently based on relations of inequality Regan 2010:84). This myth is also used over time” (Rotz 2017:159). The forms to silence the experiences of oppression of oppression experienced by BIPOC in of Black people and People of Colour in Canada vary. Settler colonialism relies Canada. on heteropatriarchy1 and heteropater- Archaeology is both a product of set- nalism2 because these serve as the model tler colonialism and a tool for settler for social arrangements of the state and colonialism (Atalay 2006; Smith 1999). its institutions. Heteropatriarchy and In Canada, the discipline emerged from heteropaternalism undermine and erase colonial exploration and expansion, and traditional Indigenous structures of is based on Western scientific thought government, kinship, and gender roles and understandings of time and space. (Arvin et al. 2013). They also oppress It has remained a colonial tool since. It women, non-binary people, and mem- has worked in a variety of ways to sever bers of the LGBTQ2S+ community, and the tie between Indigenous peoples and can be harmful to straight cisgender their past, contributing to the erasure of men. contemporary Indigenous people. Ini- Settlers participating in settler colo- tially, it was used to discredit Indigenous nialism are able to render their coloniza- titles to land and justify colonization tion invisible in a variety of ways, mainly (Sayre 1998). As archaeology evolved, through law and narrative, to the point it invoked a scientific approach, claim- where their connections and “rights” to ing objectivity to gain authority over the the land go unquestioned (Regan 2010). past. Archaeology continued to sever the Regan (2010) argues that the myth of tie between Indigenous people and their Canada as the benevolent peacemaker past by removing Indigenous material is the bedrock of settler identity. In this culture and ancestors from Indigenous narrative, settlers are cast as lands without permission, interpreting Indigenous histories without Indigenous neutral arbiters of British law and input under the guise of objectivity, justice who negotiated treaties and failing to share research results and implemented Indian policy with Indigenous communities (Deloria intended to bestow upon Indige- 1969; Steeves 2015a, 2015b; Weetaluktuk nous people the generous benefits 1978; Yellowhorn 2002). These same or gifts of peace, order, good gov- arguments for scientific objectivity have ernment, and Western education been used to deny Black People access to [Regan 2010:83]. their past through archaeology (Battle- Baptiste 2011). Part of the success of this narrative can The settler colonial, heteropatriar- be attributed to the way it contrasts with chal and heteropaternalistic foundations narratives of the violent colonization of of archaeology not only oppress people what is now the United States. This con- today, they also oppress and colonize trast is seen as evidence of the peaceful people of the past. The historic domina-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 6 • KELVIN & HODGETTS tion of archaeology by white, straight, their training at higher rates than men cisgender men created an interpretive (Jalbert 2019; Overholtzer and Jalbert gaze based on Eurocentric and het- 2020; Society for American Archaeol- eronormative values (Franklin 1997; ogy [SAA] 2016). Likewise, BIPOC are Slocum 1975), which was passed on to under-represented in archaeology in many women and BIPOC archaeologists North America relative to the popula- trained by the people who created it tion at large (Jalbert 2019; Odewale et al. (Slocum 1975). It led to a focus on elite 2018; SAA 2016). Many indicators sug- men of the past and resulted in inter- gest that women are disadvantaged com- pretations that overlooked people of pared to men in the discipline, including different socio-economic backgrounds, their lower rates of lead-authorship, children, women, and members of the publication in top-tier journals, cita- LGBTQ2S+ community, to name a few. tion, grant submission, hiring at PhD Archaeology has been used in many ways granting institutions, and holding CRM to reproduce and uphold racist colonial permits (e.g., Bardolph 2018; Fulkerson narratives of Indigenous people and and Tushingham 2019; Goldstein et al. whitewash recent history of this land 2018; Hutson 2002; Jalbert 2019; Speak- (Kelvin 2017). For instance, the divide man et al. 2018; Tushingham et al. between “prehistoric” and “historic” 2017). Though the experiences of archaeology, where the former focuses BIPOC and members of the LGBTQ2S+ on Indigenous history and the latter community are less well-studied, there primarily on the European history of is a growing body of research demon- settler colonial states like Canada (Con- strating that they are also marginalized dori 1989; Lightfoot 1995; Little 1994), in North American archaeology. There creates the illusion that Indigenous is a telling correlation between journal people disappeared after contact. The prestige and the proportion of authors word “prehistory” also insinuates that who are straight, white, cisgender men Indigenous people did not have his- (Heath-Stout 2020). There is also a tory prior to the arrival of Europeans. strong pattern in North American Historic archaeology has, until recently, archaeology of harassment targeting also largely glossed over the multi-ethnic women and LGBTQ2S+ community nature of many spaces (Lightfoot 1995). members (Hodgetts et al. this issue; Although the demographics of Meyers et al. 2015; Meyers et al. 2018; archaeologists have been changing in Radde 2018; VanDerwarker et al. 2018), recent decades, women, BIPOC, and and women and BIPOC graduate stu- members of the LGBTQ2S+ community dents have been underserved by their are still under-represented and face sys- advisors and mentors (Brown 2018). temic barriers throughout their archae- Clearly, despite increasing representa- ology careers. Where data exist for North tion in the discipline, women, BIPOC, America, women make up the majority and LGBTQ2S+ archaeologists still face of archaeology students at all levels, and significant challenges. account for close to or over half of early Over the last 50 years, archaeology in career archaeologists. However, they Canada has transformed. Indigenous, are considerably outnumbered by men feminist, and other civil rights move- at mid-career and senior levels and are ments spoke up against power structures leaving the discipline during and after inherent in archaeology (Deloria 1969;

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY • 7

Franklin 1997; Slocum 1975), spark- ing the history of Indigenous people. ing ongoing changes to the way we Ten years later, community-based think about and conduct archaeologi- approaches continue to gain ground in cal research and create archaeological the field and have become much more knowledge (Bruchac 2014; McNiven commonplace. However, they remain and Connaughton 2014; Nicholas 2010; far from the standard. We still have Watkins and Nicholas 2014). Numerous much work to address the wrongdoings projects have aimed to reduce colonial, and harms of past and present archae- racial, and gendered power imbalances ologists. Archaeology as a whole remains in our research practice and interpreta- deeply colonial, racist, and heteronor- tions (e.g., Martindale and Lyons 2014; mative. We need to change the way we Nicholas and Andrews 1997). Indig- think about decolonizing archaeology. enous consultation and heritage rights For the most part, archaeologists have are being built into law and permitting aimed to decolonize archaeology with- processes in Canada. Many archaeolo- out challenging Canada’s settler colo- gists are also applying different ways of nial framework, which is premised on knowing to interpret the past, such as the appropriation of Indigenous lands. Indigenous knowledge systems (Atalay We contend that to make substantial 2006, 2008), Black feminist theory changes to the discipline, archaeology (Battle-Baptiste 2011), and Queer theory needs to be understood more broadly (Walley 2019). within the context of settler colonialism, At the heart of many of these move- and we need to ask ourselves: Can we ments are a growing number of projects really change archaeology without changing that apply community-based approaches3 the structures it operates within? that aim to decolonize archaeology by Tuck and Yang (2012) point out that engaging descendant and local commu- true decolonization requires repatria- nities, including BIPOC, in its practice. tion of life and land. When many settlers, They endeavour to make archaeological including settlers in academia, talk research meaningful through com- about decolonization, this is not what munity involvement in the design and they are talking about. Tuck and Yang implementation of the research project, (2012) argue that decolonization has, and the interpretation and dissemina- in many aspects, become a metaphor, tion of results. There is no one theory which re-centres whiteness and main- or method undertaken in community- tains settler futures. Decolonization based projects, as all communities have rhetoric within settler circles can some- their own histories and their own pres- times further colonization by working ent realities, so the appropriate theories to pacify Indigenous people enough and methods depend on who is involved that settlers can carry on the status quo. and the context of the research (Atalay Some Indigenous scholars assert that 2008; Colwell-Chanthaphon et al. 2010). decolonization has been co-opted by Despite these efforts, archaeology still universities, researchers, and academ- has a long way to go. In 2010, Nicholas ics, and prefer the idea of Indigeniz- argued for an end to community-based ing over decolonizing. Their approach archaeology as a distinct form of the dis- involves adopting and adapting Western cipline, suggesting that in fact it should methods under Indigenous paradigms be the norm for any project investigat- (Wilson 2008). Where decolonization

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 8 • KELVIN & HODGETTS strips away ideas and structural forms of A reality of community-based oppression imposed through colonial- approaches and decolonizing initiatives ism, Indigenization aims to build a world is that most lie somewhere in between that centres Indigenous people (Kovach their most optimistic aims and cynical 2009; Nanibush and Sinclair 2019; Sin- criticisms. The field has made strides clair 2003). to make the discipline more inclusive An optimistic look at community- and level the colonial power structures. based approaches is that they seek to Although it is important to recognize minimize colonial and other power this and acknowledge the hard work of imbalances that are present in archaeo- Indigenous communities and activists, as logical practice by applying and respect- well as archaeologists (both settler and ing the experiences and epistemologies Indigenous) who have worked tirelessly of Indigenous, descendent, and/or to make the changes we have seen so far, stakeholder communities (Atalay 2008). we need to make sure that these gains do A cynical look at community-based not work as a distraction. Feminists have approaches is that they are used as a tool used the internet meme #NotAllMen to help relieve settler archaeologists’ to demonstrate the way people derail guilt, so they can carry on their research discussions about misogyny and violence without making substantial changes to against women by pointing out that not the structures that make archaeology all men are perpetrators. Similarly, we colonial. Regan (2010:11) argues that have witnessed the derailment of discus- colonial forms of denial, guilt, and sions of the work that needs to be done empathy, act as barriers to socio-political within archaeology by archaeologists change because Canadians want to insisting that the discipline has changed relieve these feelings rather than look a lot and we need to celebrate that. closely at ourselves and the collective This #NotAllArchaeologists rhetoric responsibility we bear for the colonial distracts from the fact that colonialism status quo. Archaeologists who state is alive and well in archaeology, even they are implementing decolonizing within archaeology projects that aim to approaches to their work have been decolonize. criticized by both Indigenous commu- Community-based approaches alone nity members (Hodgetts and Kelvin cannot decolonize archaeology, as 2020) and other archaeologists (La Salle archaeology continues to operate within 2010; La Salle and Hutchings 2016) for settler colonial structures. The non- co-opting decolonizing methodologies inclusive, oppressive, and colonizing to neutralize the Indigenous threat nature of archaeology is reproduced to archaeological research by allow- and compounded by the settler colonial ing Indigenous people access to their institutions through which it is prac- material culture, giving them a say in ticed, including universities (Desmarais research design, and access to research this issue; Grande 2018), museums results, etc., so that they can carry on (Lonetree 2012; Smith 2011), archives their research unquestioned. Similar to (Griffith 2018), different levels of gov- the myth of Canada as the benevolent ernment (Dent 2019, this issue), and by peacemaker, they argue that archaeolo- the legislation that governs private sector gists use the metaphor of decolonization archaeology (McNivan and Connaugh- to maintain the future of archaeology. ton 2018; Steeves 2015a).

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY • 9

Unsettling Approaches to Archaeology requires upholding Indigenous rights Unsettling research paradigms aim to to self-determination with respect to disrupt settler colonization in academic cultural heritage. All unsettling work work. These approaches do not just also involves working together to build target work we do as archaeologists, strong futures. As Michelle Davies points but also the structures our work oper- out in her paper on her ongoing work ates through. They also require us to with Nunatsiavummiut, an unsettling acknowledge and confront our relation- approach is itself unsettled; always in ships to settler colonialism and the ways flux because the future of archaeology is we participate in it in all aspects of our shaped by those we are working with, so lives (Fortier 2017). They emphasize the there will never be a single method, even work that must be done by white settler within the same project. scholars to make archaeology actively We can come to truth by listening anti-racist, anti-misogynist, and anti- and giving voice to people’s experiences. colonial, and to create space for other Lisa Hodgetts and her co-authors share ways of knowing, being, and conducting the results of a survey documenting research, including those of Indigenous experiences of discrimination, harass- people, Black People, People of Colour, ment, and violence among Canadian and members of the LGBTQ2S+ com- archaeologists in the course of their munity. These paradigms engage with work and study. The results add weight criticisms of decolonization rhetoric, to anecdotal accounts of discrimination and support and promote the Indigeni- and other negative experiences in the zation of archaeology and the structures discipline, clearly demonstrating that that facilitate it. Unsettling paradigms women and early career archaeolo- will mean different things to different gists are disproportionately impacted. people and play out differently within Denver Edmunds, Nicholas Flowers, each project and for each participant, Claire Igloliorte, Halle Lucy, Mackenzie depending on individuals’ unique rela- Frieda, and John Piercy, the Nunatsia- tionships to settler colonialism, their vummiut co-authors of “Strength-based own experiences, and the context. Approaches to Involving Inuit Youth in The unsettling work of the papers Archaeological Research”, highlight the in this issue happens through common need for researchers to teach themselves themes that flow through them in dif- the truth about Inuit communities and ferent ways. Truth forms the basis for all the lives of Inuit before starting research such work. Identifying and acknowledg- in Nunatsiavut—showing how not knowing the deeply entrenched and overlap- ing the truth and failing to engage with ping inequities in our society, and the these realities can lead to further harm. ways in which they permeate our practice Danii Desmarais speaks her truth as a as archaeologists so that we knowingly white-passing Indigenous archaeolo- or unknowingly perpetuate them, is an gist—sharing her own experience to call important step in reshaping archaeology attention to the problems and contradic- along more equitable lines. We come to tions faced by Indigenous archaeologists truth through listening, learning, and learning in a colonial university setting. feeling. Relinquishing control is key Her work demonstrates that it is impera- to the decolonizing aspects of unset- tive that archaeologists listen and learn tling archaeology, since decolonization from her experiences, as well as the

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 10 • KELVIN & HODGETTS experiences of other archaeologists from logical knowledge and Indigenous marginalized groups. knowledge, recognizing the potential Truth can also be something we of experiential archaeology to bridge learn—through our own mistakes and these knowledges, and creating oppor- those of others. Michelle Davies’ paper tunities for informal social interactions discusses the way Labrador Inuit com- between students and other community munity members reshaped communitymembers. His experiences highlight the based archaeological research at the importance of always being willing to resettled community of Hebron. She learn and change. shares her own journey as an outsider to As Danii Desmarais illustrates in docu- better understand the values and wishes menting her journey as an archaeology of the community. By listening and student coming to terms with her Indig- learning from community members, she enous roots, truth means feeling even created a project that steered away from when it does not feel good. Her work excavation and the removal of artifacts highlights the need to unsettle ourselves; from the site, things she had initially ask ourselves hard questions about our presumed were essential components own motivations and actions. Unset- of a community archaeology project. In ting archaeology means grappling with sharing her mistakes, she provides an uncomfortable topics: discrimination, opportunity for other outsider scholars racism, colonial erasures, transgenera- working with communities to learn from tional violence, and the part we play in them. Laura Kelvin and co-authors share maintaining them. that learning the truth does not mean Unsettling also means that archae- just focusing on oppression. Learning ologists must relinquish control, which about the culture and strengths of Nun- requires looking beyond what we find atsiavummiut and building research interesting as researchers and asking projects that build on these strengths what is important to the community. also helps decentre whiteness and build It may also mean looking beyond strong futures for Nunatsiavummiut and what is archaeologically important. To their communities. do this, we must build projects with Farid Rahemtulla shares his experi- Descendent communities, as we see in ences of organizing 13 University of the Nunatsiavut examples described by Northern British Columbia (UNBC) Davies and Kelvin and colleagues, and archaeology field schools in partnership in the UNBC field schools outlined by with several different First Nations in Rahemtulla. We also need to build ways interior and coastal British Columbia. to make this happen. Josh Dent’s paper Charting the evolution of these courses describes the development of the Heron over more than a decade, he highlights Research Portal, a web-based platform lessons learned along the way about how designed to allow communities to share to make these experiences more valu- their research objectives with poten- able and meaningful for the Indigenous tial academic research partners. This and non-Indigenous students and the model strives to centre Indigenous and partnering First Nations. These insights Descendent community interests and include the importance of having a flex- desires, allowing them to drive research ible approach to evaluating course work, and framing academic archaeology as placing equal importance on archaeo- service-oriented. He argues that legisla-

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY • 11 tion governing commercial archaeol- work with, as illustrated by Kelvin and ogy, which requires the retention and co-authors and Rahemtulla, must be preservation of archaeological materials, part of all aspects of our work. Archae- assumes that the value of these materials ologists must focus on how we can reori- lies in their study and interpretation by ent archaeology, the study of the past, archaeologists. This approach priori- towards the future. We cannot just ask: tizes Western research paradigms over Who do our unsettling paradigms help? We Indigenous and Descendant community should also ask: Who do they hurt? What worldviews and produces a very colonial are the potential future repercussions of this system wherein “expert” archaeologists line of work? manage access to the material heritage of Indigenous and Descendant commu- Unsettling Ourselves so We Can nities. The Portal is an attempt to allow Unsettle the Structures We Work Within these communities to direct research by To make archaeology anti-colonial, anti- academic archaeologists on their mate- racist, and anti-mysogynist, we need to rial heritage, which is excavated in large address the deeply embedded colonial- volumes by commercial archaeologists ism, racism and white supremacy, and and usually stored with little further misogyny in Canadian settler colonial study. structures and society. To do this we Unsettling also involves working must start with ourselves and the institu- together to build strong futures, which tions we work within. We need to work can help to heal archaeology and move in a continual cycle of learning, feeling, beyond its colonial underpinnings. questioning, and most importantly, This begins with identifying the failures acting. within our discipline—as highlighted As Canadian archaeologists, however by Hodgetts and colleagues and Desma- we identify, we must begin by learn- rais—by listening to and learning from ing the true settler colonial history of the experiences of oppressed groups. Canada, the enduring settler colonial It involves developing ways to support structures and systems of oppression communities in building research pro- that resulted from it, and the present grams that are valuable and meaningful realities of the full range of people who to them, approaches illustrated in the are oppressed by them. We also need to articles by Dent, Davies, Kelvin and co- learn how to become good allies. We can authors, and Rahemtulla. It also means start by listening to and acknowledging rethinking how we teach archaeology. friends, family, and colleagues when they We cannot hide from the uncomfort- want to share stories of their experiences able past of our discipline and the ways of oppression and ideas of how things it oppresses people in the present. We can be changed. However, it is unfair must look to the future to create more and harmful to expect those who are meaningful, lasting change. Youth, both marginalized to take on the labour and within archaeology and the communities burden of teaching us. Instead, we must we engage with, should be an important educate ourselves and our peers, and focus. Acknowledging and teaching the hold each other accountable (Ault 2020; past and present failings of archaeol- Bodwen 2020; Roberts 2020). There are ogy, and celebrating the heritage and countless peer-reviewed publications contributions of the diverse groups we that illuminate oppression in the colo-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 12 • KELVIN & HODGETTS nial nation state of Canada; however, as OR are actually aimed to unsettle and discussed above, academia is oppressive change the systems of power (Swiftwolfe for many communities and can stifle 2019). We also need to question, analyse, or silence experiences of BIPOC and and unlearn our own biases, beliefs, and members of the LGBTQ2S+ community. misconceptions (D. Bowden 2020). These experiences do not need to be Most importantly, we must continually peer-reviewed to be valid. We should act on what we learn and feel—silence is look beyond traditional academic out- another form of violence. As archaeolo- lets, to blogs, websites, podcasts, and gists, many of us have a platform within other media, where people can freely our institutions and other workplaces, share their experiences, feelings, and and more broadly within the community ideas. As we learn, we must not only learn as “experts” on issues around heritage. about the oppression these communities We have an ethical responsibility to use face. Learning about their strengths and what power and privilege we have to pro- accomplishments also helps decentre mote change. There are many actions we whiteness and heteronormality. Learn- can take towards unsettling archaeology ing is an ongoing process—we must (cf. Ault 2020; D. Bowden 2020; Roberts never stop listening and learning. 2020; Swiftwolfe 2019). Some ways we To do unsettling work, we ourselves can start are to: must feel unsettled. In dealing with social injustice, we often make “moves • Acknowledge the role governments, to innocence”, finding ways to distance universities, museums, archives and ourselves from “involvement in and our legal system (or other institu- culpability for systems of domination” tions or structures we work within) (Mawhinney 1998:17). One such move play in settler colonialism, and involves pointing to injustices that we oppressing BIPOC and members of ourselves experience, often referred the LGBTQ2S+ community. to as participating in the “Oppression • Provide space and support for Olympics”, which decentres those expe- BIPOC and LGBTQ2S+ community rienced by others. Learning about the members in our workplaces and ways we contribute to the oppression of communities. For those of us who others (knowingly or unknowingly) can are not members of these groups, be sad, uncomfortable, emotional, and this will likely involve giving up painful, but we must embrace discom- power. fort, as it is a vital part of understanding • Hire BIPOCs and members of the how we can be better allies. LGBTQ2S+ community. We need to question our motivations • Those of us who work in higher and our actions. Latham Thomas coined education can diversify our cur- the term “optical allyship” to describe riculum. This helps amplify mar- superficial participation in social justice ginalized voices, and shows students movements, often for self-gratification from all backgrounds that there is a and to boast the “ally” (Saad 2020). We place for them in archaeology and must continually ask ourselves whether academia. our actions simply serve to demonstrate • Learn to recognize and address that we care, to help us gain funding for microaggressions in our places of our projects, or do something popular, work.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY • 13

• Actively recruit under-represented BIPOC, members of the LGBTQ2S+ com- groups into our discipline through munity, and women, we must be careful outreach, which will likely be most not to frame all experiences of injustice effective if targeted at school-aged and oppression as homogeneous. We students. must ensure that advocating for some • Acknowledge and appreciate the does not oppress others (Arvin et al. knowledge, time, and emotional 2013; Smith 2006). As Canada is a settler labour members from these com- colonial nation state built on Indigenous munities devote to educating lands and the oppression and genocide others. of Indigenous people, the dismantling • Recognize BIPOC and LGBTQ2S+ of settler colonial structures should be community ownership, control, a theme for discussion in all social jus- access, and possession of their infor- tice movements and for all models of mation, knowledge, experiences, liberation. We also need to be cautious and stories. and conscientious in our use of terms like • Promote more members of these “reconciliation” and “decolonization” to communities in leadership posi- ensure that they do not become meta- tions. phors that work as moves to innocence. • Develop relationships and col- As Canadian archaeologists act, we laborate with members of these will make mistakes. We must listen to communities, within and outside of criticisms of our actions, feel the weight academia, to conduct research that of these criticisms, and learn from them. amplifies their voices and creates As white, upper middle class, cisgen- change. der women academics of settler and • Get involved in local politics. unknown Indigenous heritage (Laura), • Use our platform to teach what we and settler heritage (Lisa), we have have learned, but also be willing to made, and will continue to make, mis- give up the mic. takes. There are undoubtedly mistakes • Show up. Those of us who are able and oversights in this introduction (as should attend events, rallies, and well as throughout the issue). Some of protests to show our support. If we these shortcomings we are aware of, such are interested in studying people’s as the lack of discussion of a number of ancestors, we need also to be inter- oppressed groups in Canada, like people ested in supporting their present, with disabilities, immigrants, and refu- and future. gees, to name a few. We were also unable to include a comprehensive discussion We also recommend reading and on settler colonialism and systems that re-reading the Truth and Reconcilia- oppress in Canada. The simplified ver- tion Commission’s Calls to Action and sion presented here glosses over the thinking about the ways we can apply history, intricacies, and nuances of these these calls to action to our work as systems. Nor have we fully articulated archaeologists, and to our lives outside the fluid and multifaceted nature of of archaeology. people’s identities and their relation- As we note earlier, despite common- ships (oppressive, beneficial, or both) to alities in terms of the structural nature of settler colonialism and Canadian systems injustices and oppression experienced by of oppression. There are certainly many

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 14 • KELVIN & HODGETTS more mistakes we are unaware of, but we lenging Connections Between Settler are listening so we can learn, feel, ques- Colonialism and Heteropatriarchy. tion, act, and repeat. Feminist Formations 25(1):8–34. Atalay, Sonya Acknowledgements. We are grateful to the 2006 Indigenous Archaeology as organizers of the 2018 Canadian Archaeo- Decolonizing Practice. American Indi- logical Association’s Annual Meeting, and an Quarterly 30(3/4):280–310. to everyone who presented in our session on “Unsettling Archaeology”. Although not all 2008 Multivocality and Indigenous of the presenters were able to submit papers, Archaeologies. In Evaluating Mul- their presentations helped shape this special tiple Narratives: Beyond Nationalist, issue of the Canadian Journal of Archaeology. Colonialist, Imperialist Archaeologies, We would like to thank John Creese, Cheryl edited by Junko Habu, Clare Fawcett, Takahashi, and Aleksa Alaica for all their and John M. Matsunaga, pp. 29–44. work in bringing this issue to publication. We Springer, New York, New York. would also like to thank Kevin Gully, Jose San- 2012 Community-Based Archaeology: chez, Katie Kotar, and Emma Gilheany for Research With, By, and For Indigenous their support and feedback. We are incredi- and Local Communities. University of bly grateful for the knowledge and emotional California Press, Berkeley, California. and intellectual labour of the people we cite Ault, Stacey in this introduction. We encourage everyone 2020 10 Ways for Non-Black Aca- to read and cite their work. demics to Value Black Lives. Elec- tronic document, https://medium. Notes com/@staceyault/10-ways-for-non- 1. Heteropatriarchy is the social system black-academics-to-value-black-lives- where heterosexuality and patriarchy cc003f5b3d61, accessed June 2, 2020. are perceived as normal and natural. 2. Heteropaternalism is the presumption Bardolph, Dana N. that heteropatriarchal nuclear-domes- 2018 Controlling the Narrative: A tic arrangements, in which the father Comparative Examination of Gen- is both centre and leader, are normal dered Publishing Trends in the SCA and natural. and Beyond. California Archaeology 3. We use the term “community-based 10(2):159–186. approaches” as a signifier for any Battle-Baptiste, Whitney approaches that work to involve a 2011 Black Feminist Archaeology. Left community or communities. This can Coast Press, Walnut Creek, California. include community-based archaeol- Bourgeault, Ivy Lynn, Yvonne James, ogy (Atalay 2012), Indigenous archae- Karen Lawford, and Jamie Lundine ology (Atalay 2006; Watkins 2000), 2018 Empowering Women Leaders in community-oriented archaeology Health: A Gap Analysis of the State of (Martindale and Lyons 2014), etc. Knowledge. Canadian Journal of Physi- cian Leadership 5(5):92–99. References Cited Arvin, Maile, Eve Tuck, and Angie Bowden, Darrell Morrill 2020 The Real Work of Anti-Black 2013 Decolonizing Feminism: Chal- Racism. Electronic document,

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Tushingham, Shannon, Tiffany Watkins, Joe, and George P. Nicholas Fulkerson, and Katheryn Hill 2014 Indigenous Archaeologies: 2017 The Peer Review Gap: A Lon- North American Perspective. In Ency- gitudinal Case Study of Gendered clopedia of Global Archaeology, edited by Publishing and Occupational Patterns Claire Smith, pp. 3794–3803. Spring- in a Female-Rich Discipline, Western er, New York, New York. North America (1974–2016). PLOS Weetaluktuk, Daniel ONE 12(11):e0188403. 1978 Canadian Inuit and Archaeol- VanDerwarker, Amber M., Kaitlin M. ogy. Electronic document, https:// Brown, Toni Gonzalez, and Hugh canadianarchaeology.com/caa/ Radde about/awards/daniel-weetaluktuk- 2018 The UCSB Gender Equity award/canadian-inuit-archaeology, Project: Taking Stock of Mentorship, accessed June 3, 2020. Equity, and Harassment in California Wilson, Shawn Archaeology Through Qualitative 2008 Research is Ceremony: Indigenous Survey Data. California Archaeology Research Methods. Fernwood Publish- 10(2):131–158. ing, Halifax, Nova Scotia. Walley, Meghan Wolfe, Patrick 2019 Incorporating Nonbinary Gender 2006 Settler Colonialism and the into Inuit Archaeology: Oral Testimony Elimination of the Native. Journal of and Material Inroads. Routledge, Lon- Genocide Research 8(4):387–409. don, England. Yellowhorn, Eldon Watkins, Joe 2002 Awakening Internalist Archae- 2000 Indigenous Archaeology: Ameri- ology in the Aboriginal World. PhD can Indian Values and Scientific Prac- dissertation, Department of Anthro- tice. Altamira Press, Walnut Creek, pology, McGill University, Montreal, California. Quebec.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) Article the Discipline Archaeology ThroughaSurveyonExperiencesWithin Broadening #MeToo:TrackingDynamicsinCanadian Canadian Journal ofArchaeology/JournalCanadien d’Archéologie44:20–47 enquête auprès d’archéologues canadiens archéologique canadienne amenéune sur l’équitéetladiversitéde l’Association sexuelles. En2019,leGroupe detravail sur leharcèlementsexuelet lesagressions teurs de notre discipline, en mettant l’accent à fairefacel’injusticedansdifférentssec- l’identité, cequiaamenélesarchéologues l’orientation sexuelleetd’autresaspectsde voir structurelsfondéssurlesexe,larace, l’attention mondialesurlesécartsdepou- R mic orculturalresourcemanagementsector. career stage, and participation in the acade- rences intheirexperiencesbasedongender, survey respondentsandnoteworthydiffe- lysis focusesondemographictrendsamong their workandstudy.Thisfirststageofana- had negative experiences in the course of portion ofCanadianarchaeologistshave and sectors. The results indicate a large a widerangeofgenders,ages,careerstages, responses fromarchaeologistsrepresenting violence inourfield.Oursurveyyielded564 crimination, exploitation,harassment,and sexualized and non-sexualized forms of dis- archaeologists to identify the extentofboth and DiversityconductedasurveyofCanadian cal Association’sWorkingGrouponEquity assault. In2019,theCanadianArchaeologi- with afocusonsexualharassmentand injustice indifferentsectorsofourdiscipline, identity, leading archaeologists to confront sexual orientation, and other aspects of differentials grounded in gender, race, turned globalattentiontostructuralpower Abstract. The#MeToomovementhas Lisa Hodgetts ésumé.

Le mouvement#MeTooaattiré † , KishaSupernant ‡ , NatashaLyons £ § ‡ † M gestion desressourcesculturelles. participation ausecteuracadémiqueoudela fondées surlesexe,stadedecarrièreetla férences notablesdansleursexpériences chez lesrépondantsàl’enquêteetdif- l’accent sur lestendancesdémographiques études. Cette première étape de l’analyse met négatives aucoursdeleurstravauxet logues canadiensonteudesexpériences indiquent qu’unegrandepartiedesarchéo- de carrièreetsecteurs.Lesrésultats un largeéventaildesexes,d’âges,stade 564 réponsesd’archéologuesreprésentant dans notredomaine.Notreenquêteareçu et deviolence sexualisés etnon sexualisés crimination, d’exploitation,deharcèlement afin d’identifierl’étenduedesformesdedis- Department of Anthropology, 13-15 Tory Building, Department ofAnthropology,13-15ToryBuilding, Ursus HeritageConsulting Department ofAnthropology,SocialScience Department ofArchaeology Burnaby, BC 8888 UniversityDrive,SimonFraser University, Coldstream, BC London, ON Centre, TheUniversityofWesternOntario, University ofAlberta,Edmonton,AB – AlisonWylie(2010:241) people isinvolvedintheirpractice. inclusive—if agreaterdiversityof more rigorous, more creative, more Our sciencesstandtobebetter— like those elsewhere, were ini- any Canadian archaeologists,

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BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 21 tially drawn to the discipline by the faculty (LH, KS, JW) and a director of a excitement of connecting with people private cultural resource management in the past through the things they left (CRM) firm (NL), we feel we owe it to behind. Many of us look back fondly on our students and junior colleagues, who our formative experiences as students, are situated in more vulnerable posi- when we first fell in love with archaeol- tions, to bring these concerns to light. ogy (e.g., Supernant et al. 2020; Welch As four archaeologists with more than 2020). The challenges and rewards of a century of aggregated practice, we material analysis and fieldwork led us to have lived, witnessed, and heard from continue our studies and pursue archae- colleagues, students, and other archaeology careers. We all have stories to tell ologists about many forms of negative about our journeys as archaeologists—a experiences. The two most recurrent favourite class, the long hours in the negative anecdotes that come to mind— lab that led to an “aha” moment, the which generate different responses humour and camaraderie at a field site. depending on the individual’s stand- There are other kinds of stories, too, that point—are as follows. First, archaeology get told more quietly, to more carefully has a fieldwork culture that can range chosen audiences—the unjust supervi- from irreverent to coarse, what one of sor, the passive aggressive co-worker, the our respondents called the “wild west”. casual “joke” about the attractiveness of Alcohol overconsumption often plays a student, the acts and events that hap- a role when archaeologists socialize in pened in the field that “should stay in field and other contexts (Miller 2018). the field” (Radde 2018). These experi- There can be considerable pressure ences inform and imbue the culture of to partake in the widespread drinking archaeology. culture, and it can facilitate and be used The four of us came to this work to justify many forms of inappropriate because we are all aware of a range of behaviour. While many thrive in this negative behaviours that have continued culture, others have been excluded, to occur as we progress through our repulsed, and/or harmed by it. careers, but have not seen our institu- Second, young scholars and prac- tions and professional organizations take titioners, and particularly women decisive action to assess nor address the and visible minorities, have suffered problem. Events at the 2019 meeting discrimination and other abuses from of the Society for American Archaeol- senior faculty and CRM management, ogy (SAA) precipitated action by pro- demographic classes that remain pre- fessional archaeological associations dominantly white, cisgender, and male. worldwide to develop policies to support This senior demographic has varying member safety in all workplace contexts1 levels of awareness of their privileges, (Bondura et al. 2019; Foxx et al. 2019; of the powers they wield in others’ lives Hays-Gilpin et al. 2019). While these and futures, and of the harms they can developments are aimed at some of the cause. Ongoing demographic shifts most serious forms of negative behav- toward gender balance and greater iours in archaeology, our collective expe- diversity in our discipline are neither riences in the discipline suggest that the a guarantee of a cultural change nor a problem is much broader. As established rationale for inattention to historical professionals, three tenured university and current patterns of behaviour. We

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 22 • HODGETTS ET AL. need continued attention to how we tive behaviours than previous surveys of treat one another within our commu- field disciplines (e.g., Clancy et al. 2014; nity of practice. Meyers et al. 2015; Meyers et al. 2018), The #MeToo movement has helped including discrimination, verbal harass- to upend the doctrine of silence ment, exploitation, physical violence, around sexual abuse and other forms unwanted sexual touching, and sexual of inequity. This movement, founded violence. The survey sought to capture by Tarana Burke in 2006, is dedicated the full scope of these behaviours and to to gauging the status and magnitude of enable and guide follow up interviews to the problems of sexual abuse and harass- understand historical and experiential ment against women and marginalized dimensions of negative incidents among peoples and to creating resources to a sample of archaeologists with diverse support survivors of sexual violence. It backgrounds. catapulted into public consciousness in Our work is unsettling on several 2017 with the #MeToo hashtag and has levels. The survey results point to sys- since grown to examine power struc- temic inequities and pervasive negative tures along multiple vectors, including experiences within archaeological prac- inequalities in workplace environments tice in Canada. This should concern all related to gender-based power, pay, and Canadian archaeologists and encourage opportunity differentials. The pervasive- behavioural self-study, more cognizant ness of the movement is unsettling cul- witnessing, and introspection and dis- tural norms and professional standards course about the desired futures of our around the world, including those in discipline and its attendant culture. archaeology (Jagsi 2018; Lukose 2018; Reflections on how and why we may O’Neil et al. 2018). have, perhaps unwittingly, supported In early 2018, we asked the ques- inequities and related harms may be tion: What does #MeToo mean for uncomfortable, but this discomfiture is archaeology in Canada? Originally, we important in exposing and ultimately had only anecdotal evidence on which dismantling the power structures and to draw, because we lacked even basic precepts of our professional culture that demographic data for the Canadian systemically disadvantage many archae- archaeological community, let alone ologists based on intersectional identi- nation-wide reporting on the experi- ties. Our position is that the discipline ences of individual archaeologists. This benefits when it is practiced by people lacuna prompted us to form the Cana- with a wide variety of backgrounds and dian Archaeological Association Work- personal experiences, who approach ing Group on Equity and Diversity and to archaeology from multiple perspectives set about gathering data to fill this void. and knowledge bases (Wylie 2010), con- In February 2019, we launched a survey sciously and with care for each others’ to document disciplinary demographics wellbeing (Lyons et al. 2019; Super- and to gather data that would help us nant et al. 2020). understand how different identity cate- In this paper, we present our first gories intersect to shape the experiences phase of analysis of the survey responses. of individual archaeology students and We start with a review of current research practitioners. The survey solicited infor- in equity and diversity issues. We discuss mation on a broader spectrum of nega- the design of the survey, its scope and

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 23 definitions, and what factors influenced 2015) and in many European countries our choice of categories, questions, and (Lazar et al. 2014). options. We outline the demographics Among archaeology faculty members of our respondents and break down the at Canadian universities in 2019, there frequency with which they reported neg- are almost twice as many women as men ative behaviours based on their gender, at the assistant professor level, men workplace sector, and career stage at slightly outnumber women at the associ- the time of the incident. We examine ate level, and men outnumber women by the perpetrators’ demographics and the a factor of more than 2:1 among full pro- setting in which incidents took place. fessors (Overholtzer and Jalbert 2020). Our next phase of analysis will take an These numbers include archaeologists, intersectional approach to the quantita- bioarchaeologists, and classical archaeol- tive data below and use qualitative inter- ogists. The large proportions of women views to explore the nuances of negative among assistant and associate professors experiences. Above all, this project aims are largely driven by their representa- not to assign blame, but to promote tion among bioarchaeology and classical dialogue and to encourage all Canadian archaeology faculty. If archaeology is archaeologists to contribute to positive considered alone, women comprise 46% change. We join colleagues in the SAA of assistant professors, 29% of associate and other professional archaeological professors, and 31% of full professors organizations worldwide in striving to (Overholtzer and Jalbert 2020). In CRM, make archaeology safer, more acces- men received almost twice as many per- sible, more inclusive, and more reflexive mits as women across Canada between (Blackmore et al. 2016; Bondura et al. 2012 and 2014 (Jalbert 2019:149). When 2019; Foxx et al. 2019; Hays-Gilpin et al. it comes to Canadian students, women 2019). form the majority of students enroll- ing and graduating in archaeology and Context anthropology at all levels. Women out- A growing body of research explores number men by a factor of 2:1 at the equity and diversity issues in archaeol- undergraduate and master’s levels, and ogy. Demographic studies are provid- continue to outnumber men, though ing essential baselines using commonly to a lesser degree, in PhD programs documented categories: gender and (Jalbert 2019). In Canada, as elsewhere, age/career stage, followed by ethnicity it appears that disproportionately more and race. Recent demographic data on women than men are leaving archaeol- archaeologists in the United States (SAA ogy as they advance through the ranks 2015), United Kingdom (Aitchison and (Overholtzer and Jalbert 2020), reflect- Rocks-Macqueen 2013), and Europe ing the “leaky pipeline” phenomenon (Lazar et al. 2014) show that in those (Van Anders 2004). regions, women are approaching parity Ethnicity and race are social cat- with men. Among practitioners under egories where archaeology shows little the age of 40 (45 in the US) women out- demographic diversity. Archaeologi- number men; the inverse is true among cal practitioners in Western, English- those over 40. There are approximately speaking nations remain largely white. twice as many women as men among The most recent data from the US is archaeology students in the US (SAA the SAA 2015 Member Needs Survey

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 24 • HODGETTS ET AL.

(SAA 2015). For ethnicity, 2,521 people receive, on average, half the amount of selected from 8 possible categories as funding awarded to men (Jalbert 2019). follows: African American 0.3%, Asian/ Several recent surveys have explored Pacific Islander 1.9%, Caucasian (non- experiences of sexual harassment and Hispanic) 77.7%, Hispanic/Latino(a) assault at archaeological field sites and 6.7%, Native American/Alaskan Native those of other field-based disciplines in 0.8%, Multi-racial 2.5%, Prefer not to the US (Clancy et al. 2014; Meyers et al. answer 7.7% (SAA 2015). Relative to 2015; Meyers et al. 2018). These studies the US population, African Americans recognize the importance of document- remain highly underrepresented, as are ing fieldwork experiences as distinctive Asians and Native Americans, though to contexts that entail intense interper- a lesser degree. In the UK, the discipline sonal relationships, vulnerabilities, and is even more homogeneous, with 99% power differentials. A majority of those of archaeological practitioners who who responded to these surveys report answered a survey identifying as white, experiencing sexual harassment, with a number unchanged since at least women three to four times more likely 2008 (Aitchison and Rocks-Macqueen than men to experience sexual harass- 2013:98). Diversity among UK archae- ment and four to five times more likely ologists does not reflect the diversity of than men to experience sexual assault the broader population. Until recently (Clancy et al. 2014; Meyers et al. 2015; (Jalbert 2019), there was little quantita- Meyers et al. 2018). Trainees and people tive data about the ethnic diversity of in the early stages of their careers are far Canadian archaeologists. more vulnerable to sexual harassment Explorations of the interplay between and assault than those at later career identity and equity issues within archae- stages (Clancy et al. 2014). Gender, ology have so far focussed largely on sexual orientation, and other aspects of gender. Studies show that in the US and identity also shape the experiences of Canada, women are hired into faculty people of all genders and career stages, positions at PhD granting universities but these issues remain underexamined less frequently than men (Gonzalez (but see Jalbert 2019; Radde 2018). 2018; Speakman et al. 2018). Women VanDerwarker and her students are consistently and substantially under- (Brown 2018; Gonzalez 2018; Radde represented as lead authors across a 2018; VanDerwarker et al. 2018) under- range of American archaeology publica- took a survey of the California archaeo- tions (Bardolph 2014; Tushingham et al. logical community that assessed co-linked 2017) and are markedly under-cited factors influencing harassment, equity, compared to men (Hutson 2002). They and mentorship. Radde (2018) confirms submit and re-submit manuscripts at that, although reporting rates are low, much lower rates than men (Bardolph harassment comes in many forms and and VanDerwarker 2016; Bardolph 2018; is experienced at disproportionately Heath-Stout 2020a) and journal prestige higher levels by vulnerable communities is correlated with the percentage of across different workplace settings in authors who are straight, white, cisgen- archaeology. Gonzalez (2018) found that der men (Heath-Stout 2020b). Women subtle gender discrimination is part of also submit fewer grant applications the cultural fabric of both CRM and aca- than men (Goldstein et al. 2018) and demia and deserves attention alongside

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 25 more blatant forms of disparity, such as demographics, their awareness and pay differentials and processes for profes- sense of the effectiveness of institutional sional ranking and advancement. Brown policies, and their experiences (personal (2018) explored the role of suitable or witnessed) of discrimination, non-sex- mentors in decision-making processes ual violence, verbal harassment, exploi- through the graduate school years and tation, unwanted sexual touching, and beyond, noting that women and students sexual violence and assault. We offered of colour have been historically under- open text boxes to invite both com- served by their advisory relationships. ments on how individual experiences impacted their careers, and suggestions Survey Design and Dissemination for making the disciplinary culture of Our aim with the Equity and Diversity in archaeology in Canada safer and more Canadian Archaeology (EDCA) survey inclusive. was to better understand both the demo- In the demographics section, we graphics and experiences of archaeolo- asked respondents to report their gists within the Canadian archaeological gender identity, age, sexual orientation, community. Basic questions drawn from ethnic/racial background, career stage, anecdotes and surveys in other jurisdic- and workplace sector. We had to make tions anchored our study. We wanted to many choices about the nature and know if, how, and under what circum- breadth of responses for each of these stances Canadian archaeologists have questions. For gender identity, we used experienced a range of negative behav- an open text box to allow for diverse iours. How common are incidences of gender identification without limiting sexual harassment and sexual violence, people to predetermined categories. as well as other forms of harassment, vio- Choices for sexual orientation included lence, discrimination, and exploitation? asexual, bisexual, gay, heterosexual, Do Canadian archaeologists experience lesbian, pansexual, queer, question- these behaviours equally in different ing, and other. For ethnic/racial back- work and study settings? Is their highest ground, we used categories from the incidence in the field? Is there variation 2016 Canadian census2 because pilot across academic and CRM sectors? testing suggested that an open text box In designing the EDCA survey, we was too ambiguous. Some respondents strove to balance the depth and breadth critiqued the available choices and the of the questions against the time it would conflation of ethnicity and race. As take respondents to complete, given arbitrary social constructs, ethnicity and that completion rates decline as survey race are difficult to tease apart. They length, question length, and question impact the lives of archaeologists differ- difficulty increase (Liu and Wronski ently and represent an important vector 2018). To streamline the process, “no” of potential inequity to explore. Career responses took users directly to the next stage included one question about section, while “yes” responses prompted highest degree obtained and another follow up questions. We wrote the survey about current work or study position. in English and had the final version Workplace sector included avocational, translated for parallel delivery in French. college, CRM, Federal Government, The survey was divided into sections that Indigenous Government/Organiza- invited responses about respondents’ tion, Municipal/Regional Government,

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 26 • HODGETTS ET AL.

Museum, Provincial or Territorial Gov- multiple incidents of any given negative ernment, University (graduate), Univer- behaviour, but rather the one that was sity (undergraduate only), and Other most significant to the individual. (please specify). Our working group drafted the survey Our categories of negative experi- and revised it several times based on ence are defined in Table 1. For each feedback from our eight-member advi- category, the survey asked about the sory board and practitioners we invited respondent’s career stage at the time to complete pilot versions. The CAA of the incident, the perceived gender directors reviewed and approved the of the perpetrator, and the perpetra- final version. The preamble included tor’s relationship with the respondent. both a trigger warning to alert partici- It also asked where the incident(s) took pants to the possibility that the survey place and whether or not the respon- could refresh traumatic experiences and dent reported it. We asked about the a list of support resources for survivors. frequency with which respondents had We received ethics approval from the witnessed such behaviours directed at University of Western Ontario Non- others. We asked for further details Medical Research Ethics Board, and all about any witnessed events, but those respondents provided informed consent. responses are not considered at this The final version was implemented using stage of our analysis because more inten- the online survey platform Qualtrics. sive study is needed to allow us to better The survey was open from Febru- understand the prevalence of negative ary 14 to April 10, 2019. It was advertised behaviours and the relationship between through the Canadian Archaeological bystanders and reporting (National Association e-mail list and provincial and Academies of Sciences and Medicine professional archaeological associations 2018). Given the breadth of the survey, across Canada. We shared the survey and following Clancy and co-authors link on social media, targeting Canadian (2014), we did not ask for details of archaeology groups on Facebook and

Table 1. Definitions of negative experiences used in the EDCA survey. Negative Experience Definition Discrimination Being belittled, made to feel uncomfortable, bullied, or overlooked on the basis of your age, gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, or some other identity category Verbal Harassment Having inappropriate remarks, or derogatory jokes or comments directed at you Exploitation Being expected to work without pay or faced with unreasonable expectations from a person in a position of authority Physical Violence The threat of or actual non-sexualized physical violence such as verbal threats, shouting, pushing, physical intimidation Unwanted Sexual Touching Being touched, kissed, fondled, or grabbed in a sexual way without consent Sexual Violence/Sexual Assault Violent non-consensual forms of sexual contact such as rape and attempted rape

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 27 circulating it on Twitter. We received experienced various negative behaviours 564 responses to the survey, with the and under what circumstances? Who are largest number of responses coming in the perpetrators? Are these incidents the first few days the survey was open, reported? To protect respondents’ pri- and within a day of subsequent remind- vacy, we combined categories any time ers sent out through e-mail and social there were three or fewer respondents media. Two hundred and seventy-four in a category. If there was no way to respondents (48.6%) indicated that they combine categories, we excluded these were CAA members, representing 41% responses from the reported numbers. of the 664 members of the CAA. Many We recognize that combining or exclud- indicated membership in provincial ing categories from our quantitative data archaeological associations in Canada. analysis might silence some voices; our All respondents self-identified as living intention is to draw out these experi- and/or working in Canada. ences in future qualitative data while The responses form a rich and robust protecting the privacy of our respond- dataset representing many different ents. For this first round of analysis, we perspectives from within the discipline have chosen to focus on gender, sector, in Canada. As with any survey, there and career stage of our respondents, are biases and limitations. Respondents with further analysis to follow. are self-selected and are likely a better representation of Canadian archaeolo- Who Did We Hear From? gists interested in the topic than of the In this section, we present demographic nation’s archaeologists (Dillman et al. information about the survey respond- 2014; Saleh and Bista 2017). There is no ents. way of knowing if our sample is biased towards people who have experienced Gender, Age, and Sexual Orientation harassment or other negative behaviours Among survey respondents who indi- or if those individuals chose not to com- cated their gender (n = 495), cisgender plete the survey to avoid reliving trauma women accounted for 63%, cisgender (Clancy et al. 2014). men 35%, and non-binary people 1.4% (Figure 1). The “non-binary” category Survey Results includes all respondents who self identi- Our dataset speaks to the nature, struc- fied as something other than woman/ ture, and pervasiveness of negative expe- female or man/male, and includes riences among Canadian archaeologists responses of “non-binary”, “bigender”, during their training and in the course “kinda male”, “genderqueer”, and “trans of their work. Our survey results dem- man”. Women outnumbered men in all onstrate that negative experiences are the under 60 age categories. Women widespread among respondents in the outnumber men by a factor of over 3:1 in Canadian archaeological community. the 20–29 age category, the age at which A full 80% of women and 75% of men most people are completing their under- indicate that they had one or more graduate and graduate training. We saw negative experiences “a few times” or the largest response from people aged “many times”. In the following presenta- 20–29 and 30–39. Within these two age tion of results, we address several broad groups combined, more than twice as questions: Who did we hear from? Who many women responded (71%) as men

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 28 • HODGETTS ET AL.

Figure 1. Proportion of respondents by age and gender.

(25%). Women also outnumber men to Similar demographic trends for age a considerable degree among our 40–49 and gender were noted in the SAFE and 50–59 year-old respondents. survey (Clancy et al. 2014) and the Table 2 reports the sexual orientation Survey of Southeastern Archaeologists of respondents. Most respondents iden- (Meyers et al. 2015). As discussed above, tified as heterosexual, with bisexual the women outnumber men up to the 40–49 next most frequent category. Asexual, age category, where men begin to out- gay, and lesbian were all reported at the number women (Jalbert 2019). With the same rate, with pansexual, queer, other, age and gender responses we received, it and questioning following in descending seems likely that response rates for our order. survey were higher among women than men, perhaps because women are more Table 2. EDCA survey respondents’ sexual likely to have these types of experiences, orientation. making them more likely to respond.

Percent of Geographic Distribution and Ethnic/Racial Respondents Diversity Sexual Orientation (N = 563) In this section, we look at the social and Heterosexual 78.2 geographic diversity of survey respond- Bisexual 10.0 ents. We received responses from all Asexual 2.1 Canadian provinces and territories Gay 2.1 except for Nunavut. The highest pro- Lesbian 2.1 portions of respondents (N = 560) listed Pansexual 1.8 Ontario (33.1%), British Columbia Queer 1.4 (25.2%), and Alberta (17.3%) as their Other 1.2 primary place of residence. While people Questioning 1.1 reported doing fieldwork on every con- TOTAL 100.0 tinent (N = 820), most respondents work

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 29 within Canada (71.0%), particularly the graphic data from the SAA Member Western (29.4%) and Central (24.0%) Needs Survey, EDCA respondents regions. Individuals could select more demonstrate greater Indigenous repre- than one location for fieldwork, so the sentation and less representation from reported percentages are calculated Latinx, with similar underrepresenta- based on the total numbers of responses, tion of Black and Asian communities not respondents. (SAA 2015). Our survey population has Table 3 presents the distribution of a slightly higher proportion of “white” ethnicity/racial background responses people than either the SAA survey or in the survey and compares it to 2016 UCSB survey for California (VanDer- Canadian census data. In creating the warker et al. 2018:142). Our next stage table, we assigned some of the “Other” of analysis will take an intersectional survey responses to existing census cat- mixed-methods approach, examining egories, as appropriate. We grouped whether ethnic diversity is increasing in “European” and “French-Canadian” in younger generations of archaeologists the “White” category and combined all and how it intersects with other identity categories of Asian respondents to pro- categories to affect the incidence of tect anonymity. negative experiences. Our results confirm that Canadian archaeology (N = 551) remains a very Work/Study Sector white discipline (87.3%). Indigenous We heard from archaeologists across the practitioners (5.3%) constitute a slightly full range of sectors represented within higher proportion than in the Cana- the profession in Canada, with responses dian census results. Asian Canadians from both those employed in archaeol- (2.7%) and Black Canadians (0.0%) are ogy and students studying archaeology at substantially underrepresented among the undergraduate and graduate levels. respondents relative to the Canadian Figure 2 presents the overall distribution population. Compared to the demo- of respondents by work/study sector

Table 3. Comparison of Ethnic/Racial background of survey respondents to 2016 census data. % of Respondents % of Canadian Population Ethnicity/Race (N = 551) (N = 34,460,065) Asiana 2.7 14.9 Black 0.0 3.5 Indigenous 5.3 4.9 Latin American 1.1 1.3 Multiple 2.4 – c White 87.3 72.8 Otherb 1.3 1.9 Total 100 99.3 a Includes the following 2016 Canadian Census Categories: Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, South Asian, South- east Asian, West Asian. b Includes the following groups from the EDCA survey with small numbers of respondents: Arab, Caribbean, Jewish, Polynesian. c Comparisons to 2016 census data are difficult because of the way they were reported in the Census in Brief. 0.7% of Canadians reported being part of multiple visible minorities, and 41.1% report multiple ethnic origins, though they might not represent more than one of the broad categories listed here.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 30 • HODGETTS ET AL.

Figure 2. Number of respondents by sector and gender. and gender. Because respondents could both within and outside of archaeology select more than one sector, we calcu- (1.8%). Responses from women substan- lated the percentages based on the total tially outnumber those from men in all number of responses (N = 600) rather categories3. than the number of respondents. The largest number of responses were Who Experiences Discrimination? from the cultural resource management In this section, we look at who experi- sector (46.2% in total), including private ences discrimination. Because discrimi- firms (31.3%); government CRM includ- nation encompasses behaviours that may ing national, provincial, territorial, and also have been reported in other catego- local government agencies (10.7%); ries, we present these results separately. and Indigenous governments, organiza- Our analysis uses proportions within tions, and firms (4.2%). Students and gender categories, rather than absolute people employed in the academic sector numbers, so the large proportion of comprised the second largest category of women in the sample does not dominate responses at 42.8%. Within this group, the results. Because of the small number graduate students comprised 17.7% of non-binary respondents, and reports of responses, undergraduate students of discrimination or harm from those 12.8%, and college and university fac- respondents, we were concerned about ulty, staff, and postdoctoral researchers protecting their anonymity and decided (“academia”) 12.3%. The remaining not to include these responses in the 11.0% of respondents indicated work in quantitative analyses. Instead, because of museums (7.0%), avocational archaeol- the clear importance of the experiences ogy (2.2%), and employment elsewhere and perspectives of non-binary archae-

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 31 ologists, we highlight these in the dis- discrimination primarily based on age cussion and plan to focus on issues and (27.7%) and seniority4 (26.8%), which concerns linked to non-binary identities are often linked, and ethnicity (21.4%). in the next stage of our analysis. Table 4 summarizes the rates at Who Experiences Harassment, which people report discrimination and Exploitation, Physical and Sexual indicates that cisgender women experi- Violence? A Comparison of Negative ence discrimination at higher rates than Experiences cisgender men. Figure 3 presents the We take a comparative approach to basis on which respondents report dis- the range of other negative behaviours crimination. Respondents could select and actions experienced by Canadian more than one category, so we report archaeologists. Table 5 presents the fre- percentages based on the total number quency with which respondents report of responses in each gender group. each type of experience. The catego- Women report being most frequently ries are listed from most frequent to discriminated against based on gender least frequent. Among all respondents, (49.6%) and age (20.4%). Men report 60.3% report at least one experience of verbal harassment, 49.4% report Table 4. Frequency of discrimination experiencing exploitation, and 32.5% reported by gender category. physical violence. The values are considerably lower, though still very con- Women Men cerning, for unwanted sexual touching (N = 290) (N = 166) (14.7%) and sexual violence/assault Never 20.7% 50.0% (4.3%). In the following sections, we Once/A few times 54.8% 42.2% compare data across this spectrum Many times 24.4% 7.8% of negative experiences through the

Figure 3. Proportion of respondents within each gender category to report experiences of discrimination based on a range of identity categories. The values above the bars indicate the number of respondents (N) who indicated discrimination on that basis.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 32 • HODGETTS ET AL.

Table 5. Frequency with which respondents report negative experiences A Few Many Total to Never Once Times Times Experience Verbal Harassment (N = 484) 39.7% 7.4% 36.6% 16.3% 60.3% Exploitation (N = 466) 50.6% 5.6% 26.2% 17.6% 49.4% Physical Violence (N = 492) 67.5% 13.4% 16.9% 2.2% 32.5% Sexual Touching (N = 463) 85.3% 6.9% 6.9% 0.9% 14.7% Sexual Violence/Assault (N = 460) 95.7% 3.0% 1.1% 0.2% 4.3% lenses of gender, workplace sector, and lence in comparison to 36.1% of men. career stage. Five times the proportion of women (21.7%) as men (4.1%) reported at least Negative Experiences by Gender one instance of unwanted sexual touch- Figure 4 presents the five types of nega- ing. Women reported sexual violence tive experiences by gender category. and assault at twice the rate of men: 6.3% The data track the reported incidence of of women and 2.7% of men. these experiences by cisgender women Female respondents are more likely and cisgender men, from generally than their male counterparts to expe- less to more egregious behaviours (left rience verbal harassment, unwanted to right on the x-axis). One or more sexual touching, and sexual violence experiences of verbal harassment were and assault. Gendered differences are reported by 66.5% of women and 49.7% less pronounced for exploitation and of men. Exploitation was reported by physical violence, and in both cases, a 47.7% of women and 53.3% of men. A higher proportion of men report these total of 29.7% of women report experi- experiences than women. Respondents ences of non-sexualized physical vio- experienced unwanted sexual touching

Figure 4. Proportion of women and proportion of men to report negative experiences. Num- bers above bars indicate the number of respondents (N) to report each type of experience.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 33 and sexual violence at much lower rates riences varies between the two. For this overall but with more pronounced dif- first stage of analysis, we draw the CRM ferences between men and women. data only from the largest CRM category, private firms. Figure 5 charts the inci- Negative Experiences by Sector and Career dence of negative behaviours in CRM Stage and academia by career stage, calculated A comparison between the two largest as a proportion of all respondents who sectors in which respondents work or reported each type of experience. study, CRM and academia (universities These data provide a time-averaged and colleges), suggests that the preva- picture of trends within Canadian lence of different types of negative expe- archaeology over at least the last 50

Figure 5. Proportions of reports of each type of negative experience by sector and career stage. Values above bars indicate number of respondents (N) in each category.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 34 • HODGETTS ET AL. years. Older respondents, some of whom report negative experiences at earlier were over 70, are looking back over career stages much more frequently their entire careers when completing than at later career stages across both the survey. Younger respondents, who CRM and academic sectors. Across all are in the majority, are reporting on types of experiences, the lowest propor- shorter time periods. All archaeologists tions of reports come from those in the have at least some experience in aca- most senior positions at the time; CRM demia (i.e., as students), and many move directors and faculty comprise consider- between sectors during their careers. ably lower proportions of reports than It is therefore impossible to determine their junior colleagues. In both CRM how varying response rates from differ- and academia, senior practitioners ent sectors might have influenced the report physical violence at higher rates results. The data suggest general trends relative to junior colleagues than other that we will investigate in follow-up types of negative experiences. Within interviews examining individual career CRM, field technicians comprise the trajectories. largest proportion of reports across all Verbal harassment, exploitation, and categories (Verbal Harassment 30.9%, physical violence are reported at higher Exploitation 30.6%, Physical Violence rates by those in CRM roles at the time 25.5%, Sexual Touching 26.9%, Sexual of the incident. Over half (56.7%) of all Violence 31.6%), though field directors reports of verbal harassment occurred account for an equivalent number of when the respondent was in CRM; reports of physical violence. In academia, 35.5% occurred when respondents graduate students generally account for a were in academia. The difference is larger proportion of reports of negative more pronounced for both exploitation experiences than undergraduates (Grad and physical violence: 63.3% of expe- students: Verbal Harassment 13.8%, riences of exploitation and 65.6% of Exploitation 14.8%, Physical Violence experiences of violence occurred when 10.2%, Sexual Touching 25.4%, Sexual respondents were in CRM roles, while Violence 10.5%). This trend is likely 29.7% of experiences of exploitation attributable to the reality that grad stu- and 26.1% of experiences of violence dents tend to devote more of their time occurred when respondents were in to archaeology than undergraduates and academic roles. Unwanted sexual touch- have different relationships with supervi- ing is reported at similar rates by those sors, both of which could put grad stu- employed in CRM (43.2%) as by those dents more at risk. Verbal harassment is in academia (46.2%) at the time of the an exception to this rule: those who were incident. Sexual violence represents the undergraduates at the time account for a largest difference between sectors, with slightly higher proportion of respondents more than three times the proportion (17.4%) than graduate students (13.8%). of reports indicating that survivors were in academic roles at the time (73.7%), Who Are the Perpetrators? than in CRM roles (21.1%), though the We asked respondents to identify the sample sizes are small. perceived gender of their perpetrator(s). As noted in earlier studies (Clancy et al. Across all categories of negative experi- 2014; Meyers et al. 2015, Meyers et al. ences, perpetrators are overwhelmingly 2018; VanDerwarker et al. 2018), people identified as men. The proportion ranges

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 35 from 61.5% for exploitation to 92.3% for petrated by peers, and peers comprise unwanted sexual touching (Figure 6). the majority of verbal harassers (47.1%). Men account for 79.5% of perpetra- Physical violence is the only category tors of physical violence and 89.5% of where subordinates form a considerable perpetrators of sexual violence and proportion of perpetrators (19.1%) assault. Respondents identified women relative to other groups. The “other” perpetrators in every category: they con- category accounts for a considerable stituted between 1.5% (unwanted sexual proportion of perpetrators of physical touching) and 26.2% (exploitation) of violence (26.8%), unwanted sexual perpetrators. Respondents also indicated touching (22.4%), and sexual violence “both men and women” as perpetrators, (21.1%), suggesting that many of these particularly for exploitation (9.3%) experiences are perpetrated by non- and verbal harassment (7.0%). In the archaeologists with whom archaeologists exploitation category, some respond- interact in the course of their work and ents identified CRM firms or university study, a pattern also noted by VanDer- departments as the perpetrator (2.8%). warker and colleagues (2018). The survey asked respondents to specify their relationships to perpetrators Where Do Incidents Happen? for all categories of experience except Workplace Context exploitation, where, by definition, the We asked respondents to identify work- perpetrator holds authority over the place contexts for their negative experi- respondent. In Figure 7, we show that ences. Choices included field sites, place for most categories, the perpetrator is of work or study, and other settings that most commonly someone with authority respondents were invited to specify. over the respondent. However, all types Field sites were the most common set- of experiences are frequently also per- ting for all types of negative experiences

Figure 6. Gender of perpetrator illustrated as a proportion of all perpetrators within each category of negative experience. Values above bars indicate the number of responses in each category.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 36 • HODGETTS ET AL. except sexual violence (Figure 8), which at double to triple the rate in field set- primarily occurred in “other” contexts tings than other contexts. Exploitation (47.4%) but also occurred frequently is almost as common in institutional in the field (42.1%). Verbal harassment (42.5%) as field contexts (51.3%). In (67.5%), physical violence (72.4%), and addition to field sites, unwanted sexual sexual touching (54.5%) are reported touching frequently takes place in

Figure 7. Relationship of perpetrator to respondent illustrated as a proportion of all responses within that category of negative experience. Values above bars indicate the number of responses in each category.

Figure 8. Context in which negative experiences took place illustrated as a proportion of all responses within that category of negative experience. Values above bars indicate the number of responses in each category.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 37

“other” locations, often liminal spaces CRM offices—that are hierarchically less clearly linked with expectations for structured. We posit that verbal harass- professional conduct, as discussed below. ment and exploitation go unreported Incidents of sexual violence reported in for various social reasons: perpetrators our survey were most prevalent in such remain in proximity and may amplify “other” settings, followed closely by field their efforts or take revenge; reporting sites. Our results therefore support con- mechanisms and/or those responsible clusions from prior studies indicating for responding are seen as ineffective. that field sites are not safe spaces for Because someone in authority often many archaeologists (Clancy et al. 2014; perpetrates the negative experiences, Meyers et al. 2018). reporting could result in job loss or reduced access to professional opportu- Are Incidents Reported? nities, letters of reference, or promotion. The vast majority of all types of negative Though the #MeToo movement has experiences go unreported (Figure 9). begun to affirm respect for survivors, Exploitation is seldom reported (15.7%), sexual touching and violence often go followed in ascending order by verbal unreported because of victim shaming. harassment (23.2%), sexual touching Finally, it takes effort and commitment (25.0%), sexual violence (31.6%), and to report and assure due consideration physical violence (44.2%). Our respond- and just resolution of even minor inci- ents suggest that when these incidents dents. Doing so often exposes survivors are reported, they generally experienced to both re-traumatization and to further low levels of satisfaction with the official social sanctions for “rocking the boat.” responses to the reports. Most of these incidents take place Discussion within small communities of people— Our survey results help to elucidate field crews, university departments, the nature, scope, and prevalence of

Figure 9. Rates at which negative experiences are reported.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 38 • HODGETTS ET AL. negative behaviours experienced by sample sizes were very small). Responses respondents in the Canadian archae- provided in the open text boxes suggest ology community. While our study that archaeologists from the LGBTQ2S+ has important parallels to previous community have to think carefully about disciplinary surveys, it is distinct in its their personal safety, in terms of what exploration of a broad range of negative contexts they choose to work in, how they behaviours: discrimination, verbal har- navigate graduate programs, and what assment, exploitation, physical violence, personal details they choose to share unwanted sexual touching and sexual with co-workers, echoing the findings of violence. Our first stage of analysis has Heath-Stout (2019). Among Californian focused on different forms of nega- archaeologists, Radde (2018:252) found tive experiences across gender, career that LGBTQ2S+ practitioners often faced stage, and workplace sector in Cana- harassment from both supervisors and dian archaeology. Overall, our results non-archaeological personnel at field indicate that negative experiences have sites. been occurring consistently and at high Across all categories, the significant levels. Discrimination and inappropriate majority of perpetrators identified are behaviors are definitely not confined to a cisgender male archaeologists. In the few perpetrators, organizations, or types category of sexual violence specifically, of working/learning contexts. most perpetrators are male archaeolo- Our survey data corroborate and sup- gists and men who are not involved in port the anecdotes we have all heard. The archaeology directly, a trend also noted results show that archaeologists have neg- by Radde (2018). There are, however, ative experiences frequently, although women perpetrators across all categories. not equally, across gender, career stage, One of our respondents commented: and workplace sector. Cisgender women and younger people within our disciplin- I would like to … point out that ary community are more vulnerable. The there are often issues in CRM same is likely true of minority groups, where there is conflict between an area we will be exploring in our next female field techs and female phase of intersectional mixed-methods supervisors … I have seen it mani- analysis and follow up interviews. Despite fest in female crew members not growing representation of cisgender supporting one another in trying women within all sectors of archaeology to advance their careers, I have at all levels, they remain more vulner- also seen … female field direc- able than men to discrimination, verbal tors behaving in a competitive or harassment, unwanted sexual touching, demeaning way to female members and sexual violence. Many respondents of their crew. referred to both CRM and academic archaeology as an “old boys club.” Cis- Our data suggest that exploitation gender men, on the other hand, are and physical violence are distinct from somewhat more impacted than women the other categories in terms of targets, by exploitation and physical violence. perpetrators, and reporting. Men report Non-binary respondents reported lower both exploitation and violence at slightly incidences of negative experiences com- higher rates than women. While still pared to women and men (again, the in the minority among perpetrators,

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 39 women are more likely to perpetrate sexual contact from their supervisors. exploitation than any other category. Field technicians, both male and female, This category is complex because mul- reported feeling “disposable” and many tiple structures and power relationships women in CRM reported not feeling that come into play. Some respondents they are given the same opportunities as identified institutions and companies as their male colleagues. Many respondents perpetrators of exploitation, highlight- from CRM and academia shared percep- ing the systemic nature of exploitation in tions that reporting their negative expe- both academia and CRM. Unpaid work riences would entail repercussions. A can be an important part of archaeologi- woman who left CRM to pursue a degree cal training (Burchell and Cook 2014), in another field wrote: but without clear expectations for all parties and careful attention to power There is a pervasive “old boys” cul- differentials and intellectual property ture in archaeology that requires rights, it can easily become exploitative. women to take abuse from male Many respondents who work in CRM subordinates and colleagues or risk and are paid hourly reported being being seen as “difficult” or “unable asked to work unpaid hours in order to to take a joke”. In CRM the risk of finish a job on schedule. not being hired back if you make Physical violence is more likely to be a complaint discourages women reported than any other experience cat- (and men) from complaining egory, perhaps in part because it occurs about their treatment. across a range of different power relationships, because it is perceived as more Our data allowed us to examine the serious than verbal harassment, and contexts in which negative incidents because those who experience it are less occurred. Except for sexual violence, likely to be stigmatized than survivors of respondents report all types of negative sexual harassment and assault. experiences most commonly at field sites. Our data confirm that all individu- This supports assumptions by Clancy and als are more vulnerable to negative co-authors (2014), and Meyers and col- behaviours as students and early in their leagues (2015; Meyers et al. 2018) that careers, underlining the importance of field sites, where close working condi- power differentials in many such behav- tions and intimacies are created, may iours. Students and early career archae- increase vulnerability and foster higher ologists experience every type of negative rates of negative behaviours. Sexual behaviour at higher rates than faculty violence, however, is most common in and supervisors, echoing the findings “other” contexts, followed by field sites. of Clancy and colleagues (2014). In the For our respondents, these other con- open text boxes provided in our survey, texts include conferences and liminal female graduate students often reported spaces like private parties and hotel harassment by their supervisors, both rooms associated with field and work male and female (cf. Radde 2018). Our travel, where vulnerability is increased respondents shared incidents in which by circumstance, proximity, the inten- their supervisors belittled them, bullied sity of short-term social arrangements, them, or took credit for their research. A and often by alcohol consumption, as few respondents also reported unwanted discussed above.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 40 • HODGETTS ET AL.

Our data also point to notable dif- been my experience that awareness ferences between the two primary and behaviour regarding abuse workplace sectors in archaeology, CRM and discrimination has improved. and academia, indicating that Canadian archaeologists experience verbal harass- One of the challenges of our survey ment, exploitation, and physical vio- data is the difficulty of establishing lence more frequently when working in how long ago the negative experiences CRM than as students or faculty. In con- occurred. That said, because most of trast, sexual violence is reported at much our respondents are younger and report higher rates in academic settings than in negative experiences at high rates, there CRM, though the sample sizes are very is no clear trend toward equity, respect, small. Several respondents gave personal and safety. Some senior archaeologists testimonies in the open text boxes about may see the discipline getting better, in sexual violence perpetrated by male pro- part, because they are no longer in vul- fessors in field and institutional contexts. nerable positions or have reduced con- Several poignant testimonies detailed tact with younger colleagues. We hope the impediments to incident reporting, that our results help everyone recognize the ineffectiveness of reports that they that unacceptable behaviours are still made, and/or the negative impacts on widespread. their career trajectories. Our next set of challenges include One respondent pointed out that working collectively to develop strate- many issues faced by archaeologists are gies to reduce negative experiences and part of broader patterns, noting that promote changes in our disciplinary culture. Additional survey analysis is [t]hough I have experienced inap- ongoing, but we can suggest several areas propriate behaviour and discrimi- for action. First, Canadian archaeology nation in Archeology [sic], I also needs greater accountability to profes- experience it every day of my life sional codes of conduct. Archaeological so it’s nothing new. and anthropological organizations and institutions across North America have Without discounting this respondent’s reviewed or developed member safety views, we do not think we should use and anti-harassment policies in response broad societal intransigence as a ration- to the events of #SAA2019 (e.g., Hays- ale for inaction. Because work and study Gilpin et al. 2019). Second, we need to constitute large parts of archaeologists’ work to change how we relate to one lives, actions that make archaeology safer another in all areas of our discipline. can support the most vulnerable mem- This will need to involve open conversa- bers of our community. tions about the responsible use of alco- Several senior respondents suggested hol and other substances in all contexts that injustice within the discipline is where archaeologists gather. Certainly, diminishing. A senior male archaeolo- those of us in leadership positions need gist noted that, to think carefully about how to foster environments where no one feels pres- with one exception, all this unac- sured to imbibe. ceptable behavior reported above Members of our working group have occurred some decades ago. It has developed principles of community

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 41 and heart-centred practices that we the disciplinary culture we uphold and hope help move our discipline toward enable. A culture that contributes to the inclusive and safe spaces for learn- exclusion, lesser valuation, exploitation, ing and practicing (Lyons et al. 2019; marginalization, or harm of any archae- Supernant et al. 2020). We believe that ologist because of their gender, sexual guiding documents that set out clear orientation, ancestry, age, seniority, or expectations for appropriate behaviour any other aspect of their identity reduces in different communities of practice, the diversity of voices in our discipline including mentoring relationships, and therefore diminishes its interpretive could play an important role in promot- power. ing such change (e.g., Colaninno et al. There are several next steps for our 2020). The most effective are “living working group. The interviews under- documents” that are crafted explicitly way with about 30 survey respondents for continuous and responsive revision, who agreed to discuss their views and are aspirational rather than proscrip- experiences will provide higher resolu- tive, and emphasize what community tion temporal information on negative members should do rather than what behaviours. These semi-structured they should not (see Atalay 2012; Lyons interviews with archaeological prac- 2011; Perry 2018). A next step for our titioners from diverse backgrounds working group will be to compile a series will help us understand the dynamics of examples of guiding documents from that underlie their career trajectories different archaeological contexts for and retention in the discipline; their CAA members to use as a guide in devel- approaches to collegial and mentoring oping their own. relationships; and their experiences of fieldwork, training, teaching, and man- Directions and Reflections agement. Areas which warrant further This analysis, like any other, has limita- exploration include identifying effec- tions. Surveys always involve compro- tive institutional practices for encourag- mises between depth and breadth of the ing reporting and changing workplace questions and overall length. Several cultures. We have yet to explore the choices we made in designing the survey data on witnessed behaviours or on limit our ability to assess the frequencies government CRM and museum sectors. and severities of negative experiences We are also undertaking text analysis and temporal trends in these frequen- of the survey’s open-ended questions, cies. We need demographic data for which asked respondents to share Canadian archaeologists in order to their experiences and suggest ways to better interpret the survey results. On promote equity and diversity. Finally, our recommendation, the CAA will while this first stage of analysis exam- soon begin collecting demographic ined several cross-cutting identities, it information as part of the membership cannot be truly intersectional without renewal process to track temporal trends a fuller investigation of the ethnicity, in age, gender, ethnicity, and sector of sexual orientation, age, and seniority practice. Regardless of the limitations, data, and the multiple ways in which the results of our survey should concern identity categories intersect with each all archaeologists practicing in Canada other. Our plans for next steps include a and prompt us to reflect critically on closer look at the experiences of Indig-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 42 • HODGETTS ET AL. enous respondents, given their unique there is clearly a diversity of opinion relationship with Canada’s archaeologi- among senior archaeologists, the fact cal record and settler colonial history. that negative feedback came exclusively We will also dive more deeply into the from this group suggests that those who complex structures and power relation- are more established and more powerful ships surrounding exploitation. Our in the discipline are more likely to be follow-up interviews will explore the uncomfortable calling out the injustice complexities of intersecting identities of past and present practices. and experiences as they relate to the The results of the survey provide visibility/invisibility of certain identity important grounds for us to admit that categories in different contexts. Canadian archaeology has problems Change is often uncomfortable and we must confront, that many of us have the changes underway and recom- been complicit in negative behaviours, mended for Canadian archaeology have and that we have much work to do to the potential to create intergenerational create a more equitable and support- tensions. Participation in the survey pro- ive culture in Canadian archaeology. voked discomfort among some senior Calling attention to the problem and archaeologists. The CAA received two fostering conversations about it can be complaints about the survey, critiqu- an important catalyst for change, as we ing it on methodological and other have seen with the #MeToo movement. grounds. Both were from senior white As one female grad student with CRM cisgender men. Several senior cisgender experience wrote: women also expressed concerns, among them a white CRM director (60–69) who I think often times people don’t wrote: realize they’re being discrimina- tory and discussing the topic more the way these questions are worded openly might help people under- is designed to get a specific stand all the issues at play …. It’s response that will do nothing to been my experience that people explicate the real gender issues in a position of power often don’t facing women in archaeology but recognize some of their own nega- just frame us as timid, fearful vic- tive behaviour or actions. Making tims who are not able to do our this a larger discussion and discuss- jobs because of our gender. ing specific issues would hopefully have an impact on their actions. The tone and content of the critical responses to the survey from some senior Sharing our stories and providing practitioners contrasts with comments in specific examples of experiences of text boxes and unsolicited e-mails from injustice can help to create a culture early and mid-career archaeologists, and where people will no longer stay silent. other senior archaeologists, both women As four mid–late career archaeologists and men, who appreciated the survey with different backgrounds and expe- as a means for giving voice to often- riences, we were unsettled by these silenced views. Many of them see this results. We hope you are as well, and we work as providing important data to spur call upon all archaeologists, but espe- action that will address real issues. While cially those in positions of power and

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) BROADENING #METOO: TRACKING DYNAMICS IN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGY • 43 privilege, to lean into that discomfort Meeting in Albuquerque. Several and work together to create a safer, of his survivors were also in attend- more inclusive, more equitable archae- ance, and the impacts of both his ology in Canada. presence and the lack of expeditious and unequivocal action by the SAA to Acknowledgements. We are grateful to the remove him made the annual meeting Canadian Archaeological Association direc- unsafe for these survivors and others. tors: Michael Deal, Gary Warrick, Jennifer Using Twitter, a number of archae- Campbell, Joanne Braaten, Gary Coupland, ologists helped raise awareness of this and John Creese for supporting our Work- situation, employing hashtags such ing Group. We thank the members of our as #SAA2019 and #MeToo, leading advisory board for their help in crafting to wide reporting of the events (Fla- the survey: Gary Coupland, Joshua Dent, herty 2019; Grens 2019; Wade 2019). Alicia Hawkins, Patricia Markert, Elsa Perry, The fallout continues to reverberate Farid Rahemtulla, Meghan Walley, and through the SAA and related profes- Alison Wylie. We are also grateful to those sional organizations, pushing many who piloted draft versions of the survey to adopt new policies and codes of and provided feedback. Many thanks to conduct related to harassment, intimi- everyone who helped spread the word dation, and exploitation. about the survey, including CAA webmaster 2. Categories are as follows: Arab, Black, Cheryl Takahashi and many others at vari- Chinese, Filipino, First Nations, Inuk, ous Canadian archaeological organizations, Japanese, Korean, Latin American, universities, government departments, and Métis, South Asian, Southeast Asian, museums. Thanks to everyone who shared West Asian, White, Other the link with friends and colleagues or 3. Our respondents show a more bal- helped circulate it online. We are grateful anced representation between CRM to Lisa Overholtzer and Catherine Jalbert and academic archaeologists than for sharing their unpublished work with us; other similar surveys. Meyers and to Chelsey Armstrong, Rebecca Goodwin, co-authors (2015) drew responses pri- and other friends and colleagues for candid marily from CRM. They report 75.0% discussions of these issues; and to Laura CRM respondents and only 8.7 % aca- Kelvin, Katherine Cook, Maureen Meyers, demics and 7.6% graduate students. and an anonymous reviewer for helpful com- Clancy and colleagues (2014) primar- ments on an earlier draft. Finally, we thank ily surveyed academics. Their survey, everyone who took the time to complete the which also drew responses from survey and share their unique experiences field disciplines outside of biologi- and perspectives. cal anthropology and archaeology, counted 58% trainees (undergrads, Notes grad students, and post-docs) among 1. In April of 2019, David Yesner, a the respondents, as well as 26.9% former professor at the University faculty and a small group of non-aca- of Alaska, who had been sanctioned demics (6.5% of respondents), which for sexual harassment and sexual could include CRM practitioners. assault via a Title IX investigation, 4. Seniority relates to the amount of was allowed to register for the Society authority associated with someone’s for American Archaeology Annual position and is usually linked to their

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 44 • HODGETTS ET AL.

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Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) Article Joshua Dent the InceptionofResearch Community-Sourced ArchaeologyandRelinquishing Canadian Journal ofArchaeology/JournalCanadien d’Archéologie44:48–65 Inc., lePortaildeRecherche(www.insituated. et TimminsMartelleHeritage Consultants nable Archaeology, l’Université de Western Mitacs Élévationenpartenariat avecSustai- Dans lecadred’unebourse postdoctorale de pratiquerunearchéologieservice? Résumé. Lesarchéologuessont-ilscapables community-driven academicmandate. and promise ofa more service-oriented and tional collaboration,andthepresumptions paper exploresrepresentationsofconven- initiative mayhavewiderimplications.This heritage suggeststhatthisarchaeology-based of additionalresearchsectorsoutside pal government.Demandfortheinclusion communities, not-for-profits, and amunici- heritage communities,includingIndigenous mentation quicklyexpandedtoincludeother commercial projects,thePortal’spilotimple- in promotingadditionalresearchrelatedto conceived toassistcommercialarchaeologists partners adapt or design research. Originally outline researchobjectivestowhichacademic conception. Non-academicorganizations conventional community-basedresearch nated academicoutcomes,thePortalinverts and achievesociallymeaningfuldissemi- augment localcapacities,fosterrelationships, to potentialacademicpartners.Designed communicating community-sourcedresearch web-based platformcapableofsolicitingand (www.insituated.com/research-portal) isa Heritage ConsultantsInc.,theResearchPortal at WesternUniversityandTimminsMartelle conjunction withSustainableArchaeology Postdoctoral Fellowshipdevelopedin archaeologists? PartofaMitacsElevate Abstract . Isarchaeologyofservicebeyond † physical andphilosophical, haveunder- † I sur leserviceetàl’écoutedelacommunauté. offrir unerechercheacadémiqueplusaxée ambitions etlespromessesquepourraient des partenariatsconventionnels,ainsiqueles moine. Cetarticleexplorelesreprésentations secteurs derecherche,endehorsdupatri- gère lademandecroissanted’inclured’autres de pluslargesrépercussions,commelesug- la communautéarchéologiquepourraitavoir une municipalité.Etceprojetàl’initiativede Nations, desassociationsàbutnonlucratifet munautés liéesaupatrimoine,desPremières dement enrichipourinclured’autrescom- commerciaux, lepiloteduPortails’est rapi- à promouvoirlesrecherchesliéesauxprojets un outilpermettantd’aiderlesarchéologues non-académiques. Créé,àl’origine,comme des objectifsdéfinisparorganisations adapter etconcevoirlarechercheenfonction Il encouragelespartenairesuniversitairesà sur lesprojetsderecherchecommunautaires. sociale, bouscule l’approche conventionnelle de projetsrechercheayantuneportée et encouragerl’aboutissementladiffusion initiatives locales,développerlespartenariats taire. Ceportail,conçupourencouragerles projets derecherched’initiativecommunau- sion, àdestinationdumondeacadémique,de forme permettantlamiseenligneetdiffu- com/research-portal) constitueuneplate- Timmins MartelleHeritageConsultants Inc. 1600 AttawandaronRd.,London, ON @ TheMuseumofOntarioArchaeology, [[email protected]] large partsn recentdecades, of the archaeologicallandscape,both

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COMMUNITY-SOURCED ARCHAEOLOGY • 49 gone fundamental transformations. The communication of results. This intel- emergence of commercial archaeol- lectual convention privileges Western ogy in the 1970s and the broadening research paradigms over the diversity integration of archaeology into state of Indigenous and Descendant com- heritage management regimes created munity worldviews and research agen- a practice focused on efficient fieldwork das (Smith 2012:127) in the heritage and reporting rather than reflective of sector. For example, culture-historical an orthodox archaeology premised on State oversight of heritage preservation answering research questions (Everill reifies archaeological conventions into 2007; Ferris 2002; Hamilakis and Duke law. The result is a very colonial system 2007; McCarthy and Brummitt 2013; of intellectual intervenors negotiating McGuire 2008; Schiffer and Gumer- between a Descendant community and man 1977; Smith 2004; Zorzin 2011). the management of, and often access to, From my experience straddling both their heritage1. the commercial and academic worlds in The cultural value of sites and arti- Ontario, commercial archaeology has facts often remains inaccessible to the become more proficient at conducting Descendant communities most capable fieldwork and generating boilerplate of defining and contextualizing that reports across multiple sites. Over the value. In commercial archaeology, the same period, academic archaeology combined, realized intellectual and, has developed new analyses and field sometimes, cultural values of these methodologies allowing for more time collections are often confined to their to be spent on the same sites and arti- moments of rediscovery. For a brief facts. There are, of course, exceptions time, people are paid, social capitals but this characterization helps explain are gained and expended, relationships why, through commercial archaeology, shift, the moment passes, and the mate- we are aggregating massive volumes of rials and data produced are relegated archaeological artifacts, sites, and data to shelf or file. There they grow more while academics are simultaneously inaccessible with each passing year as doing more specific research on fewer methodologies fall out of favor, as for- of those same materials. mats, and sometimes even as artifacts The inherent logics behind the reten- themselves, fade (Society for American tion and protection of archaeological Archaeology 2003). Consequently, resources threatened by development because of increasing regional emphases have been framed around the poten- on the preservation of archaeological tial to realize cultural and intellectual sites in situ derived from a combination value from a finite resource (Dent 2016; of Indigenous advocacy and developer Hutchings and La Salle 2015; Schiffer avoidance strategies, archaeology is and Gumerman 1977; Smith 2004; starting to feed off itself, as we try and Welch and Ferris 2014). Notwithstand- discern meaning from excavations and ing very legitimate reasons why certain analyses past (Beisaw 2010; Timmins cultural information should not be Martelle Heritage Consultants Inc. shared (Kovach 2009; Smith 2012), the [TMHC] 2019). This “snake eating its intellectual value of archaeological mate- own tail” model is a sustainable vision for rials is characterized as only unlocked archaeology, and in the near term, cer- through subsequent research and tainly a necessary one as so-called legacy

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 50 • DENT collections from the first generation or ontology of archaeology is a recent of commercial archaeologists fall from phenomenon (Alberti 2016; Atalay living memory (Sustainable Archaeology 2012; Cipolla et al. 2018; Colwell-Chan- 2011). However, many archaeologists, thaphonh 2008; Gosden and Malafouris both commercial and academic, would 2015; Nicholas and Andrews 1997). likely think of this as an unsatisfying Much of academic discourse grapples vision of the discipline’s future. with defining and evaluating collabo- Recognizing the problems inherent rative practice as manifested under a in the status quo division between aca- variety of terms consistent with post- demic and commercial work, how can modern disciplinary fracturing. Among archaeology more fully realize the value others, these terms include “Indigenous of its subject matter? Or, perhaps more archaeology(ies)”, “public archaeology”, appropriately, how can others realize and “community/community-based value from archaeology? This paper archaeology(ies)”. explores conventional collaboration Rather than simply proceed by dis- in archaeology and reports on a pilot cussing the aspects of collaboration in project intended to further unsettle2 the archaeology as academically defined and community-based paradigm in heritage understood (Atalay 2006; Cipolla et al. research generally. 2018; Nicholas and Andrews 1997), I will extend the rubric of collaboration The Collaborative Continuum in to include aspects of engagement and Archaeology consultation as practiced in various non- The increasing role of some form of academic settings, specifically cultural collaboration or engagement between resource management. This extension archaeologists and non-archaeologists reflects Colwell-Chanthaphonh and is a consequence of a variety of internal Ferguson’s (2008:1) “collaborative con- and external factors. The influence of tinuum”: these factors on archaeological practice varies between commercial and aca- …we see that collaboration in prac- demic sectors. Commercial archaeol- tice exists on a continuum, from ogy’s interaction with non-commercial merely communicating research archaeologists has been central to the to descendant communities to a discipline since its inception. Devel- genuine synergy where the contri- opers, state-regulators, the interested butions of community members public, and Descendant communities and scholars create a positive result have all seen their exposure to commer- that could not be achieved with- cial archaeology grow in recent decades. out joining efforts. Collaboration, To varying degrees, this exposure has then, is not one uniform idea or confronted archaeologists with a need practice but a range of strategies to adapt practice and generate mean- that seek to link the archaeological ingful engagement. Academia’s recent enterprise with different publics by forays into a collaborative archaeology working together. are not necessarily new either. However, the significant degree to which issues Conceptualizing an applied version of surrounding collaboration currently this spectrum provides context for the influence the perceived core identity second half of this paper.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) COMMUNITY-SOURCED ARCHAEOLOGY • 51

Genuine Synergy: True Collaboration 2007). When interviewed as part of pre- At its most collaborative, Colwell-Chan- vious research (Dent 2016), Andrews thaphonh and Ferguson’s (2008:1) emphasized the profound effect the continuum exhibits what they describe collaboration and ongoing relationship as “genuine synergy”. Deploying Nicho- with the Tłı̨chǫ Elders had on him per- las and Andrews’s (1997:85) “with, for sonally and on the wider relationship and by” characterization of Indigenous between archaeology and the Tłı̨chǫ in archaeology in describing collaboration the Northwest Territories. more widely, genuine synergy exhibits all three of these characteristics and Participation more. Research goals, methodologies, If genuine synergy is with, for, and by and results are established, executed, Descendant communities then participa- and shared by, for, and with the subject tion is for and with Descendant commu- communities involved. Successes are nities. In Canada, participation can be mutually enjoyed, and failures univer- considered alongside another term, con- sally lamented. At the heights of col- sultation; although doing so introduces laboration, genuine synergy involves new, but necessarily understood, com- a symbiotic relationship between the plexities. Consultation is surrounded by researcher and the researched. Argu- legal implications imposed by repeated ably, this form of collaboration cannot Supreme Court of Canada decisions be the product of any one instance of establishing the “duty to consult” under partnership and instead represents its Section 35 of the Constitution Act own continuum of relationship-building (Newman 2009). The diversity of con- and mutual understanding resulting sultative practice established in Canada in a series of partnerships. The most mirrors similar patterns in the United immediate example of continuum to my States. Stapp and Burney (2002:119) use mind, is the work of the Tłı̨chǫ Govern- a definition employed by the Children’s ment and Tłı̨chǫ Elders, such as John B. Health Initiative Program: Zoe and the late Harry Simpson with former territorial archaeologist (North- Consultation is an enhanced form west Territories) Thomas Andrews of communication which empha- (Andrews 2004; Andrews and Zoe 1997; sizes trust, respect and shared Zoe 2007). In the early 1990s, Andrews, responsibility. It is open and free Zoe, Simpson, and other Elders began exchange of information and surveying traditional travel routes within opinion among parties which leads the Tłı̨chǫ Lands. Their approach com- to mutual understanding and combined archaeological and traditional prehension. Consultation is inte- information, correlating and sometimes gral to a deliberative process which contrasting traditional place names and results in effective collaboration functions with archaeological findings. and informed decision making. The resulting series of comprehensive archaeological/traditional knowledge Acknowledging this definition as a understandings became the route for preferred version of consultation, Stapp a place-based learning trip conducted and Burney (2002:118) also reference an annually by Tłı̨chǫ Elders with Tłı̨chǫ outdated version known as “decide and youth called Trails of Our Ancestors (Zoe defend” whereby:

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 52 • DENT

… an agency or government communities in research relating to decided what it wanted to do their interests. Unfortunately, this form and then “consulted” with a tribe of what amounts to anti-collaboration by explaining the decision and is common in academic and heritage answering questions. management settings (Dent 2016). For much of the remainder, particularly In both cases, consultation is character- in heritage management, a new term ized as a form of communication rather occupying the space between participa- than of mutual action. Varying degrees tion/consultation and resistance was of consultation acknowledge the inter- necessary. pretation of relevant legal decisions summarized by Newman (2009:18) as Engagement constituting a “spectrum”. Consultation Engagement represents collaborative with communities explicitly references practice with and by Descendant com- the communicative function, while munities. Notably absent here is the consultation for communities references for element. Engagement has been the fiduciary obligations of the State. entrenched as the terminology blanket- The myriad of state interactions with ing interactions between archaeologists Indigenous communities, notably those and Indigenous communities in the of the National Energy Board, represent Canadian context. In this environment, variably successful examples of consulta- the research conducted is done, in the tion/participation imagined here3. The CRM context, for the developer and academic equivalent of this collabora- to a lesser extent, for the archaeology. tive approach would constitute inquiries In academia, research objectives are directed from researchers to Indigenous more flexible, although the prevailing communities and individuals, whether focus is the realization of intellectual, through interviews and other means, and during community-based projects, together with ongoing conversations cultural values. The participation of about the interpretation of data and community members in various roles production of results. (observers, monitors, participants), up I will reinforce that in Canada, the to and including the primary researcher legal definitions surrounding con- on a specific project (George 2010; Nich- sultation make the term difficult to olas 2010) constitutes the by and with apply without invoking the obligations aspects of collaboration. Engagement imposed by the term’s jurisprudence. distinguishes itself from consultation Although sometimes framed as con- not only in being inclusive of community sultation, participation of Indigenous participation, but in spanning both com- communities in the commercial, as municative and physical actions. Engage- opposed to the state, domain of heritage ment can be represented by simply management is often and specifically communicating intentions and results referred to as engagement, a term that or can be representative of physical par- does not correlate with the final point on ticipation by community members in the Colwell-Chanthaphonh and Ferguson’s actual archaeological project. (2008) continuum, resistance. Resis- It is under this rubric of terminology tance represents a complete absence of that critical epistemologies operate to cooperative participation by Descendant confound the colonial, social class, and

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) COMMUNITY-SOURCED ARCHAEOLOGY • 53 other elitist structures within archaeol- and associated archaeological data and ogy with the objective of arriving at an convert these elements into “accessible “emancipated archaeology” (McGuire information” 4, 5. 2008). Archaeological projects “with, by Our successful application led to work and for” (Nicholas and Andrews 1997) beginning on three components of that communities outside the formal bounds imagined platform: digital field forms of the academy, especially Indigenous with office/lab-side data management communities, are conventionally first (TMHC 2018), a multi-jurisdictional conceived of by academics who then site inventory tool (Dent 2019), and a look for communities who may be research networking service, initially interested in participating. Archaeology and simply named, the Research Portal “with, for, and by” communities is there- (Dent 2017). The Portal was originally fore often an archaeology already imag- conceived of as means for TMHC to ined by archaeologists. That is not to say identify materials and data produced these are neither worthwhile projects through commercial archaeology that nor capable of realizing community-gen- the company felt deserved more atten- erated objectives, only that the agency to tion. This attention might be warranted conceive research conventionally lies in through a recognition of intellectual the academic realm. To achieve, forgive value held by certain sites, collections, the redundancy, true genuine synergy or datasets. It may also emerge from in collaboration, archaeologists must the cultural value perceived by other undertake projects not just with, by, and communities, institutions, or individu- for but from communities as well. The als involved in a project. Descendent remainder of this paper describes a pilot communities were often also interested project facilitating community and non- in further investigation of the heritage academic generation, definition and subject matter revealed or produced communication of their own research during commercial work, as too were projects to academics to provide this clients sometimes. missing piece of genuine synergy. The project sought to create a means to define these potential research proj- The Research Portal Pilot Project ects, outline what resources could be In 2016, Timmins Martelle Heritage coordinated, and then communicate Consultants Inc. (TMHC), Sustainable these as opportunities to academics Archaeology at Western University, and in an increasingly community-based I pitched to Mitacs—a national funding research paradigm (Atalay 2012; Colwell- agency—a postdoctoral fellowship theo- Chanthaphonh and Ferguson 2008; rizing a comprehensive digital heritage Liebmann and Rizvi 2008; Nicholas platform with opportunities to create 2010; Smith 2012). functioning components where possible. Sustainable Archaeology at West- Portal Design ern, much of which is now under the To recap, the archaeological motivations jurisdiction of the Museum of Ontario for initiating this project were to extend Archaeology, was a multi-million-dollar the research potential of commercial project with a mission to consolidate archaeology, address the research gap the physical archaeological record of with academia, and provide a means to Ontario (archaeological collections) communicate non-academic projects to

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 54 • DENT academics. However, there were other roles (Klassen 2013; Markey 2010; Mason considerations that factored into the 2013; Supernant and Warrick 2014:583; pilot’s technical design. Zacharias and Pokotylo 1997). A limited The testing version of the Portal overview of Indigenous community web- was built within the Wordpress content sites in 2016 (Dent 2016), reinforces this management environment. It consisted deficit. Of 638 communities surveyed, of a user identification and permission only 53 (8.3%) listed a dedicated heri- system or “widget” (since removed), tage department on a website (not all a backend adapted job listing widget, communities maintained a website). It and a suite of informational webpages, should be noted here that departments documents, and contact forms. The responsible for lands and resources, Wordpress environment was selected treaty, and intergovernmental affairs because it was an efficient way to pull may also include heritage concerns together these various, open-sourced within their, often wide-ranging, man- components. These components were dates. In compensating for this capacity adapted through adjustments to their deficiency in compliance settings where operational code and design, and the Indigenous communities have a role, development of content that addressed development proponents and govern- several pre-existing conditions of objec- ment-agencies have sporadically pro- tives the Portal could accomplish. vided capacity-building funding up front Foremost were two reflections of con- to facilitate this participation (Dent ditions of Indigenous engagement out- 2016). Should the Portal continue oper- lined during my doctoral research (Dent ating, we will, and have to-date, consider 2016) and identified by others (Con- similar up-front funding mechanisms. naughton et al. 2014; DeVries 2014; Second, that encouraging long-term Markey 2010; Mason 2013; Zacharias relationships between academics and and Pokotylo 1997), community capac- non-academics is more mutually fulfill- ity and relationships. Extending these ing than any “get-in, get-out” mentality conditions to academic/non-academic (Dent 2016). To address capacity issues, interactions writ large, produced several the Portal’s pilot project implemented factors the Portal’s design needed to several features. First, we developed a consider. process to aid the creation of non-aca- First, that many of the Indigenous demic-sourced projects through in-per- communities, not-for-profits, and con- son consultations. Information meetings sulting firms that might be interested in were held with local municipal and First submitting projects to the Portal operate Nations governments and with heritage- within very constrained and finite opera- based not-for-profits. Either during tional capacities. In other words, when a those meetings or through follow-up dis- not-for-profit does not even have enough cussions, we worked with organizations staff to answer phones daily, what mecha- to figure out where their research needs nism would encourage them to take on or interests aligned with the current a research partnership? This capacity academic research environment. We deficit, particularly in Indigenous com- identified local resources, community- munities, affects not only the ability of side contacts, and with one First Nation, communities to participate in academic developed a memorandum of under- research, but in heritage management standing and a community-side process

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) COMMUNITY-SOURCED ARCHAEOLOGY • 55 for Chief and Council to pre-approve a community’s points of contact with projects. Before scaling back our out- researchers and the rest of the communi- reach after high demand, we generated ty’s membership (Dent 2016). Few Indig- 16 projects from Southwestern Ontario: enous communities have a museum such nine from not-for-profits such as muse- as the Secwepemc Museum in Kamloops, ums, research institutes, and community even if they have the administrative heritage organizations; two from TMHC capacity to participate in archaeological itself; four from local First Nations; and engagement. Recognizing this inter- one from the City of London. With an nal communication deficit, the Portal original target of 12 projects, it was clear encourages research partners to create that there was a significant appetite a brief non-technical synopsis of their among these communities and organi- project for a unique Portal Outcomes zations to realize self-defined research page. The page’s content is determined objectives (Figure 1). by research participants but built and Part of this appetite could be attrib- maintained within the Research Portal’s uted to another Portal design feature online infrastructure. created to address capacity, the provi- The last capacity feature likely con- sion of a digital space communicating tributed to one of the more significant research outcomes. A recurring theme challenges of the Portal thus far. Rec- in previous research was the gap between ognizing that community agencies and

Figure 1. Individual portal project listing example.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 56 • DENT organizations do not necessarily have at six Southern Ontario universities. Of the time or resources to screen potential the three projects that realized either an research partners, the Portal’s entire outcome or partnership during the pilot, project listing was user restricted. During only one researcher was a registered the pilot phase, researchers wanting user. The other two partnerships were to use the listing were required to first the result of targeted communications. register with the site. This was used Due to this experience during the pilot, as a means of screening the potential the listing’s accessibility was adapted in applicants who would be contacting the consultation with partner communities communities directly for anyone not and institutions. The current Portal affiliated with a recognized institution maintains both a public listing and a with research ethics policies and proce- private listing6. dures. It may also have been that we were At this point, it is important to empha- experiencing the effects of a reluctance size that the Portal does not determine on the part of some academics consistent which researcher ultimately partners with a strain of discourse resistant to the with which community. That decision is incorporation of multiple ontologies left entirely to the community. However, beyond the academy, most succinctly the digital nature of the listing meant we represented by McGhee (2008) with could restrict who had access to project respect to Indigenous participation in and contact information. archaeology. Given that the point of the exercise was the development of the Portal Pilot Operation and Portal and not the ethnographic explora- Resulting Insights tion of academics’ opinions of multiple The Portal’s test platform went live in ontological approaches—an extensive, September 2017. Preliminary projects sensitive, and worthwhile project in and collected over the summer months were of itself—these effects were considered combined with new projects on the list- outside of the scope of the project. ing until December 2017. At this point, Another potential reason for the min- the Portal had exceeded the original imal academic research interest could target number of 12 projects leading to relate to the geographically confined a halt in active outreach for new pro- nature of the pilot project. On several jects. Focus shifted to securing academic occasions, university faculty noted that partners for the remainder of the pilot, they already had relationships with local although we did add a couple of projects organizations, particularly, local First to the listing when requested by our Nations. In one instance, researchers existing partners. suggested that a First Nations-generated We recognized early the potential of project was not worth undertaking limited accessibility to curtail researcher because there was a pre-existing formal involvement. Predictably, at the end of relationship and set of protocols in the pilot in October 2018, we had only place. Ironically, the same First Nation nine registered individual researchers generated the project to grow the and six registered academic depart- capacity needed to engage those very ments. This despite sustained outreach same formal mechanisms. Eventually, to Geography, Anthropology, History, it emerged that there may have been and Indigenous Studies departments a miscommunication about the nature

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) COMMUNITY-SOURCED ARCHAEOLOGY • 57 of the Research Portal as an intermedi- practices, and promote individual proj- ary listing projects, not an independent ects (Figure 2). We have produced four research entity seeking to undertake issues to-date and will revisit the contin- them. It may be that these issues shift, ued release of issues moving forwards. if the geographic reach of the Portal Despite the limited scope of participa- expands and communications about the tion, the response from universities has Portal’s functions are refined. The pres- been largely positive and constructive. ent status of the Portal remains localized The current research funding and insti- to Southwestern Ontario and deci- tutional outreach environments have sions about where, when, and whether resulted in a proliferation of research to expand await necessary review of outreach departments at various univer- resources. sities, many of whose efforts are directed It is the geographic expansion of the at Indigenous communities (MacDonald Portal that could hold the most promise. 2016). The Truth and Reconciliation The larger the pool of researchers each Commission’s Calls to Action, devel- project is exposed to, the more likely a oping legal jurisprudence, and com- project will align with a specific research- mitments to adhere to international er’s intended or existing area of inter- declarations such as the United Nations est. More remote communities without Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous a sustained continuum of involvement Peoples (UNDRIP), have cascaded with research institutions will also have through governments and their arms- an opportunity to connect with a wide length bodies7. Institutions that rely on array of researchers with minimal effort these governments for grant funding on their part. Should a national research are unsurprisingly attracted to an easier network prove effective and sustainable, means of accessing projects originating the resulting relationships could help from Indigenous communities. develop long-term conduits between The pilot project also sought to better individuals, institutions, and communi- qualify the benefits to researchers and ties. The digital nature of the Portal communities for these types of partner- allows, even encourages, this scale of ships, while also communicating the network, although the more participants risks. Risks surrounded the potential the network gains and more expansive it for listed projects to never be realized grows, the more difficult it will be (with- or to take years to find a partner, and out significant regional infrastructures) for projects or partnerships to fail once to generate these projects through undertaken. To the extent that the Por- in-person consultations. However, any tal’s design was capable, we tried to miti- expansion of the network could run gate some of these risks. We explored contrary to some of the very elements the active promotion of projects through that made collaborations, like the one targeted communications to academics represented previously between Andrews with an identified interest in the subject and the Tłı̨chǫ, successful (e.g., proxim- area. We emphasized the importance of ity, capacity for in-person meetings, etc.). negotiated research agreements delin- As implementation progressed, one eating the terms of partnerships and faculty contact suggested that we start addressing issues such as intellectual a newsletter to communicate what the property and sensitive information. We Portal was, suggest collaborative best were explicit about the processes and

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 58 • DENT

Figure 2. Final newsletter of the pilot project. expectations of academic research. The Balancing against these risks were the original access-restricted nature of the benefits as we initially saw them and as listing also gave the Portal some teeth in they manifested during the pilot. Bene- terms of withdrawing credentials from fits such as, promoting a project-based (as problematic participants. opposed to publication-based) research

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) COMMUNITY-SOURCED ARCHAEOLOGY • 59 portfolio for academics by referencing COTTFN in Fall 2017, asking if we could the outcomes pages8, alternative funding list a non-heritage project that needed sources through grants available exclu- a research partner, as soon as possible, sively to one group or another (e.g., the before the end of that year. Although Ontario Trillium Foundation), network- the Portal’s pilot focused on heritage ing and mentorship, potential future projects and imagined a less time-limited employment (one project has indicated posting, through our relationship with they will likely hire the right research COTTFN we took this on as an oppor- partner), and, most importantly, the tunity to gauge interest from other disci- real-world implications of realizing plines outside social sciences and to test community-sourced research. Conven- the effectiveness of actively promoting tional academic research, particularly projects through direct outreach to in the social sciences and especially in potential researchers. archaeology, rarely has an immediate A partnership with Western University social impact or realized value outside of researchers was initiated 11 days after the discipline. What the Portal has reiter- posting the project on the listing service ated are localized manifestations of long- and reaching out to a preliminary group standing demands for realizing socially of three Environmental Sciences depart- significant, heritage research objectives ments in southwestern Ontario. A week in the immediate term (see Atalay 2012; later, another university also expressed Kovach 2012; Nicholas 2010). interest9. The hydrological project was Take these proposed projects as completed in 2018, and its success led examples: to further funding and a second phase partnership between researchers and the • the GIS platform that will more community. The dialogue surrounding effectively inform land management the COTTFN project emphasized the decisions affecting archaeology for potential of Portal-like services to facul- the Mississaugas of the Credit First ties outside of the social sciences. Nation (MCFN; currently looking One MCFN project involved explor- for partners); ing the repatriation of the Dr. Peter E. • exploring the MCFN repatriation of Jones collection currently held by certain collections from the Smith- the Smithsonian in the United States sonian (project nearing comple- (Smithsonian Institution 2020). The tion); collection is recorded as being donated • Sustainable Archaeology’s interest to the Bureau of American Ethnology by in exploring Indigenous place-nam- Dr. Jones, a noted Mississauga physician ing conventions for archaeological and chief in the nineteenth century10. sites in Southern Ontario (looking Dr. Michelle Hamilton from the Public for partners); and History program at Western University • a hydrological study for Chip- undertook the project and proceeded pewas of the Thames First Nation to study the historical context within (COTTFN; project completed). which the collection was originally com- piled and donated. Once completed, For the last project in that list, the Dr. Hamilton’s study will be a key ele- Portal was approached by the Canadian ment in an eventual MCFN decision Environmental Law Association and about pursuing the repatriation of this

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 60 • DENT collection. The eventual intent is to more liminal social environments than create a heritage repository and museum other disciplines. Not often will a pas- on MCFN lands; this collection could serby have an opportunity to poke their perhaps form part of the core of such an head into a chemistry lab window and institution. quip, “Find any gold?” Certainly, there are the much more profound interac- Conclusion tions with Descendant community mem- It is important here not to suggest bers with a direct lineage to, sometimes that archaeology is a model in how to even memory of, the sites we work on undertake collaborative research. The (Atalay 2012; Nicholas 2010). Increasing discipline has a long, often problematic numbers of us are recognizing the colo- history of interaction with Descendant nial foundations of our work, embracing communities, particularly when that the multivocality of differing concep- interaction intersects with State over- tions of the past, and, often awkwardly, sight of heritage. However, there is a trying to find a place where our passion growing body of critical discourse about for understanding this past can be of that interaction that could help inform service to those who lay claim to it; prob- disciplines without that collective expe- lematizing our own claim in the process. rience (Atalay 2006; Atalay et al. 2014; When the pilot project ended, the Biolosi and Zimmerman 1997; Hutch- Research Portal shifted to a more public ings and La Salle 2017; Liebmann and listing (Figure 3) and was renamed to Rizvi 2008; McNiven and Russell 2005; distinguish it from other listing systems Nicholas and Hollowell 2007; Scarre and with similar names. There are still unan- Coningham 2013; Smith 2004, 2006). swered questions about the newly named Archaeology is often practiced in much Heron Research Portal, how it will ulti-

Figure 3. Screen capture of recent Heron Research Portal projects (July 2019).

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) COMMUNITY-SOURCED ARCHAEOLOGY • 61 mately function and what sort of fund- of the Credit project and to the reviewers for ing model can support and maintain their tremendously helpful comments. This the service. Still, even in its pilot phase, paper is dedicated to the memory and legacy the Portal contributed to the ongoing of Six Nations archaeologist, coordinator, unsettling of archaeology by seeking and community advocate, Joanne Thomas. new reasons for conducting research not originating in academia. The Portal Notes suggests that a systematic means of gen- 1. That is not to say that Indigenous erating research objectives originating communities are simply passive actors from non-academic communities may in this arrangement. Indigenous com- be possible. Whether the combination munities and individuals have success- of community- and academic-user inter- fully undertaken a variety of formal ests and available operational resources and informal actions in shaping and are sufficient to pursue this or a similar reshaping archaeological processes. approach, remains to be seen. 2. Unsettle is used here to infer both the continuing process of decolonization Acknowledgments. Part of a Mitacs Elevate and the disruption of conventional Postdoctoral Fellowship, this research would community-based practice. not have been possible without the sup- 3. See https://www.cer-rec.gc.ca/ port of Mitacs, Timmins Martelle Heritage bts/nws/rgltrsnpshts/2016/ Consultants Inc., Sustainable Archaeology 25rgltrsnpsht-eng.html for a summary at Western, and the Department of Anthro- of the NEB’s role in consultation with pology at Western University. I want to reference to specific examples. acknowledge Laura Kelvin and Lisa Hodgetts 4. http://sustainablearchaeology.org/ for organizing the CAA session in which this about.html#mission and other papers were originally presented 5. Ontario, prior to this, did not have as well as their hard work pulling this special a conventional system of central- issue together. I also want to thank the indi- ized repositories for archaeological viduals, communities, and organizations that collections resulting in most collec- participated in the Research Portal’s pilot tions being held and stored by those program: Darin Wybenga, Mark LaForme, responsible for their excavation or by Megan DeVries, Chief and Council of Mis- the local archaeological offices of the sissaugas of the Credit First Nation, Joanne provincial government. Thomas of the Six Nations of the Grand 6. https://insituated.com/research- River’s Land Use Unit, Emma Young and portal/projects Kelly Riley of Chippewas of the Thames First 7. As of the writing the National Inquiry Nation, Kerrie Blaise from the Canadian on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Environmental Law Association, Dr. Rhonda Women and Girls recently released Bathurst and Dr. Heather Hatch from the their Calls to Justice which, we hope, Museum of Ontario Archaeology, and Kyle should receive similar attention. Gonyou from the City of London. The time 8. Traditional academic publications and attention of university departments and are not typically accessible (in both staff at Western University and interest from formats and language) to partner other universities is also greatly appreciated. communities. Conventional academic Thank you specifically to Darin Wybenga for credentials also prioritize publications his review of the section on the Mississaugas and often do not consider project out-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 62 • DENT

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Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) Article Hebron Practicing Memory,Identity,andArchaeologyin Unsettled ArchaeologywithaResettledCommunity: Canadian Journal ofArchaeology/JournalCanadien d’Archéologie44:66–82 des aînésavantqu’ilsnesoient perdus.Surla et d’enregistrerleshistoires lessouvenirs l’occasion de retourner dans leur terre natale du projetest d’offrir auxrésidents d’Hébron relogés deforceen1959.L’objectif principal dont lesrésidents(Hébronimiut) ontété communauté inuite du nord du Labrador vie duXXesiècleàHébron,uneancienne vise àaccroîtrenotrecompréhensiondela d’Hébron estunprojetpluriannuelqui Résumé. of Hebronimiut. accessible topresentandfuturegenerations driven narrative that will be relevant and critical guidinglessonstodevelopanInuit- of theproject,ultimately,theyhaveprovided these factorshaveunsettledtheoriginalgoals a researcherhaschanged as a result. people Iamtryingtoserve,andmyroleas in natureordertosuittheneedsof lity. Projectgoalsandmethodsareflexible based interviews,andincreasingaccessibi- archaeological recordingmethods,family- from household excavation to non-invasive members, thescopeofresearchhasshifted on theexpressedinterestsofcommunity ries ofEldersbeforetheyarelost.Based land and torecordthe stories and memo- residents ofHebrontoreturntheirhome- project istoprovideopportunitiesforthe relocated in1959.Theprimarygoalofthe whose residents(Hebronimiut)wereforcibly Inuit communityinnorthernLabrador twentieth-century life in Hebron,aformer towards increasing our understanding of Project isamulti-yearprojectwhichworks Abstract. TheHebronFamilyArchaeology Michelle TariDavies

Le Projet d’archéologie familiale † While † (Figure north ofNaininNunatsiavut,Labrador Labrador Inuit had family fishing camps, Labrador Inuithadfamilyfishing camps, nificant extensionofthecommunity,as 2009:35). Thelargerregionisasig- people atits peak(LoringandArendt thriving community,growingtoover300 the establishmentofmissiondrewa Moravian missionariesin1831;however, homeland longbeforethearrivalof munity, locatedapproximately200 Hebron isaformerLabradorInuitcom- futures d’Hébronimiut. et accessibleauxgénérationsprésentes récit dirigé par les Inuits quiserapertinent orientations essentiellespourélaborerun projet, en fin de compte, ils ont fourni des teurs aientdéstabilisélesobjectifsinitiauxdu a changé en conséquence. Bien que ces fac- j’essaie de servir et mon rôle de chercheur afin derépondreauxbesoinsdesgensque méthodes du projet sont de nature flexible une accessibilitéaccrue.Les objectifs et les non invasives,desentrevuesfamilialeset méthodes d’enregistrementarchéologique été déplacéedel’excavationfoyersàdes la communauté,portéederecherchea base desintérêtsexprimésmembresde Unsettled ArchaeologywithaResettled Nunatsiavut Government/Memorial University, P.O. Box70,Nain,NL [[email protected]]

1). TheregionwasanInuit Community

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km UNSETTLED ARCHAEOLOGY WITH A RESETTLED COMMUNITY • 67

Figure 1. Northern Labrador with location of sites mentioned in the text. cabins, and traditional hunting areas closed without consultation or consent, around Hebron for hundreds of years, and families were forced to relocate prior to the arrival of Europeans (Brice- south; an event which forever marked Bennett 1977:112). Most people did not the lives of the people of Hebron and spend all year in the community, though their descendants. some of the most prominent memories When I first moved to Nain to work that people share are from when families with the Nunatsiavut Archaeology returned from their fishing camps at Office, I absorbed a sense of urgency Christmas time; a long-standing social as first-hand memories and knowledge tradition that forged a strong sense of about Hebron were in danger of disap- community and shared identity. In the pearing from the loss of Elders. As an summer of 1959, the community was outsider to the community, I was initially

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 68 • DAVIES quite cautious to engage with such a research is conducted changes in both sensitive topic. It seemed to be a deep small and dramatic ways to suit the needs scar in Nunatsiavut that would take a of the people I am trying to serve. Finally, long time for me to suitably understand. it relates to my own unsettled feelings in However, a significant part of my role as conducting the research. Although I a civil servant is public-facing, and I grew live and work in the community, I am to learn that I gained a richer under- often confronted with my own feelings standing of the archaeological past in of imposterdom in telling the story of Labrador from listening and building Hebron, and challenged by my shift- local knowledge of the past with coming understanding of community-based munity members. I was considering ways research through the intimate work of to integrate these developing relation- discovering truly shared research goals. ships with the public engagement work The following paper is a reflection on we were conducting in the archaeology the process of developing the Hebron office, perhaps in the form of a commu- Family Archaeology Project with com- nity archaeology project, but had not yet munity partners, and the experiences discovered the appropriate opportunity. which have ultimately led to re-thinking PiusituKaujuit Asianguvalliajuillu/Tra- my own role as a researcher. dition and Transition is a research partnership announced in 2015 between the The Hebron Relocation of 1959 Nunatsiavut Government and Memorial The memory of Hebron is often tied University. It provided a unique oppor- to one traumatic event, from which a tunity to dedicate time and funding multi-faceted legacy and a resilient sense towards a community-based project in of identity has unfolded among the Hebron. It has been a worthwhile chal- descendants of the community. In the lenge to develop relevant and appropri- spring of 1959, at a time when most of ate research at Hebron, and over time I the community members were prepar- have recognized increased satisfaction ing to leave for their fishing camps after from the community when we are able Easter celebrations, an announcement to define and achieve shared research was made that the store and the Mora- goals. Determining those shared goals vian mission would be closing. There has not been an altogether straight path, was a communal sense that this was and I see the “unsettling” theme applied going to happen, and the Chief Elder, in three different, but connected, ways to Levi Nochasak, had previously penned the Hebron Family Archaeology Project. a letter on behalf of the people from Hebron is literally an unsettled commu- Hebron asking to receive sufficient noti- nity, and there are significant challenges fication in the event that the community related to engaging with the community, was to close (Brice-Bennett 2017:98). which is now dispersed across Newfound- Archived correspondence between land and Labrador. There are also sensi- authorities representing the mission, the tivities relating to the intergenerational province, and the International Grenfell traumas which resulted from the social Association (IGA) indicate that the deci- and economic consequences of their sion to move was largely based on health displacement. It relates to my unsettled concerns of overcrowding and the cost of methodology: every year, as new partici- keeping the community open. It is clear pants join the project, the way that the that none of the authorities engaged

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLED ARCHAEOLOGY WITH A RESETTLED COMMUNITY • 69 with the community members or prior- in the north, such as the controversial itized their concerns and desires before relocation program of eight Inuit fami- relocation was unilaterally enforced lies from Inukjuak to Grise Fjord and (Brice-Bennett 2017:93). The decision Resolute in the high arctic in the early to close Hebron would be determined 1950s (Evans 2012:115; Qikiqtani Inuit by a few individuals who never visited the Association 2014). community or discussed the matter with Labrador Inuit quickly organized to its residents. An often-repeated element address the issues caused by relocation, of Hebron’s oral history is the manner and by the 1970s were discussing them of the announcement, which took place in community halls and through local in the church at an Easter service rather media. In 1973, the Labrador Inuit Asso- than in the community hall—effectively ciation (LIA) was formed, largely due to removing any opportunity for discussion the unfair treatment of Inuit from Nutak or opposition. and Hebron (Evans 2012:142). The The closing was rushed during the political momentum which grew from summer months after the IGA nurse was the grievances of provincial relocation withdrawn from Hebron and, expect- programs propelled Labrador Inuit to ing to move that summer, families had submit a land claim, initially filed in 1977 already begun demolishing their own (Brice-Bennett 2017:205). An emotional houses to manufacture moving boxes reunion at Hebron in 1999, organized by (Brice-Bennett 2017:96). The commu- Torngâsok, the cultural branch of LIA, nities to which they were moved were further publicized the injustices of the unprepared, and many people from relocation program, and resulted in an Hebron were without work and had apology and compensation from the pro- to live in overcrowded houses or tents vincial government (Evans 2012:142). for the first few years after relocation After 30 years of negotiations, LIA mem- (Evans 2012:112). Inuit from Hebron bers ratified the Labrador Inuit Land would have shared many similar cultural Claims Agreement (LILCA) in May 2004. practices to Inuit in communities fur- It was approved the next June by the ther south, such as traditional hunting, Canadian Senate and came into effect fishing, and Moravian church practices, on December 1, 2005, making Labrador though there were difficulties adjust- Inuit the first Inuit group to achieve self- ing to new hunting grounds resulting governance (Brice-Bennett 2017:205). in impoverishment and segregation The legacy of Hebron, so often tied to (Brice-Bennett 2000). Devastated by the dispossession of an Inuit homeland, poverty, hunger, and alienation, the can also be a source of pride and identity long-lasting social and economic con- among many descendants today. sequences of relocation are perhaps most starkly revealed by the dispropor- Towards a Community-based Archaeology tionately high mortality rates of Inuit Project in Hebron from Hebron after relocation, and the When the Hebron Family Archaeology intergenerational trauma which per- Project began in 2016, I had been living sists among many of their descendants and working in Nain for two years as a (Brice-Bennett 2000, 2017; Evans 2012). civil servant. I had held archaeological The decision evokes a pattern of similar permits, organized community meet- damaging federal government programs ings and workshops, and was starting to

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 70 • DAVIES practice a few words in Inuktitut. I was I assumed that such a project would feeling more comfortable in both my follow the same community engagement professional and social roles in the com- protocols we typically followed before munity. Having spent my formative years conducting archaeological research in a predominantly white, middle-class along the coast, as outlined in the per- suburb outside of Toronto, it took some mitting requirements of LILCA (LILCA time to adjust to the different social 2005:Chapter 15). This process involves and economic realities of Nain. The seeking input from the host community, Nunatsiavut Government has rights and conducting field work through survey responsibilities over Lands and Natural and excavation methods as required, Resources, Health and Social Develop- bringing artifacts back to Nain for analy- ment, Education, Culture, Language, sis, presenting results, and submitting and Tourism, among other essential interim and final reports to the Archae- departments (LILCA 2005). However, ology Office. From previous experience, persistent social issues, including pov- I felt relatively confident in my role as erty, food insecurity, loss of language, an archaeologist: to recover, analyze, public health and housing crises, as well and interpret material culture in order as disproportionately high youth suicide to develop a meaningful narrative about rates, may be considered symptoms of the past. I was about to learn that this typ- inequality and the persistent impacts of ically acceptable and standard approach colonialism in the region, in particular, would, in effect, muddy the process of the forced relocations of Hebron in a community-based project at Hebron, 1959, and Nutak in 1956 (Brice-Bennett and that I would take on a much differ- 2017; Evans 2012:141; ITK-NISR 2018:9). ent role than the one I had anticipated. Perhaps unsurprisingly, I learned of There is no single clear path to these issues secondhand, as my social practice community-based participatory group tended to consist of community research, though useful guidelines have members of a similar age and socio- been thoughtfully developed as archae- economic group. The segregated sub- ologists have embraced the incorpora- culture of white southerners in northern tion of different cultural perspectives communities is a recognizable social in the construction of the past (Atalay dynamic which can intensify the class 2012; Brady 2009; Fay 2008; Lyons 2013; structure of the community, and can Schaepe et al. 2017). Each instance make it difficult to engage with some of may be considered a local negotiation these issues in a meaningful way (Brody of how research is conducted about 1991; Fay 2008:79). The decision to the lives and heritage of a particular close and resettle the community was community, and requires considerable a colonial exercise, rooted in a patron- time and effort in order to identify the izing sense of stewardship that assumed shared goals of the community and the the best for the community and resulted researcher (Atalay 2012; Lyons 2013:7). in far-reaching, intergenerational con- Communities come to the negotiating sequences (Brice Bennett 2017; Evans table with particular ways of identifying, 2012). Any attempt to begin a commu- knowing, and understanding the past, nity-based participatory research project and community-based archaeological would need to be thoughtfully devel- practice aims to re-enfranchise margin- oped so as not to cause further harm. alized communities to tell their own

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLED ARCHAEOLOGY WITH A RESETTLED COMMUNITY • 71 stories (Lyons 2013). Labrador Inuit tion of artifacts from Hebron through continue to express interest in travelling household excavations. While this was to Hebron, sharing stories, and learning met with no outright objection, there about the past, before those stories are was no resounding endorsement, either. lost. Developing methods to capture As a result, the first year of the project those stories requires an understanding prioritized mapping the locations of of the trauma of resettlement, the ongo- family houses and conducting inter- ing role of social memory and identity in views. Participants were selected with the the narrative of Hebron, and re-evaluat- help of a volunteer selection committee ing the relationship between community made up of people from Hebron or their and researcher. descendants in each of Nunatsiavut’s communities. From this foundational Memory at Work. The first year of the work, we hoped to grow a living memory Hebron Family Archaeology Project was map of areas and practices significant designed to capture a multivocal past as to people from Hebron, and to seek the remembered by those who had lived in express permission of families directly the community. In the first few commu- related to the households before any nity meetings to discuss the shape of the excavation took place (Davies 2017). project, our first shared goal centred on John Jararuse and Jerry Tuglavina, capturing the memories and oral histo- two Elders who had experienced child- ries of the Elders who had experienced hood in Hebron, were selected for their life in Hebron. I had also proposed the famous memory recall and storytelling collaborative recovery and interpreta- skills (Figure 2). Before we arrived, John

Figure 2. John Jararuse and Elias (Jerry) Tuglavina mapped the locations of family homes in Hebron during the first year of the project.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 72 • DAVIES and Jerry agreed that there would be a ries that artifacts may have produced the dozen households to record, and that following field season. it would take us half a day to finish the work. However, Hebron is a landscape Confronting Different Heritage Values. The enmeshed with personal experiences, experiences of Maggie and Billy Jara- and is rich with the power to evoke ruse, the second family to participate in memories. Memories are mediated the Hebron Family Archaeology Project, through storytelling, memory props, led to a complete redesign of the pro- and symbolic imagery, which may all ject goals after we were confronted with be accessed through performative the emotional weight of disturbing the archaeology: the physical acts under- remains of a house that may have held taken in unearthing the past, produc- connections to more than one family. It ing memory publicly, and identifying also revealed a community project goal the symbolic resonance of artifacts to that was not obvious to me, as the selec- a specific audience (Jones and Russell tion committee voted for Maggie and 2012:270; Rubertone 2008:13). As we Billy, knowing that they had not ever walked through the former community had the chance to visit their parents’ together, their memories resurfaced and homeland, and had no direct memories grew beyond their own expectations. We of Hebron to capture. The commit- recorded a total of 38 family homes, the tee had helped to design the goals of school, the two distinct locations of the recording Elders’ oral histories, but community hall, the location of struc- also recognized the value in sharing the tures relating to the US Army during experience of Hebron with a generation World War II, as well as structures near well removed from the period of occu- the beach related to the fishing industry pation (Figure 3). The family eagerly that sustained the community during absorbed the landscape, and they were the mid-twentieth century. While walk- particularly moved by the experience ing through the church on the first day of standing in the physical locations of of the fieldwork, one Elder picked up a their family homes and fishing camps. sieve that was used to scatter sand on the However, as they settled in and reconsid- church floor in order to keep it clean ered how many other families were con- and dry. Stories around collecting sand nected to the land and their own family at the beach and the identification of a home, disturbing the ground became sandbox in an annex beside the church an impossible burden. Multiple families soon followed, demonstrating the power had claim and personal meaning tied to that a single object can have towards the properties, and the family exercised memory production (Davies 2017). The their right to withdraw consent for exca- map was well received after we returned, vation (Davies 2018). Instead, they took and community members suggested only part in familiar embodied practices: small alterations as I traveled to each fishing for char, picking mussels, making community to present the results of the dried char, as well as living and walking first field season. It was my hope that we through the landscape. In particular, an could take this information back to the unexpected visit to Tikigatsukulluk, a communities in order to select a family small fishing camp just north of Hebron, to take part in the excavation of a home, was simultaneously the most joyful and and to record more stories and memo- difficult experience of the trip for Billy,

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLED ARCHAEOLOGY WITH A RESETTLED COMMUNITY • 73

Figure 3. Maggie and Billie Jararuse and their daughter Billie-Jean Tuglavina (at left) stand on the remains of their family home in Hebron. whose family spent most of their time in during the first year of the project, and that location. The indirect memory of to produce opportunities for families to injustice from relocation was given a new help interpret the artifacts from their significance in this locale, as the family family homes. However, the meaningful experienced the bounty and beauty of connection to objects from Hebron may their family homeland and all that was also be achieved through examinations lost after relocation. of what has already been deemed sig- We spent the week recording the nificant to community members, such as locations of fishing camps in the greater family heirlooms and a local collection region and examined artifacts on the of surface finds which have been col- land, at the houses, and in the church. lected over years of visitation to Hebron In examining the objects of which they and are now displayed on a few tables in had no concrete memories, but which the church (Figure 4). held ancestral significance for them Despite the significant change in nonetheless, meaning was created anew. field plans and the move away from A form of “disjunctive” memory, which excavation, I was still keen to return merges personal and social memory, with some objects that would interest was focused through material culture community members back home. After to create a new sense of connection to all, what was archaeology without some the past (Joyce 2003:118). The initial recovery and professional analysis of goal of the project was to focus on the material culture? I considered wrapping excavation of the houses recorded up some artifacts that had already been

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 74 • DAVIES

Figure 4. A local display of artifacts in the church at Hebron. collected at the church, such as a rusted provide a path to centre Indigenous rifle, a lead weight from the fish plant, worldviews, concerns, and concepts in and various wood working tools, among archaeological research practices (Atalay others. However, I was gently reminded 2012; Smith 2012). It is not centred on by a participant that it would be more the rejection of western ways of knowing; appropriate to consult with the com- rather, it is meant to intertwine commu- munity again before deciding to change nity and archaeological knowledge, to the research design. This was without a create rich, relevant interpretations of doubt the best approach, though I could the past (Atalay 2012:27). It does, how- not anticipate any negative reactions to ever, involve doing our best to remove the material being removed, conserved, western colonial influence in archaeo- and displayed for the broader commu- logical practice, and requires a method- nity in Nain. I had felt so sure of the ben- ology that relinquishes at least partial efits of community-based archaeology at control over all or part of the project, Hebron, and the therapeutic effects of from collaboratively designing research both excavation and personal interpreta- questions, through developing appropri- tion of material culture. As we drove the ate field practices and methods of data boats back to Nain empty-handed, I was collection, to sharing the dissemination left wondering: how much of the picture and benefits of research results appro- was I still missing? priately (Brady 2009:35). Unfortunately, archaeology operates in contexts which Decolonizing Archaeological Research persist in their marginalization of Indig- Practices. Decolonizing methodologies enous peoples, and even truly collabora-

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLED ARCHAEOLOGY WITH A RESETTLED COMMUNITY • 75 tive archaeology may not fully escape which is likely rooted in a deeper history the complex legacy of colonialism which (Hawkes 1916:136). At a later meeting is upheld through inequitable politi- in Hopedale, another Elder revealed cal, legislative, and educational struc- that she had objects from Hebron that tures (Nicholas and Hollowell 2007:61; she wished to see returned, in order to Supernant and Warrick 2014:565). give them an appropriate resting place. However, by shifting control to margin- I asked if she would be interested in alized groups and working within those documenting the meaning of these structures towards a shared agenda, objects before they were returned, which archaeologists can help to empower was met with direct approval. Two years communities, and create spaces for trans- after presenting the ready-made goals formative social action (Lyons 2013:13). of what I thought was required for an This shift in control works to decolonize archaeological project, I feel as though I the process and structure of research, am finally beginning to understand what and champion the right for Indigenous research interests and concerns may truly peoples to define and describe their own stem from the Hebron community. It is past (Deloria 1992). increasingly likely that these goals lean During the 2018 community engage- away from removing artifacts and towards ment sessions, I directly asked if people a form of repatriation. were interested in seeing artifacts from Collaborations which seek to address the church at Hebron brought back for the imbalance between the discipline conservation and community-led inter- and descendant communities must pretation. There was some discussion be tailored to the specific interests of around whether the artifacts were made the community, requiring significant and used by Inuit: they appeared to have time and energy from both research- been brought in by the Moravian mis- ers and descendant groups (Nicho- sionaries and did not represent the kind las et al. 2011:12). In some cases, such of activities that people usually associate as at Hebron, the interests vary between with life at Hebron. I only managed to different communities and individu- recognize a general feeling of disquiet in als, though these are not necessarily the group, but could not place the source. mutually exclusive. Collaboration is After the meeting, a community member not universally applied, but exists on a came to me to reveal the potential rea- continuum from colonial control on one sons for the rejection of these artifacts—a end of the spectrum, to community con- few Elders saw them as having negative trol on the other. The degree to which or haunted associations from the old a community resists, participates in, or community. A traditional taboo against collaborates with the research often cor- interfering with ancient graves also relates with the emphasis on a multivocal applied to old houses and tools in other practice to expand a shared understand- Arctic regions, and the transgression of ing of the past (Colwell 2016:116). taboos in the past could bring about bad If the goal of Indigenous and commu- luck or hardship (Griebel 2013:236). Eth- nity-based archaeologies is to redress the nographic research in Labrador reveals power imbalance in the production of a twentieth-century practice of leaving knowledge, then a relationship of equal- grave objects undisturbed or else replac- ity should be ensured at all stages of the ing an object with a token in exchange, research process (La Salle 2010:406).

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For example, the Intellectual Property Archaeology Project was a practice in Issues in Cultural Heritage Project relinquishing control. Community con- (IPinCH) is a multi-institution collabo- sultations leading up to the field season ration between more than 50 archaeolo- were focused on identifying shared goals gists, museum experts, and lawyers who between myself and the community. In are working to explore the values under- particular, we discussed how to manage lying ethical knowledge exchange relat- and care for objects without removing ing to cultural heritage. The IPinCH them from Hebron, and how to increase approach to identifying community people’s access to the research data and concerns includes initial surveys and the site for land-based social program- vetting by the community to ensure no ming in the future. Rather than remov- sensitive data is released (IPinCH 2016). ing objects, research would focus on This practice reflects a constructive having a family identify objects which engagement that addresses the needs of may be of interest for photography, the community and the researchers equi- on-site conservation, and analysis. Com- tably, ensures community control over munity members also expressed interest the data at all points in the project, and in continuing to record family fishing guarantees that local values are upheld camps, local place names, and family throughout the research process (Nicho- interviews, as well as increasing long- las and Hollowell 2007; Nicholas et al. term accessibility to Hebron. 2011:21). Control over the very informa- A family of four was selected by tion Indigenous peoples share during the committee: John Jararuse and his a research project is perhaps the most nephew Martin R. Jararuse, as well as his fundamental way that archaeologists can wife Josephine and her daughter Susie. begin to redress the colonial imbalances John, having participated in the first year of research and work to develop more of the project, likely remembers how ethical and equitable relationships with encumbered I was during that first field communities (Bell and Shier 2011:38; season, juggling my GPS, tapes, cameras, Nicholas and Hollowell 2007:60). More and notebooks as I tried to record every broadly, asking fundamental questions, aspect of the project myself. This year, such as who has shaped the research having established the shared goals of topic, who controls the funding, who capturing stories, places, and memories will do the analysis and interpretation, of Hebron, I relinquished my control who benefits from the research, and over aspects of data collection and placed what influences perspective, can shift the video camera in the hands of the research from self-interested extrac- family (Figure 5). Susie and Josephine tion to self-representation and sover- were both brimming with questions, eignty for Indigenous groups (La Salle with or without me, in the community, 2010:414). The power over research in the church, and in the fishing camps. funding and practices needs to be in the John and Martin were naturally more hands of those affected by it to reform comfortable to share information with the colonial epistemology inherent in family members, and interviews flowed the research system (La Salle 2010:416). in Inuktitut. The family selected artifacts in the church that may be of interest for Re-Thinking the Role of the Researcher. analysis and helped to design a case for The third year of the Hebron Family artifacts that was made of old church

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLED ARCHAEOLOGY WITH A RESETTLED COMMUNITY • 77

Figure 5. John Jararuse, Martin R. Jararuse, and Susie Semigak conducting interviews by their family home in Hebron. windows (Brake et al. 2019). By person- The process of community consultation ally stepping back from an authoritative must therefore shift to a deeper form of research role, there was now more space collaboration for researchers to accu- for the family to engage more fully and rately determine and understand the to claim ownership over the direction of complex web of interests, obligations, the research. concerns, and responsibilities that indi- In order to conduct sustainable, viduals and communities weave around ethical research with Hebronimiut, I their own heritage resources. The range endeavored to remove myself as the of values assigned to the past can be single authorized voice in the construc- acknowledged through the service of tion of the past. The social value of heri- archaeology, and the motivations for tage overlaps with archaeological ways doing archaeology may therefore be of making meaning, and there are often redefined and made more relevant to different values playing out in relation descendant communities (Ferris and to the archaeological record as Hebroni- Welch 2014:226). miut continue to dwell on a designated The tenets of community-based archaeological site (Figure 6). People archaeology clearly outline the role of and communities draw meaning and the researcher, who is responsible for identity from heritage places, and these explicitly integrating cultural protocols cultural resources are weighed against and values into the research design the preservation of archaeological and disseminating results in cultur- remains (Ferris and Welch 2014:224). ally appropriate ways (Smith 2012:16).

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 78 • DAVIES

Figure 6. Drying rows of pitsik (dried char) display a highly valued activity and ongoing connections to Hebron.

Fostering dialogue with the community sharing of knowledge and results is not and surrendering at least partial control a one-time exercise at the completion of key aspects of the research process, of a project, but can be considered a including design, methods, funding, long-term commitment and exercised and dissemination, are some of the ways during multiple stages of the research. that archaeologists can begin to work By moving beyond the sharing of superfi- with communities, rather than simply cial information to the way that the infor- inform them of research taking place mation was constructed, archaeologists (Fay 2008:10; McNiven and Russell can meaningfully engage communities 2005; Zimmerman 2013:100). By shift- in defining their own pasts and help to ing a sense of accountability away from democratize the process of knowledge research institutions and towards the construction (Smith 2012:17). communities, archaeologists can begin My own role in the Hebron Family to re-situate marginalized interests, nar- Archaeology Project continues to be an ratives, and benefits (Ferris and Welch unfolding process, and each individual 2015:73). Archaeologists have useful interview, field season, and community skills in detailed recording and can apply meeting helps to calibrate the project new technologies to act as technicians so that it aligns with the interests of for the project interests of a commu- people from Hebron (Brake et al. 2019; nity, rather than the drivers of research Davies 2017, 2018). However, the cultur- which neither benefits nor interests ally appropriate dissemination of the them (La Salle 2010:416). Finally, the research results is an outstanding issue

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLED ARCHAEOLOGY WITH A RESETTLED COMMUNITY • 79 to be determined with the community. PiusituKaujuit Asianguvalliajuillu/Tradition While Informed Consent Forms outline and Transition, a joint research partnership the ways in which the data may be used, between the Nunatsiavut Government and such as in meetings, presentations, Memorial University. We also receive critical reports, and on websites, it may not be a and ongoing Mental Health support from the sufficient safeguard to protect culturally Nunatsiavut Government’s Department of or personally sensitive information. It is Health and Social Development, with particu- clear that my role also includes facilitat- lar thanks to Rutie Lampe and Bev Hunter, as ing ongoing communication so that well as support from the Department of Cul- this information may be vetted by the ture, Recreation and Tourism, with thanks to community before it is disseminated, Jillian Larkham, Belinda Webb, Jamie Brake, and control centred with the people of and Kyle Crotty. The project is largely based Hebron. on Inuit knowledge which has been generously shared by participants in Hebron and Future and Long Term Plans for Hebron. As in their communities, with particular thanks the Hebron Family Archaeology project to John Jararuse, Elias (Jerry) Tuglavina, continues, I have asked the Selection Maggie and Billy Jararuse, Martin R. Jararuse, Committee to take on more of a decision- Josephine (Miki) Semigak, Simon Kohlmeis- making role for the research activities in ter, Elizabeth Ittulak, Lucas and Ernestina upcoming field seasons, which includes Ittulak, Alice Pilgrim, Andrew Piercy, Bertha setting direct goals relating to the docu- Holeiter, Sarah Townley, Sophie Tuglavina, mentation, preservation, and potential Annie Lidd, Levi Nochasak, and Gus and repatriation of artifacts to Hebron. Dis- Lena Semigak. Nakummek illonasi. cussion surrounding control over funding and the appropriate dissemination References Cited of results will be fundamental to working Atalay, Sonya towards the goal of a community-based 2012 Community-Based Archaeology: archaeology project that is truly con- Research With, By, and For Indigenous trolled by the community. In working to and Local Communities. University of decentre my own authority and control California Press, Berkeley, California. over the project, the right for Inuit from Bell, Catherine, and Caeleigh Shier Hebron to define and describe their own 2011 Control of Information Origi- past can be a shared goal that is both sus- nating from Aboriginal Communities: tainable and ethical and may continue to Legal and Ethical Contexts. Etudes/ grow in culturally appropriate ways long Inuit/Studies 35(1–2):35–56. after the research project concludes. It is my hope that this project will provide Brady, Liam M. an avenue for an Inuit-driven narrative 2009 (Re)Engaging with the (Un) about twentieth-century life in Hebron, Known: Collaboration, Indigenous which will be supported and grown from Knowledge, and Reaffirming Aborigi- the archaeological, historical, and oral nal Identity in the Torres Strait history record and shared with Nunatsi- Islands, Northeastern Australia. Colla- avut communities. borative Anthropologies 2:33–64. Brake, Jamie, Michelle Davies, Kyle Acknowledgments. The Hebron Family Archae- Crotty, and Noah Nochasak ology Project has been funded through 2019 Nunatsiavut Archaeology Office

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 80 • DAVIES

Field Work 2018. In Provincial Archae- ogy Office, St. John’s, Newfoundland ology Office 2018 Archaeology Review 17, and Labrador. edited by Stephen Hull, pp. 7–26. Pro- Deloria, Vine, Jr. vincial Archaeology Office, St. John’s, 1992 Indians, Archaeologists, and the Newfoundland and Labrador. Future. American Antiquity 57(4):595– Brody, Hugh 598. 1991The People’s Land: Inuit, Whites Evans, Peter and the Eastern Arctic. Reprinted. 2012 Abandoned and Ousted by the Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver, Brit- State: the Relocations from Nutak ish Columbia. Originally published and Hebron, 1956–1959. In Settlement, 1975, Penguin Books, Markham, Subsistence and Change Among the Lab- Ontario. rador Inuit, edited by David Natcher, Brice-Bennett, Carol Lawrence Felt, and Andrea Procter, 1977 Our Footprints Are Everywhere: pp. 111–148. University of Manitoba Inuit Land Use and Occupancy in Labra- Press, Winnipeg, Manitoba. dor. Labrador Inuit Association, Nain, Fay, Amelia E. M. Newfoundland and Labrador. 2008 Creating a Community Archae- 2000 Ikkaumajannik Piusivinnik/Rec- ology in Nain. Master’s thesis, Depart- onciling with Memories: A Record of the ment of Anthropology, Memorial Reunion at Hebron 40 Years after Reloca- University, St. John’s, Newfoundland tion. Labrador Inuit Association, Nain, and Labrador. Newfoundland and Labrador. Ferris, Neal, and John Welch 2017 Dispossessed: The Eviction of Inuit 2014 Beyond Archaeological Agen- from Hebron, Labrador. Isberg, Quebec, das: In the Service of a Sustainable Quebec. Archaeology. In Transforming Archaeol- Colwell, Chip ogy: Activist Practices and Prospects, edit- 2016 Collaborative Archaeologies and ed by Sonya Atalay, Lee Rains Clauss, Descendant Communities. Annual Randall H. McGuire, and John R. Review of Anthropology 45:113–127. Welch, pp. 215–237. Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, California. Davies, Michelle T. 2017 Preliminary Research for the 2015 New Worlds: Ethics in Contem- Hebron Family Archaeology Project porary North American Archaeologi- in 2016. In Provincial Archaeology Office cal Practice. In Ethics and Archaeologi- 2016 Archaeology Review, Vol. 15, edit- cal Praxis, edited by Cristobal Gnecco ed by Stephen Hull, pp. 35–41. Pro- and Dorothy Lippert, pp. 69–94. vincial Archaeology Office, St. John’s, Springer, New York, New York. Newfoundland and Labrador. Griebel, Brendan 2018 Archaeological Surveys and Oral 2013 Recharting the Courses of His- Histories from the Hebron Family tory: Mapping Concepts of Commu- Archaeology Project in 2017. In Pro- nity, Archaeology, and Inuit Qaujima- vincial Archaeology Office 2017 Archaeol- jatuqangit in the Canadian Territory ogy Review, Vol. 16, edited by Stephen of Nunavut. PhD dissertation, Depart- Hull, pp. 42–48. Provincial Archaeol- ment of Anthropology, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario.

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Hawkes, Ernest William Other Good Intentions. Archaeologies 1916 The Labrador Eskimo. Geological 6:401–422. Survey Memoir 91, No. 14, Anthropo- Loring, Stephen, and Beatrix Arendt logical Series. Department of Mines. 2009 “…they gave Hebron, the city Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa, of refuge…” (Joshua 212:13): An Ontario. Archaeological Reconnaissance at Intellectual Property Issues in Cultural Hebron, Labrador. Journal of the North Heritage (IPinCH) Atlantic, Special Volume 1:33–56. 2016 Intellectual Property Issues in Lyons, Natasha Cultural Heritage: Theory, Practice, 2013 Where the Wind Blows Us: Practic- Policy, Ethics. Electronic document, ing Critical Community Archaeology in the http://www.sfu.ca/ipinch/, accessed Canadian North. University of Arizona November 2, 2019. Press, Tucson, Arizona. Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami–National Inuit McNiven, Ian J., and Lynette Russell Strategy on Research (ITK–NISR) 2005 Appropriated Pasts: Indigenous 2018 Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami: Nation- Peoples and the Colonial Culture of al Inuit Strategy on Research. Inuit Archaeology. AltaMira Press, Lanham, Tapiriit Kanatami, Electronic docu- Maryland. ment, https://www.itk.ca/national- strategy-on-research, accessed June 30, Nicholas, George, and Julie Hollowell 2019. 2007 Ethical Challenges to a Postco- lonial Archaeology: The Legacy of Sci- Jones, Siân, and Lynette Russell entific Colonialism. In Archaeology and 2012 Archaeology, Memory and Oral Capitalism: From Ethics to Politics, edited Tradition: An Introduction. Interna- by Yannis Hamilakis and Philip Duke, tional Journal of Historical Archaeology pp. 59–82. Left Coast Press, Walnut 16(2):267–283. Creek, California. Joyce, Rosemary Nicholas, George, Amy Roberts, David 2003 Concrete Memories: Fragments Schaepe, Joe Watkins, Lyn Leader- of the Past in the Classic Maya Pres- Elliot, and Susan Rowley ent (500–1000 AD). In Archaeologies of 2011 A Consideration of Theory, Memory, edited by Ruth M. Van Dyke Principles and Practice in Collabora- and Susan E. Alcock, pp. 34–55. tive Archaeology. Archaeological Review Blackwell, Oxford, United Kingdom. from Cambridge 26(2):11–30. Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement Qikiqtani Inuit Association (LILCA) 2014 Qikiqtani Truth Commission: Com- 2005 Labrador Inuit Land Claims munity Histories 1950–1975. Inhabit Agreement (c. 15) Indigenous and Media, Iqaluit, Nunavut. Northern Affairs Canada. Electronic document, https://www.aadnc-aandc. Rubertone, Patricia E. (editor) gc.ca/eng/1293647179208/12936476 2008 Archaeologies of Placemaking: 60333, accessed June 30, 2019. Monuments, Memories and Engagement in Native North America. One World La Salle, Marina Archaeology Series Vol. 59. Left Coast 2010 Community Collaboration and Press, Walnut Creek, California.

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Schaepe, David M., Bill Angelbeck, Zimmerman, Larry David Snook, and John R. Welch 2013 On Archaeological Ethics 2017 Archaeology as Therapy: Con- and Letting Go. In Appropriating the necting Belongings, Knowledge, Past: Philosophical Perspectives on the Time, Place, and Well-Being. Current Practice of Archaeology, edited by Geof- Anthropology 58:502–533. frey Scarre and Robin Coningham, Smith, Linda Tuhiwai pp. 98–118. Cambridge University 2012 Decolonizing Methodologies: Press, New York, New York. Research and Indigenous Peoples. 2nd ed. Manuscript received August 8, 2019. ZED Books, New York, New York. Final revisions June 12, 2020. Supernant, Kisha, and Gary Warrick 2014 Challenges to Critical Commu- nity-based Archaeological Practice in Canada. Canadian Journal of Archaeol- ogy 38:563–591.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) Laura Kelvin Archaeological Research Strength-Based ApproachestoInvolvingInuitYouthin Canadian Journal ofArchaeology/JournalCanadien d’Archéologie44:83–104 de LauraKelvin—leprojetd’archives numé- quons ces approches au projet de recherche ainsi quesurlesmanièresdont nousappli- jeunes Nunatsiavummiutsà l’archéologie sur lespointsfortspourfaire participerles nécessité d’adopterdesapprochesaxées Nunatsiavut. Nousmettonsl’accentsurla sur desprojetscommunautairesàHopedale, tabiliser notrerecherchetoutentravaillant nous discutonsdenostentativesvisantàdés- l’université etdesjeunesNunatsiavummiuts, boration pardesarchéologuesrattachésà R future-oriented archaeology. led, strength-basedapproachnecessitatesa can besuccessful. We arguethat anunsett- raging experienceswheregroupmembers is bothateacherandlearner;encou- and expertiseofparticipantssothateveryone cipants indecisions;recognizingstrengths their social context; actively involving parti- sing onthewholepersonandrecognizing aspects oftheseapproaches,including:focu- history of Hopedale.Weincorporatekey heany’s dissertationresearchontherecent the AgvitukDigitalArchiveProject,andGil- approaches toKelvin’sresearchproject, archaeology andthewaysweapplythese for involvingNunatsiavummiutyouthin line theneedforstrength-basedapproaches tion ofstrength-basedapproaches.Weout- Hopedale, Nunatsiavut,throughtheapplica- working on community-oriented projects in our attemptstounsettleresearchwhile and Nunatsiavummiutyouth,wediscuss between university-basedarchaeologists Abstract. Inthiscollaborativepaper Mackenzie Frieda ésumé. Danscetarticleproduitencolla- † , EmmaGilheany ¥ , ClaireIgloliorte ‡ , NicholasFlowers ¶ ¤ # ¶ ¥ £ § ‡ † Isumagijaujuk orientée versl’avenir. sur lespointsfortsnécessiteunearchéologie soutenons qu’uneapprochedéstabiliséeaxée du groupesontsusceptiblesderéussir.Nous des expériencespourlesquelleslesmembres enseignants etapprenants;encourager des participantsafinquetoussoientàlafois reconnaître les points forts et l’expertise un rôleactifdanslaprisededécisions; faire en sorte que les participants jouent ensemble etreconnaîtresoncontextesocial; nous concentrersurlapersonnedansson ottugautikkut sangijottisigasuagiamut-ilin- Hopedale, Nunatsiavummi, taikkutigona luta nunalinni-ilinganiKajunutsulianginnik pijagegasuagiamut Kaujisajattinik suliaKatil- uKâlautiKavugut piniannigigasuattatinnik ammalu Nunatsiavutinosittunginnut, itsuamit-ilinganiKajuk itsasuanittaligijiujunut jaujumut allakkasâjammik, akungani ilinniv- aspects-clés decesapproches,notamment récente deHopedale.Nousincorporonsdes tion d’EmmaGilheanyportantsurl’histoire riques Agvituk—et la recherche dedisserta- [[email protected]] , HalleLucy [[email protected]] [[email protected]] Corresponding author:DepartmentofAnthro- [[email protected]] [[email protected]] [[email protected]] [[email protected]] pology, UniversityofManitoba,WinnipegMB [[email protected]] . Tâpsumingaikajuttigegi- # § , andJohnPiercy , Denver

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Article 84 • KELVIN ET AL. ganiKajunut piniannigigasuattatinnik. in archaeology projects to connect youth Allasimavugut atugialittinik sangijottisiga- to their past and help alleviate these chal- suagiamut-ilinganiKajunut piniannitinik lenges and ensure cultural continuity. ilautitsigiamut Nunatsiavut inosittunik itsasuanittaliginimmiut ammalu Kanuk tam- Archaeologists have typically employed akkuninga ilisigajammangâtta pinianisanik youth as field and lab technicians, and taipsumunga Kelvin-iup Kaujisajamminik have looked to Elders to gain intellectual sulianganut, tânna Agvituk Kagitaujannut insight of the past (i.e., oral histories ilijaumajut Piulimajaujunut Suliangujuk, or traditional knowledge), while the ammalu Gilheany-iup ilinniagutigijangata intellectual contributions youth can nalunaikkutattâgiamut Kaujisajamminik make to archaeology have often been ilinganiKajumut taimangasuaniusimajuk overlooked. Our projects aim to involve Hopedale-imi ilinganiKajumut. Ilisisima- youth in archaeological projects in ways vugut atuniKatsiatunut takunnâtaujunut taikkuninga pinianniujunut, ilautillugit: that go beyond limiting their role to takunnâlugit iluingajumut inummut ammalu assisting in traditional archaeological ilitatsilugit ilonnanginnik inosingita pit- work. To effectively engage youth as agijanginnik; ilautitsiluni ilauKataujunik learners, researchers, knowledge hold- kajusiutiliutillugit, ilitatsilutik sangijojunik ers, and teachers, we have needed to ammalu ilisimallagijunut ilauKataujunut build projects that understand archae- imailinganiammat tamâgik ilinniatitsijiunia- ology as more than survey, excavation, mmata ammalu ilinnialutillu; ammalu and lab work. This approach means pikKujigasualluni atujangit ilonnatik kat- learning to do archaeology differently ingaKatigejut ilaliutilet kajusitsiaKullugit. kiumajiutiKavugut pijagettausimangituk, and expecting different outcomes and sangijuk-ilinganiKajuk piniannik atuttaugi- products from our research. alet sivunittini-Kaujimagettunillu itsasuanit- This paper is a collaborative effort taliginimmik. between Laura Kelvin, a postdoctoral fellow from Memorial University, n this paper, we discuss our Emma Gilheany, a PhD student from I attempts to unsettle our research, the University of Chicago, and Denver while working on youth-focused com- Edmunds, Nicholas Flowers, Mackenzie munity-oriented archaeology projects in Frieda, Claire Igloliorte, Halle Lucy, and Hopedale, Nunatsiavut (Figure 1). Our John Piercy, Nunatsiavummiut youth research stems from the acknowledge- from Hopedale. Throughout this paper, ment of the special role that youth have direct quotes from the authors are used in Indigenous communities and the to properly acknowledge their intel- contributions they can make to research lectual and emotional contributions to projects. Colonial policies that aim to the understandings of the work being destroy Indigenous ways of knowing and presented. In this paper, we outline the being are often designed to sever the tie need for strength-based approaches for between youth and community knowl- involving Nunatsiavummiut youth in edge holders, so traditions and culture archaeology and the ways we apply these are not carried forward. As a result, approaches to Kelvin’s research project, Indigenous youth are often the target the Agvituk Digital Archive Project, of colonial structures, creating physical, and Gilheany’s dissertation research social, and emotional challenges for on the recent history of Hopedale. An their growth and well-being. Communi- underlying goal for our research is to ties often request that youth be involved help empower Nunatsiavummiut youth

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) STRENGTH-BASED APPROACHES TO INVOLVING INUIT YOUTH • 85

Figure 1. Map indicating the location of Hopedale.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 86 • KELVIN ET AL. through archaeology, so together we resources, relying heavily on Inuit can continue to work towards disman- cultural skills and knowledge of the tling the settler colonial structure, not landscape. Moravian missionaries gave just within archaeology but in all aspects sermons and provided formal education of our lives. By looking to the past, we in Inuttitut. Although they encouraged work towards keeping youth future- Inuit to carry on some aspects of their oriented by applying an approach that culture, they were still very much a encompasses education, employment, colonial force—bringing about not only and healing. spiritual change in the community, but social, economic, and political change History of Hopedale as well. They encouraged traditional Agvituk (also spelled Avertok) is the activities like hunting, which ultimately original Labrador Inuttitut dialect name economically benefitted the mission, for the area now called Hopedale. It while discouraging many aspects of expresses that it is a place of bowhead Inuit ways of being as they were deemed whales. During the sixteenth to eight- unchristian (Arendt 2011; Kaplan 1985; eenth centuries, Agvituk was a large Loring 1998). In the early twentieth cen- gathering and whaling site that was an tury, Moravians began to face financial important part of the Inuit-European hardships and eventually transferred coastal trade network (Arendt 2013; Bird control of their economic affairs in 1945). The importance of Agvituk was Labrador over to the Hudson’s Bay Com- not lost on early Moravian missionaries, pany, but continued to operate their who likened it to London or Paris within missions. When Newfoundland and Inuit society (Kennedy 2009:29). In Labrador joined Canada in 1949, educa- 1782, Moravians settled a mission next tion, healthcare, and other services fell to Agvituk and named it Hoffenthal, under the control of the Provincial and meaning “the vale of hope”, which was Federal Governments (Brice-Bennett eventually anglicized to Hopedale. Over 2003). This new government structure time, the occupants of Agvituk joined made the residents of Hopedale sub- the mission settlement, and Agvituk was ject to colonial policies similar to those eventually abandoned in 1807 (Brice- operating throughout Canada at that Bennett 2003). As the settlement of time, including the residential school Hopedale grew and spread over the system, which had a profound negative landscape, houses and roads were built impact on Inuit culture, language, and over the remnants of Agvituk, yet the well-being. site has always remained important to During the Cold War, the United the Hopedale community. Today, the States military established a network of Nunatsiavut Government takes an active radar stations, known as the Pinetree role in mitigating the impacts develop- Line along the border of the US and ment has on culturally important sites Canada and up through the eastern like Agvituk. coast of Newfoundland and Labrador, Moravian officials claimed that their to detect Soviet missiles headed for aim was to make their mission stations American airspace. Construction of the in northern Labrador self-sustaining, Pinetree station in Hopedale began in and focused on creating a local econ- 1951, and the station was fully opera- omy dependent on seasonal natural tional from 1953 until 1968. The station

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) STRENGTH-BASED APPROACHES TO INVOLVING INUIT YOUTH • 87 included a bowling alley, movie theatre, Strong, and Junius Bird. Curwen came and bar—which were sometimes open to the coast of Labrador in 1893 to to the Hopedale public. This huge work as a medical missionary on the infrastructure, and its decaying batteries Grenfell Mission. He had an interest in and machinery, were left behind when archaeology and collected artifacts from the base was shut down, leading to PCB Labrador, including Agvituk. These contamination in the groundwater and artifacts are now kept at the British the area’s hunting and fishing grounds Museum in London (Rompkey 1996). (CBC News 2009; Sistili et al. 2006). Strong was a member of the Second Despite the long history of settler Rawson-MacMillan Subarctic Expedi- colonialism in Labrador, the Labrador tion to Labrador from 1927 to 1928. The Inuit have remained resilient and have artifacts he collected from Agvituk as actively worked not only to preserve part of this expedition are now housed their culture and livelihood, but also at the Robert S. Peabody Institute for assert their sovereignty. Nunatsiavut Archaeology in Andover, Massachusetts. is the first Inuit region in Canada to Although the artifacts from these inves- be recognized by the federal govern- tigations have been cared for over the ment as self-governing. This change years, little to no information remains was brought about by the hard-fought of where in Agvituk they came from and Labrador Inuit Land Claim Agreement their archaeological context. A large- that grew out of a land claim filed by scale investigation of the site was carried the Labrador Inuit Association in 1977, out by Junius Bird, his wife Peggy, and and was ratified in 2005. Nunatsiavut, Hopedale community member Heinrich which means “Our Beautiful Land” in Uisuk in 1934. Together they excavated Inuttitut, encompasses 72,520 km2 of nine of the 20 house ruins they located land in Northern Labrador extending (Bird 1945). Most artifacts recovered into Quebec. The agreement established and notes from this investigation are details of land ownership, resource shar- held at the American Museum of Natural ing, and self-government, making the History in New York. However, some of Nunatsiavut Government responsible the artifacts remain in Nunatsiavut and for education, healthcare, and cultural are on display in the Moravian Mission affairs. Hopedale, the second-largest Complex and Museum in Hopedale. and second-northernmost community in These early investigations followed tra- Nunatsiavut, is the legislative capital of ditional archaeological practices that Nunatsiavut (Labrador Inuit Land Claim reinforced colonial power relationships Agreement 2005). by removing Inuit material culture from Labrador, without Inuit permission, to Archaeology in Hopedale write stories of Labrador’s past with very Agvituk has long captured the interest little application of Inuit voices. Further- of European visitors and settlers as an more, the interpretations from these archaeological resource, where cultural excavations were never properly dis- materials were extracted and exploited seminated to the Hopedale community. to learn about past Inuit lifeways. Of the It was also common practice at the time earliest archaeological investigations to disturb burials to retrieve artifacts and of the site, the best documented are human remains. These actions ignored those of Eliot Curwen, William Duncan the wishes and beliefs of Inuit to not

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 88 • KELVIN ET AL. disturb burials, and have contributed to non-Indigenous scholars that claims to negative feelings towards archaeologists “decolonize”. Tuck and Yang (2012) held by some Nunatsiavummiut. Some have argued that the easy adoption of community members feel that there decolonizing discourse in advocacy were some benefits to having their and scholarship turns decolonization material culture on display in museums into a metaphor, as true decolonization throughout the world, including educat- would require the return of Indigenous ing people about Labrador Inuit in the lands and livelihood. Likewise, we—the hopes of combating racism. However, authors of this paper—question whether ultimately, some are frustrated that they archaeology, a discipline that arose out do not have access to these materials of colonial expansion and exploration themselves. More recent investigations and is built on western fundamentals of Agvituk and the surrounding area are of time and space, can truly be decolo- employing approaches that are more nized. The metaphorization of decolo- community-centred and work towards nizing can be dangerous as it makes it unsettling archaeological practice. possible for settlers to reconcile their It is widely recognized by archae- guilt, while ensuring their continued ologists who aim to conduct com- benefit from settler colonialism. It is munity-centred research, including our aim that an unsettling, rather than community-based archaeology and a decolonizing framework foregrounds Indigenous archaeology, that every com- the ways that settler colonialism acts as munity is different, and has its own needs, “a structure, not an event” (Kauanui goals, and resources, so there is no one 2016; Wolfe 2006). It asks archaeologists method for completing this kind of work to consider these structures that allow (Atalay 2012; Smith 1999). What these their work to take place and how we can projects have in common, however, is unsettle aspects of these structures so the aim to involve community members we can build strong collaborative rela- in all aspects of the research, from the tionships and projects. An unsettling initial research design to the dissemina- framework maintains that archaeologists tion and ownership of research results. must always be cognizant of the ways In terms of our research, “unsettling” is that: 1) past archaeological emphasis an approach within community-oriented has focused on the colonial moment of research that aims to address criticisms contact, which furthers an event-based, of decolonizing methodologies. It is rather than structural understanding of an avenue to shift away from colonial colonialism; and 2) unsettling archaeo- aspects of archaeology without erasing logical practice requires archaeological them from our consciousness. It puts the engagement to not only focus on the focus on the work that must be done by past but look at the way archaeology non-Indigenous scholars to create space intersects with contemporary issues for other ways of knowing, being, and and how it can be future-oriented by conducting research in academia, rather creating projects that address these than expecting Indigenous scholars to issues and help build strong futures for solely carry this burden. Indigenous communities. To do this, Recently, there has been a prolif- archaeologists must be careful not to eration of archaeological and anthro- fetishize the past, making sure that their pological research conducted by own interest in the past does not become

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) STRENGTH-BASED APPROACHES TO INVOLVING INUIT YOUTH • 89 more important to them than the recent Project working alongside. Kelvin has realities of Indigenous communities. been documenting, photographing, and This unsettling necessitates that archae- creating digital 3D models of artifacts ologists acknowledge their own roles from the archaeological activities, as in perpetuating colonial practices, and well as artifacts from Agvituk and the critically engage not only with the issues surrounding area that are now housed at the heart of archaeological practice— in museums throughout North America including concerns regarding labour, and Europe. She then works with intellectual property, and ownership Nunatsiavummiut youth from Hoped- over the past—but also issues faced by ale (including the Nunatsiavummiut Indigenous communities with whom we authors of this paper), who are hired as partner. To unsettle is to be uncomfort- archaeological field technicians through able with the legacies and fundamentals the Inuit Pathways Summer Work Expe- of archaeology and to constantly push rience Program, to record community boundaries towards more meaningful knowledge pertaining to the artifacts collaboration—collaboration that can and related activities for the archive. serve the specific goals and futures of To disseminate their research, the field Indigenous communities. technicians have created a video series which has been shared with the Hoped- Agvituk Digital Archive Project ale community during community Kelvin’s project, the Agvituk Digital meetings, as well as through the Agvituk Archive Project, is part of the Agvituk Archaeology Project YouTube channel Archaeology Project (formerly the and the Nunatsiavut Stories: Nunatsia- Avertok Archaeology Project), which vummi Unikkauset website. Through was initiated by the Inuit Community the development of the archive, she is Government of Hopedale through the aiming to determine a set of best prac- Tradition and Transition: Piusitukaujuit tices for knowledge sharing and research Asianguvalliajuillu research partnership dissemination. between Memorial University and the Nunatsiavut Government. Hopedale Exploring the Recent History of Hopedale community members hoped that an Gilheany has volunteered on Kelvin’s archaeology project could help gener- project while laying the groundwork ate tourism activity and support local for her PhD research, which aims to interest in the history of Hopedale. The use archaeological and anthropological community also requested that youth methods to think about the recent past be involved in the project, preferably in of Hopedale. She hopes that by focusing ways that could lessen the community- on two aspects of the recent past, the perceived gap between Elders and youth. Moravian Mission and the US Military The Agvituk Digital Archive Project Radar Station, she can help reveal the works to this end by creating a digital unique nature of settler colonial infra- archive of archaeological and commu- structures in the Arctic and Sub-Arctic. nity knowledge of Hopedale and the The central goal of her research is to surrounding area. identify ways that archaeology can be Agvituk Archaeology Project excava- used for and intersect with Inuit sover- tion and survey activities commenced in eignty. Her dissertation project has been 2017, with the Agvituk Digital Archive framed by conversations with commu-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 90 • KELVIN ET AL. nity members, the local church, and the are not only the future leaders for their Agvituk Historical Society. community; they link the past with the Gilheany first became aware of Uvi- future by relying on the past and their luktok (GiBw-01), also known as Mussel cultural knowledge to ensure cultural Island or Double Island, when David continuity, the well-being of the commu- Igloliorte, the manager of the Mora- nity, and the building of a strong future. vian Mission Complex and Museum, This special role is the reason informed her that it would be an inter- children and youth often were, and esting place to consider the long history continue to be, the target of colonial of Inuit sovereignty and separation from policies that aim to destroy Indigenous colonial forces. Uviluktok is a histori- lifeways, such as the residential school cally important summer fishing location, system that operated in Canada from the particularly for cod. In 1903, Inuit fish- 1850s to the late 1990s (1940s to 1980s ers built a church on the island so they in Labrador, specifically). These schools could preside over their own services were developed to isolate children from on Sundays without having to return to their families and assimilate them into Hopedale and interrupt their fishing white culture under the guise of educat- practices (Rollmann 2009). After many ing Indigenous children from remote community members expressed an inter- and dispersed communities. Barnes and est in learning more about the island’s colleagues (2006) recognize that, while past, Gilheany conducted an archaeo- attending residential schools, children logical survey of Uviluktok with the were placed in harmful psychologi- help of Flowers, Lucy, and Piercy in the cal situations, such as separation from summer of 2018. She plans to continue their parents, becoming immersed in working with Nunatsiavummiut youth to a new culture, having to learn a new survey other sites of resistance or refusal language, and the deterioration of their in Hopedale’s recent past. language and cultural knowledge. The racist attitudes of school staff and the Youth, the Past, and Archaeology countless acts of mental, physical, and The Hopedale community requested sexual abuse carried out by staff against that youth be involved in the Agvituk students further contributed to these Archaeology Project, preferably in ways psychologically harmful situations. The that would nurture their connections devastating effects of the residential with Elders. The inclusion of local youth school system are still felt today by the in archaeology projects is a common people who attended them, their fami- practice for community-centred lies, and their communities. Indigenous approaches. This focus on youth recog- children continue to be removed from nizes their special role within communi- their homes, only now they are placed ties. Edmunds, Frieda, and Igloliorte feel into foster homes instead of residential that their role in their community is to schools. Indigenous children account be respectful while learning from Elders for 52.2% of the children under the age and community knowledge holders how of 15 in foster care in Canada, while they to be Inuk and become adults. Edmunds only make up 7.7% of the country’s child explains, “We still need to grow proper. population (Government of Canada How are we supposed to go out and do 2019). In Newfoundland and Labrador, stuff if we aren’t being shown?” Youth 1.3% of the population identify as Inuit

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) STRENGTH-BASED APPROACHES TO INVOLVING INUIT YOUTH • 91

(Statistics Canada 2016), but Inuit chil- people just getting out there and dren account for 14.9% of the children learning more of the knowledge in care and many of those Inuit children and wisdom of our ancestors and are sent to non-Indigenous rural commu- Elders. nities in Newfoundland (Office of Child and Youth Advocate Newfound and Edmunds, Frieda, and Igloliorte feel that Labrador 2019). The disproportionate the residential school system resulted in number of Indigenous children in foster many community members not learning care reflects a colonial structure that traditional knowledge, especially knowl- would rather place Indigenous children edge of the deep past, so they are now in often unstable and ultimately dam- unable to pass it on to the youth. They aging care than work with Indigenous also feel that although there have been families to provide the tools needed to great improvements to the education care for children (Sinclair 2016). The system since the establishment of the trauma of residential schools and similar Labrador Inuit Land Claim Agreement, colonial policies has manifested across more could be done to include tradi- generations within Indigenous com- tional knowledge in their formal educa- munities through depression, anxiety, tion. They also believe that being on the addiction issues, violence, and the loss land is the best place to learn traditional of language and culture (Kelvin 2017). knowledge, but time, money, and issues Nunatsiavummiut youth are facing an pertaining to mental health limit the overabundance of challenges not lim- amount of time many community mem- ited to the transgenerational trauma of bers can spend on the land. It can be the residential school system, but also hard to make time to go on the land with food insecurity, poverty, isolation, and a busy school and/or work schedule. A inadequate access to mental health care skidoo or boat and gas can also be very and housing, or as Edmunds puts it, “too costly, particularly in the North, making many things to name.” These challenges it difficult for many families to afford (on make it difficult for youth to learn “how February 9, 2020 gas was $1.53 CAD/L in to grow proper” and have resulted in a Hopedale compared to $1.04 CAD/L youth suicide rate in Nunatsiavut that in Winnipeg). Additionally, anxiety or is more than 20 times higher than the depression can make it hard to travel. Canadian average (Inuit Tapiriit Kana- The Hopedale community has been pro- tami 2016; Pollock et al. 2016). active in working to enhance traditional There is a concern within Hopedale knowledge transmission in many ways, that not enough traditional knowledge including requesting youth participation is being passed on to youth. Flowers in archaeology projects. believes, As Inuit throughout Inuit Nunangat have regained political control of their Not too long in the future today’s lands over the last 50 years, they have technology will overrun it, and made it clear to archaeologists that it will be lost into the soil, into they want to be included in the produc- the ground. And I think a lot of tion and management of their history, knowledge is being lost when our sometimes by denying permission for Elders pass away, and I think there archaeologists to excavate (Helmer and should be more youth and young Lemoine 2002; Rowley 2002). Beginning

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 92 • KELVIN ET AL. in the 1970s, archaeologists established dedicated to sharing knowledge, experi- a series of archaeological field schools ence, and innovations about work hap- in the North involving Inuit youth and pening in Labrador, there were multiple Elders to address Inuit concerns regard- calls for researchers to be attuned to the ing archaeological research and attempt real-world effects of the production of to open dialogue between Inuit and their research. At the two final plenary Western understandings of the past panels “Arts, Culture and Research (Arnold and Hanks 1991; Bertulli 1985; in Labrador” and “Youth Perspectives Bielawski 1989; Hart 1994; Rigby and and Suggestions for Research”, both of Stenton 1995; Rowley 2002). which were all Inuit and Innu panels, Although this model can have merit there was a strong call for researchers depending on the community and their in Indigenous contexts to complicate needs, many archaeologists have since and oppose overwhelmingly negative recognized the inherent colonial struc- narratives of Indigenous communities. ture of including Inuit in archaeology Panel members discussed the ways that without actually changing the way we these narratives make their way out of understand archaeology or conduct our academia and into mainstream media to research (Griebel 2010; Hodgetts and inform non-Indigenous understandings Kelvin 2020). This recognition has led to of Indigenous people and communities, a shift towards practices that can better which creates and reproduces nega- encompass the specific understandings, tive stereotypes. Panel members urged needs, and goals of the communities researchers to illuminate the positive they partner with and their youth and aspects, strengths, and resiliencies of has led to the development of proj- Indigenous communities in their work. ects that go outside of the traditional We hope to do this by incorporating an scope of archaeology to better engage approach that highlights the strengths of with youth and the wider community our youth participants to empower them, (e.g., Qingauq Archaeology Project and challenges often-racist preconceived [Kitikmeot Heritage Society 2019], notions of Inuit held by outsiders. Inuvialuit Living History Project [Inu- Strength-based approaches are vialuit Cultural Resource Centre 2012], rooted in a social work practice theory Ikaahuk Archaeology Project [Kelvin that emphasizes peoples’ self-determina- and Hodgetts 2015], Avataq Archaeol- tion and strengths, and are increasingly ogy Project [Avataq Cultural Institute being applied beyond the field of social 2000]). We are working to this end by work. These approaches do not set out developing strength-based approaches to fix a problem, but rather to create an for working with Nunatsiavummiut opportunity to explore the strengths and youth. We think that a strength-based capacities individuals might have in the approach requires a re-thinking, or un- process of taking control and learning settling of how archaeologists typically (Graeme 2016; Hammond and Zimmer- engage with youth. man 2012; Lietz 2007; Pollio et al. 1997). For example, the Daughters of Mikak Implementing Strength-based project employed a strength-based Approaches to Archaeology approach to re-frame and re-affirm a At the 2019 Labrador Research Forum, narrative created by and about Inuit an Inuit and Innu-led biennial forum women in Nunatsiavut that recognized

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) STRENGTH-BASED APPROACHES TO INVOLVING INUIT YOUTH • 93 and celebrated strength. This project students who study archaeology. It also aimed to build on this strength by rec- values the physical labour of Indigenous ognizing and celebrating the historical youth over the intellectual contributions and contemporary leadership roles that they could be making. Training Indig- Inuit women play in creating and main- enous youth in only specialized archaeo- taining healthy communities in Nunat- logical techniques is also short-sighted, siavut (Tradition and Transition 2016). as most of the youth who participate in Some key aspects for this approach that these projects do not desire to pursue a we try to incorporate are: 1) focusing career in archaeology. To meaningfully on the whole person and recognizing involve Indigenous youth in archaeol- their social context; 2) actively involving ogy projects in ways that can have lasting participants in decisions; 3) recognizing benefits to them requires a restructuring strengths and expertise of participants of fieldwork and a reimagining of the so that everyone is both a teacher and a products of an archaeology project. learner; and 4) encouraging experiences We are aiming to include youth as where group members can be successful interlocutors for building projects that (Graeme 2016; Hammond and Zimmer- recognize their cultural roles and the man 2012; Lietz 2007; Pollio et al. 1997). intellectual contributions they make to Although strength-based approaches their community. This begins with focus- can be a great way to empower youth, ing on the whole person and recognizing we cannot ignore criticisms of these their social context. The Nunatsiavum- approaches. They have been criticized miut authors of this paper have stressed for only focusing on strengths while that they think it is important for out- ignoring weaknesses and for taking siders who come to their community, responsibility from people in power and particularly those who are working on placing it all on marginalized people community-based research projects, to (Gray 2011). We have kept these criti- spend a significant amount of time learn- cisms in mind while trying to develop ing about the issues that contemporary our approaches. Indigenous communities face before As mentioned above, archaeology developing their research program. projects often employ youth to perform During the first year of the Agvituk labour such as assisting with survey, exca- Archaeology Project, the Nunatsiavum- vation, and lab work. This framework miut youth that were hired to work on is problematic for many reasons. Most Kelvin’s project also helped excavate importantly, it attempts to “Indigenize” and clean and catalogue artifacts from archaeology simply through the incorpo- the Agvituk Archaeology Project’s exca- ration of Indigenous labour into existing vation that year. Afterwards, the youth models of archaeological fieldwork, the told Kelvin that although they felt com- same models that are criticized for their fortable working with her and Gilheany colonial foundations. This framework in the cataloguing lab, they were often places western academic understand- uncomfortable when we went out to site ings of contribution and productivity on and were with the rest of the crew. This Indigenous youth. They are expected was in large part due to their suddenly to contribute in the same ways, and becoming the minority among highly sometimes even at the same levels, as educated, white people from the south, professional archaeologists or university which unfortunately led to uninten-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 94 • KELVIN ET AL. tional microaggressions. For example, they would have been used for, and then the youth mentioned that they felt conducting interviews about those activi- other members of the crew were judg- ties, would make the project more man- ing their work and contributions to the ageable. After completing some of these project too harshly. It seemed some crew interviews, they decided to make short members expected them to work to the videos to communicate what they were same capacity as the university students learning to the Hopedale community. At hired for the excavation, not taking into the start of every field season, Kelvin asks account differences in age, archaeologi- the youth she is working with what they cal experience, education, employment are interested in focusing on. Together, history, and the factors affecting the they decide on topics for the videos and youth outside of the work environment how the work for the videos will be car- which were discussed above. Addition- ried out. In 2017 and 2018, the youth ally, the community requested to have field technicians decided they would youth involved in the project so that each produce their own video based on they could further strengthen their ties their interests, but all of the technicians with their heritage. They did not request would help with the interviewing and for the project to hire them solely for filming (Figures 2 and 3). The topics archaeological labour, or teach them for these videos included carving, kayak only archaeological excavation tech- making, the use of ground penetrat- niques. The youth were there to work, ing radar in archaeology, dogsledding, but they were also there to learn, teach, fish netting, bow-drills, and the work and grow. If there were better commu- of Junius Bird and how it relates to the nication among the crew about work Agvituk Archaeology Project. In 2019, expectations, and a deeper understand- the youth field technicians decided ing of the lives of Nunatsiavummiut, the they would collectively produce two youth would have been more comfort- videos, one about sewing and one about able. By recognizing the whole person Inuksuit. When it comes to interview- and their social context, we can create ing community members and creating spaces where everyone can actively par- videos, Kelvin has tried to work more ticipate, learn, teach, and be successful. as a project facilitator, rather than an We have strived to include youth employer, allowing the youth to develop in the decision-making aspects of our their own research projects and come up projects. This inclusive decision-making with interview questions that they think process led to the development of the are relevant. This has created work that Agvituk Archaeology Project video series. the youth are interested in and confi- After documenting hundreds of artifacts dent pursuing. from Agvituk and the surrounding area, During Gilheany’s survey of Uviluk- Kelvin asked the youth she was working tok, she actively engaged the youth in with what they thought would be the best decision-making. Together they decided way to interview community members what would be of value to the survey. about them. Together, they decided They all agreed that no GPS points or that attempting to interview community photographs would be taken of any members about every artifact would be features resembling graves. They also ineffective. Instead, they decided that decided that anything that any person dividing the artifacts into activities that on the crew decided was significant

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) STRENGTH-BASED APPROACHES TO INVOLVING INUIT YOUTH • 95

Figure 2. Nicholas Flowers, Halle Lucy, Denver Edmunds, John Piercy, and Elder Andrea Flowers after an interview at her home in 2018.

Figure 3. Nicholas Flowers, Denver Edmunds, Laura Kelvin, and John Piercy conducting an interview with Reuben Flowers on how to make dry fish in 2018.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 96 • KELVIN ET AL. would be flagged. This included curi- ment called a structure sensor, which ous rock formations, animal bones, and is a relatively inexpensive technology recent garbage. This lead to more group compared to other 3D modeling tech- conversations about what aspects of the nologies. past and the present are important to Kelvin and Gilheany were surprised record, and how this can be culturally to learn that the youth they work with influenced, rather than relying on a do not feel that they hold much knowl- more processual approach dictating the edge of their past or culture, when in importance of a feature or artifact based fact, these youths are very knowledge- on its age. This created a space where able. It is important to recognize that students felt confident asking questions the knowledge that youth hold of their and validated in their understandings past and culture may differ from Elders’ and knowledge of their landscape. knowledge. Knowledge is always fluid We have tried to recognize and foster and adaptive, and the lives and experi- the strengths and expertise of par- ences of Nunatsiavummiut youth are dif- ticipants in many ways. For both of our ferent from those of Elders. Therefore, projects, we have worked with youth to the knowledge the youth do possess may ensure that everyone is given a chance be applied differently and understood to learn how to do everything. However, in relation to different things than that once they have learned, they are able to of Elders. Nevertheless, their knowledge take on project roles that speak to their can still make important contributions strengths. For example, Edmunds is par- to archaeological interpretations, and ticularly interested in photography and we have tried to utilize their knowledge often took on the role of photographer whenever possible. The youth applied during interviews and survey. If one is their own knowledge of artifacts, lan- to take a strength-based approach to guage, and archaeological sites to the empower youth, we think it is important videos they produced, while looking that archaeological research method- to Elders for guidance. While conduct- ologies are taught in a way that could be ing survey at Uviluktok, Gilheany also replicated by community members. This encouraged them to discuss what they means using low cost technologies, many thought might have happened on the of which the youth participants already island and how they thought different have access to and may have even used features they encountered were used. before. For example, during the survey It is important to create experiences of Uviluktok, Gilheany had the stu- where youth can be successful. Tradi- dents use both a hunting GPS and their tional archaeological and ethnographic smartphones to take GPS coordinates of projects are long, and the end results artifacts and features. The students were could take years to emerge, meaning already comfortable with both technolo- that youth who participate in these gies and felt empowered to know that projects may never see the results and they could conduct a scientific project never feel the accomplishment of the with technology already available to completion of these projects. Kelvin and them, and without the presence of out- Gilheany have developed projects where siders. Similarly, Kelvin makes digital 3D youth participants can see a finished models with an iPad, a common piece of product from their work. These fin- technology in Hopedale, and an attach- ished products include the video series,

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) STRENGTH-BASED APPROACHES TO INVOLVING INUIT YOUTH • 97 articles written for Them Days magazine cally about research taking place in their (Flowers et al. 2018), a paper written for community. As future leaders for their the Labrador Research Forum, and a community, they will have the power to blog post for Day of Archaeology (Kelvin request or conduct research to benefit and Semigak 2017). Edmunds feels that their community. Conversely, they will “the best part of doing this work is the also have the power to deny research feeling of accomplishment when we that does not benefit their community. finish a project.” Kelvin and Gilheany hope they have helped them attain the skills to rec- Looking to the Future: Employment, ognize whether research is beneficial Education, and Healing to them and has their best interests in We believe that the basis for a strength- mind, and the confidence to speak up based approach is creating projects that when they feel that it does not. are future-oriented. We have tried to We have tried to incorporate edu- do this through the incorporation of cation into our projects, not just by employment, education, and healing. educating the youth about archaeol- There are few employment opportuni- ogy and archaeological interpretations ties in Hopedale, especially ones that of their past, but by also having youth are available to youth. The Nunatsiavum- educate Kelvin and Gilheany, as well miut authors of this paper recognize as the public. The youth participants the importance of gaining work experi- provided interpretations for archaeo- ence to build up their resumes for their logical features and artifacts, and taught future. Edmunds first applied to work Kelvin, Gilheany, and Agvituk Archaeol- on the Agvituk Archaeology Project ogy Project crew members about their because he wanted to get his first job and community and culture. The videos get experience. He feels that working and publications the youth produced on the project helped him set a routine through these projects have been used to for himself and gave him good work educate Hopedale community members experience for when he gets a full-time and the wider public about the history job. Igloliorte and Frieda feel that they of Labrador. Kelvin and Gilheany hope gained teamwork skills and interviewing that the youth will gain confidence in experience, which will help them with their own knowledge through this role future employment. as educators. Educating youth about the past was An important aspect of our strength- an important request of Hopedale based approaches is recognizing the community members. All the youth ways that learning about the past and participants felt that they learned more archaeology can lend itself to the process about the past and archaeology through of healing. As excavation and survey are their experience working on Kelvin and primarily land-based activities, taking Gilheany’s projects. After completing part in them gives youth a chance to go interviews, Edmunds, Igloliorte, and out on the land. Land-based activities are Frieda were all surprised to learn how often cited as a way northern youth cope much Hopedale community members with mental health issues (Hackett et al. know about the past and Inuit culture. 2016; Lys 2018) and there have been suc- By also educating youth in research cessful well-being initiatives that apply practices, they will be able to think criti- this concept to youth programs, such

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 98 • KELVIN ET AL. as Going Off, Growing Strong, in Nain, ancestors. Igloliorte feels that a benefit Nunatsiavut (Hackett et al. 2016). Simi- of working on the Agvituk Archaeology larly, youth participants recognized that Project was going out on the land is helpful to the healing processes because first, it physi- going in a speed boat and going cally removes them from situations that to an island and seeing differ- are causing them stress, and second, the ent Inuksuit, old tent rings, and land itself is healing. Edmunds believes, just being on the land, feeling refreshed. Going out on the land you don’t even need to hunt or anything like Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (2016) has that, just to get away from your identified creating cultural continuity phone, get out of the house, or just that is strongly grounded in Inuit lan- go out on the land to get a break guage, culture, and history as one of six from anything that is bothering priority areas for their suicide preven- you. tion strategies. There are many reasons why knowing the past is important. As The youth found that going out on the Searles (2017:77) explains: land as part of survey and excavation for the Agvituk Archaeology Project The Inuit past is not just a set of (Figure 4) and Gilheany’s research subsistence practices and settle- helped them heal, especially because ment patterns that can be recon- they were visiting places used by their structed through the recovery of

Figure 4. Claire Igloliorte and Mackenzie Frieda taking a break from archaeological survey in 2019.

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material remains buried in the past makes me more confident ground. The past has become a because it teaches me more about contested set of truths bound by the people before me, my culture, one essential message: maintaining and myself. strong vibrant connection to local and regional history is essential for Conclusions the ongoing vitality of a culturally The unsettling approach that we are out- distinct and politically self-deter- lining is not meant to be methodologi- mining Inuit society. cally simple, or a blanket one-way-fits-all methodology. It is an acknowledgement Knowing the past can also have a com- that researchers must consider the local forting effect. Lucy acknowledges: “It’s histories and nuances of their field a pleasure to know how our Elders sites. Although Canada is a large set- lived.” Knowledge of the past can also tler colonial state, the experiences of help youth cope with the challenges Indigenous people and their communi- they currently face. Edmunds, Frieda, ties vary, making unsettling practices and Igloliorte feel that archaeology can differ between projects. An unsettling be an important way to learn about the approach can be seen as a call for long- past because they feel a lot of knowl- term obligation with the local, as this edge of the deep past was lost due to can lead to more effective understand- the residential school system and other ings of research that people might be colonial policies. Furthermore, Schaepe interested in, or that Indigenous com- and colleagues (2017) demonstrate how munities might want to implement. It is archaeology can contribute to com- a response to the criticisms of decoloniz- munity health, healing, and well-being, ing methodologies, by acknowledging through promoting interconnected- that we may not be able to decolonize ness and belonging. Edmunds, Frieda, archaeology because it is so firmly rooted and Igloliorte were surprised to learn in Western thought. We may, however, during interviews how much Hopedale be able to unsettle aspects of the disci- community members know about their pline and work with Indigenous com- past and culture. They felt that interview- munities and scholars to Indigenize our ing Elders and community knowledge research. A key to unsettling practices is holders brought them closer together, shifting from an extractive mindset, where and they feel more comfortable going cultural objects and structures are con- to them in the future to ask questions. sidered archaeological resources, and By studying the past through interviews information, knowledge, and artifacts and archaeological research, youth need to be gathered, to a creative mindset, participants felt better connected to where relationships are built, interpreta- community members and their ances- tions are co-produced, and personal and tors. This connection helps build their collective meanings of, and connections confidence and focus on their future. to, the past are made. To conduct future- Denver Edmunds explains, oriented research using an unsettling approach, a researcher must step away Although I am unsure what I will from their own research agenda and do in the future, I think this work goals to ask what research is interesting, will help me. Learning about the important, or empowering for Indig-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 100 • KELVIN ET AL. enous communities. This might mean Grant No. DGE-1746045. Any opinions, find- stepping away from certain research ings, and conclusions or recommendations questions, or research, entirely—and expressed in this material are those of the giving communities the opportunity to author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the refuse research (Tuck and Yang 2014). views of the National Science Foundation. The future of archaeology on Indig- We would like to thank Lisa Rankin, the enous communities needs to be deter- Tradition and Transition Research Partner- mined by Indigenous people. ship, and the Inuit Community Government The strength-based approaches of Hopedale. We would also like to thank described in this article are reactive to Lisa Hodgetts for inviting us to contribute conversations in Indigenous spaces, with to this issue and our reviewers, including Hopedale community members, Nun- Scott Neilsen, for their helpful comments atsiavummiut youth participants, and and insights. We are grateful to Deirdre Labrador Research Forum participants. Elliot, Sarah Wilson, and Jacinda Sinclair The approaches are meant to respond for welcoming the Nunatsiavummiut youth to community requests for involvement to engage with their projects and to Peter in research, as well as community con- Ramsden for providing us with a map for our cerns, not just with previous research publication. Very special thank you to Philip practices, but also concerns over the Abel, Rosie Edmunds, Andrea Flowers, Mar- well-being of their youth and their com- jorie Flowers; Reuben Flowers, Shaun Gear, munity. They are also a provocation for David Igloliorte, Sarah and Harry Jensen, archaeologists that are reading this to Rose and John Lucy, Wanda and William consider the ways they interact and work Lucy, Zeke Lucy, Ida Semigak, William Tug- with local youth and their expectations lavina, and John Winters for their support, of them. To help empower Indigenous guidance, and assistance. youth, archaeologists need to always be cognizant of colonial power structures References Cited they are working within and to be aware Arendt, Beatrix J. Y. M. of and understand both the history and 2011 Gods, Goods, and Big Game: the current social context of the commu- The Archaeology of Labrador Inuit nities with which they work. We should Choices in an Eighteenth- and Nine- seek to engage with power differences. teenth-Century Mission Context. PhD We should feel unsettled. dissertation, Department of Anthro- pology, University of Virginia, Char- Acknowledgments. This research was gener- lottesville, Virginia. ously supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, Inuit Path- 2013 The Return to Hopedale: ways; the J. R. Smallwood Foundation, the Excavations at Anniowaktook Island, Institute for Social and Economic Research, Hopedale, Labrador. Canadian Journal the Newfoundland and Labrador Provincial of Archaeology 37:302–330. Archaeology Office, the University of Chi- Arnold, Charles D., and Christopher C. cago Center for International Social Science Hanks Research Lloyd and the Suzanne Rudolph 1991 Archaeological Field Training in Field Research Award. It was also supported the NOGAP area. In NOGAP Archaeol- by the National Science Foundation Gradu- ogy Project: An Integrated Archaeological ate Research Fellowship Program under and Research Management Approach,

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Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) Northern BritishColumbia of aCommunityEngagedModelattheUniversity Unsettling theArchaeologyFieldSchool:Development Canadian Journal ofArchaeology/JournalCanadien d’Archéologie44:105–132 clés dumodèledesécolesde fouillesest fouilles àdiversendroits.Un deséléments nique, danslebutd’offrirtreize écolesde l’intérieur desterresdelaColombie-Britan - communautés autochtones, sur la côte et à a travailléenpartenariatavecde nombreuses versité duNorddelaColombie-Britannique de nouvellespossibilités.Depuis2000,l’Uni- constitue uncontexteidéalafind’explorer aux étudiants. À ce sujet, l’école de fouilles implique lamanièredontnous enseignons tage. Unepartieessentielledeceprocessus nautés autochtones au sujet de leur héri archéologues, travaillons avec lescommu- fait référenceàlafaçondontnous,les Archaeology Résumé. with implementation. model andhighlightsproblemssuccesses This paperdescribestheinitialfieldschool to fieldmethods,taughtbyuniversitystaff. nity members,andascience-basedapproach of traditionalknowledgetaughtbycommu- school model is theintegration and weaving various locations. Akey pillar of the field Columbia, todeliver13fieldschoolsin on the coastandininteriorofBritish with anumberofIndigenouscommunities Northern BritishColumbiahaspartnered new avenues.Since2000,theUniversityof provides aperfectvehicleinwhichtoexplore students, andthearchaeologyfieldschool part ofthisprocessinvolveshowwetrain munities ontheirheritage.Afundamental archaeologists workwith Indigenous com- Archaeology refers to improving how we as Abstract. In this paper, Unsettling Farid Rahemtulla Le titredecetarticle,«

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Unsettling - F † of approachesandgoals(Greer enous communities,thereisadiversity archaeologists working with Indig- 1997; papers in Silliman 2008). For 2010; papersin Nicholas andAndrews and Hutchings2016;Martindale and Indigenousarchaeology(LaSalle about thegoalsandethicsofcommunity 2006). Therehasbeenmuchdiscussion ing decolonizedapproaches(Nicholas Archaeology (Atalay2006)anddevelop- have beensubsumedunderIndigenous 2002; Marshall2002).Someofthem communities (Atalay2012;Lyons by manyarchaeologistsandIndigenous based approaches have been espoused do this.Inrecentdecades,community- but thereisnoonemodelwithwhichto more responsivetocommunityneeds, been repurposingthedisciplinetobe avec celui-cisontmisdel’avantdansletexte. décrit, etlesproblèmes et succèsassociés Le modèleinitialdesécolesdefouillesest enseignées pardesemployésdel’université. proche scientifiquedesméthodesdeterrain membres delacommunauté,ainsiquel’ap- nel (traditionalknowledge)enseignéparles l’intégration etletissagedusavoirtradition- Department ofAnthropology,University of [[email protected]] Way, PrinceGeorge,BC Northern BritishColumbia,3333 University and Indigenouscommunitieshave or sometime,archaeologists

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Article 106 • RAHEMTULLA

2016; McGhee 2008), and some of the Columbia (UNBC) field school and I critiques are certainly valid and require have organized and taught all of the field pause for thought. At the same time, schools since 2007. practitioners of these collaborative Starting in 2000, UNBC has taken the approaches have made significant gains approach that decolonizing or unset- towards a more inclusive archaeology tling the discipline must include how we (Colwell 2016; see Wylie 2019 for an train our students to be archaeologists, excellent summary). Generally, this can and that a natural vehicle for this is the be considered as “unsettling” archaeol- field school. Other field school and ogy as the discipline grapples with its community-engaged examples, such colonial foundation and strives to do as Nicholas’ (1997) pioneering efforts things differently. and more recent projects (Cipolla The term “unsettling” is used here to and Quinn 2016; Guilfoyle et al. 2019; denote recognition of the power rela- papers in Kerber 2006; Lima et al. 2019; tions embedded in the colonial structure papers in Silliman 2008), illustrate the within which academia is traditionally value of this approach. A commitment anchored (Atalay 2006). The term “set- to this endeavor requires academics, tler” is increasingly used to distinguish students, and Indigenous community Indigenous persons from non-Indig- members to operate outside of their enous ones. Unsettling is the process “comfort zones”, as this is necessary of disrupting the inequality that exists if we are to explore new avenues for when (in this case) non-Indigenous practice. In 2000, we were approached academicians are seen as the primary by the Cariboo Tribal Council (now knowledge holders of deep Indigenous Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw) to history, although the rising numbers of develop a community-based field school academically trained Indigenous archae- with a difference, where Elders would ologists are making these categories help academics teach the field school increasingly mutually inclusive (Nicholas and community members would also 2010). As such, “unsettling” is concep- participate for course credits alongside tually intertwined and overlaps with university students. Since that time, “decolonizing”, “Indigenous”, and “col- we have delivered 13 field schools and laborative” approaches, and can even be three field research projects in partner- subsumed under one or more of those ship with eight Indigenous communi- categories. Many of these terms and ties in north central British Columbia concepts are underlain with complex (Figure 1). This paper outlines the epistemic and methodological subtleties initial development of our field school that are debated within the academic model and modifications that have bubble; on the other hand, the term and occurred since that time. It traces our concept behind “unsettling” resonates collaborations with Indigenous com- in a greater way with communities and munities and highlights examples of so it is preferred in this study. I am non- community interaction and experiential Indigenous but I have spent over two archaeology. The Discussion section decades working with Indigenous com- summarizes successes and challenges munities throughout the coast and inte- and explores how this model benefits rior of British Columbia. I co-organized communities and contributes towards the 2002 University of Northern British unsettling archaeology.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 107

Figure 1. Locations of UNBC community-engaged field schools in British Columbia. Base map from d-maps.com.

The Field School Model the first interaction that communities Most Indigenous communities in British have with archaeologists (Klassen et al. Columbia are observing impacts to their 2009). Over the past decades, Indig- claimed traditional territories as the enous communities have justifiably pace of development through resource asserted an increased role in all aspects extraction accelerates, along with envi- of archaeology from practice to manage- ronmental assessments (Klimko et al. ment of resources, as well as permitting. 1998; La Salle and Hutchings 2012; Lack of capacity continues to be a prob- Nicholas 2006). Archaeological impact lem as there are still very few Indigenous assessments are frequently undertaken archaeologists working within the com- prior to development, usually by cultural munities. Local community members are resource managers, and this is generally frequently hired by consultants to assist

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 108 • RAHEMTULLA with impact assessments but many of spiritual aspects. Legat (1991:1–2; them have no formal training in archae- cf. Greer 1997:146) outlines a similar ology, except for short courses that offer and useful definition developed by basic training in field techniques and the Government of the Northwest recognizing artifacts and other material Territories Traditional Knowledge culture (Klassen et al. 2009). In British Working Group. This means observ- Columbia, these provincially sanctioned ing any cultural protocols as pre- courses are a positive start, but they are scribed by our community partners. not designed to provide a comprehen- Archaeological training consists of sive education in archaeology. University traditional field techniques and a sci- field schools can offer a more compre- ence-based approach. We also include hensive introduction to field methods experiential archaeology under this to both community members and post- principle, which includes modules secondary students. In doing so, field such as making and using stone tools schools offer an opportunity for com- or creating earth ovens. munities to increase capacity by having 2) Instructors will be qualified academic more members with archaeological archaeologists as well as Elders and knowledge (Gonzalez et al. 2018), and other community members who wish ultimately, may encourage those mem- to share their knowledge (McDonald bers to pursue further post-secondary and Lazenby 1999). education. 3) University students and community The initial framework for the field members (chosen by the community) school was laid out in principle during enrol in field school courses together, the late 1990s by Jim McDonald and and both groups earn university Richard Lazenby of the Department of credits upon successful completion. Anthropology at UNBC (McDonald and Community members need not have Lazenby 1999). The first field school an academic background to enrol in using the model was delivered in 2000 in the field school. partnership with the then Cariboo Tribal 4) Research questions and fieldwork Council (CTC), and Soda Creek First locations are chosen collaboratively, Nation (Table 1). After that first field with guidance from the community. school, I became director of the project 5) The university and the partner Indig- and I began to make modifications to enous communities share the cost of the model after successive consultation the project so that, at a minimum, with many partner communities, begin- communities are responsible for ning with the Cariboo Tribal Council. As tuition and fees for their students (see we deliberated our field school model, below). The university provides staff, a number of simple guiding principles equipment, learning materials, trans- anchored our thought process, including portation and fuel, food, plus more. elements from the original framework: 6) A community day is held near the end of the project with a feast and any nec- 1) Archaeology and traditional knowl- essary ceremonies at the discretion edge should be placed on equal foot- of the community. Students and staff ing. Traditional knowledge is used facilitate community interaction and here in the broadest sense, encom- input through display of artifacts and passing environmental, social, and any other material culture recovered.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 109

Table 1. UNBC archaeology field schools partnered with Indigenous communities in British Columbia. The author directed and taught all field schools unless noted otherwise.

Year Location Community Partner(s) Students 2000a Xat’sūll Village Xat’sūll Nation 5 university (Soda Creek) (Cariboo Tribal Councilb) 8 community 2002c Ts’epeten Stswecem’c Xgat’tem Nation 4 university (Gustafsen Lake) (Cariboo Tribal Councilb) 8 community 2007 Beaverly Lheidli T’enneh Nation Nazko 23 university (Prince George) Nation 2008 Sowchea Reserve Nak’azdli Nation 6 university (Stuart Lake) 7 community 2009 Binche Reserve Tl’azt’en Nation 8 university (Suart Lake) 4 community 2010 Wit’at/Nass Glee Lake Babine Nation 9 university (Babine Lake) 6 community 2011 Hakai/Luvxbalis Heiltsuk Nation and Wuikinuxv 9 university (Calvert Island) Nation 4 community 2012 Hakai/Luvxbalis Heiltsuk Nation and Wuikinuxv 9 university (Calvert Island) Nation 1 community 2013 Hakai/Luvxbalis Heiltsuk Nation and Wuikinuxv 8 university (Calvert Island) Nation 2014 Hakai/Luvxbalis Heiltsuk Nation and Wuikinuxv 9 university (Calvert Island) Nation 2015 Hakai/Luvxbalis Heiltsuk Nation and Wuikinuxv 10 university (Calvert Island) Nation 2017 Wit’at/Smokehouse Island Lake Babine Nation 7 university (Babine Lake) 1 community 2019 Wit’at/Smokehouse Island Lake Babine Nation 12 university (Babine Lake) a Taught by Michael Klassen and Judith Gilbert. b Now Northern Secwepemc te Qelmucw (NStQ). c Co-taught by Rudy Reimer/Yumks and Dave Hall.

7) Whenever possible, students and is involved in every stage of the process staff should live within the host com- (Atalay 2012). In this model, it also munity (on Reserve) or somewhere means living within the community nearby, so that the entire field school whenever possible, however uncomfort- is immersed within the culture and able it makes us feel, both Indigenous landscapes of importance. It also facil- and non-Indigenous participants. Com- itates increased interaction between munity engagement forces students to the field school and the community. think about the social and political rami- Implementation of field schools fications of archaeology for Indigenous with these anchoring principles has history. Living on Reserve opens univer- brought added challenges and seen sity students’ eyes to the plight of some mixed results, as described below. communities and the devastating results of the colonial enterprise, but it also Central to this model is community provides challenges as discussed below. engagement, which in this case means At the same time, lifelong friendships striving to ensure that the community form between community members and

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 110 • RAHEMTULLA university students and staff, presenting site recording, excavation, and more. glimmers of optimism. Secondly, a key All participants did fairly well in this element that runs throughout the field hands-on course, with little separation of school is the notion that the archaeo- grades between university and commu- logical record is, in part, the result of nity students. The second course focused traditional knowledge, construed in its on traditional knowledge, including aca- broadest definition. The experiential demic readings and options to interview archaeology component adds to this community members. Unfortunately, by having students recreate some of the lack of institutional flexibility meant the material culture that we recover that community members were assessed (e.g., stone tools), which in the past using the same criteria as senior under- would have been the result of traditional graduates, through exams and written knowledge, or just “knowledge”. At the assignments. This was changed in later end, all participants understand that field schools, but it was obvious that the community collaboration and engage- community students struggled with read- ment lead not only to a discipline that ings and written assignments, as they had is more responsive to Indigenous needs, little or no academic background and they also result in a more robust archae- experience. Unsurprisingly, there was a ology (Cipolla et al. 2019). bimodal grade distribution where university students did well as a group (with Courses some variation in grades) while commu- A major challenge in the pedagogical nity students, in general, fared poorly. implementation of this approach is how It was clear during the first two field to structure field school classes that con- schools that all students did well with sist of both senior level undergraduates the practical learning modules, but and community members with no aca- community members struggled with demic background. Community input academic concepts in archaeology to was sought during course design to allow a much greater degree than the uni- for incorporation of traditional knowl- versity students. Partially due to this, edge learning modules. It was important the field school course curriculum was that students recognize the equivalency overhauled in 2005 and the new (and of archaeological and traditional knowl- current) package consists of three edge. Blending traditional knowledge courses for a total of 15 credits, that with a Western science-based approach focus on field methods and on Indig- to archaeology has been espoused and enous peoples and archaeology: “Survey implemented in several cases and pro- and mapping”, “Excavation and Field jects elsewhere (Croes 2010; Habu et al. Interpretation”, and “Archaeology and 2008; Lyons and Blair 2018; Trigger First Nations”. The field school package 1997). During the inaugural field school is delivered in 7–10 weeks, depending on in 2000, the course package consisted of particular circumstances and community two fourth year anthropology courses: needs. Changes to the curriculum allow ANTH 416 (Archaeological Field Meth- for more detailed training in archaeolog- ods) and ANTH 418 (Archaeology ical survey, mapping and excavation, and and First Nations), and university and also include some experiential archaeol- community students had to register in ogy. For example, creating an earth oven both. Field methods covered survey, or making stone tools are now regular

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 111 teaching modules, and they are designed ties. Over the course of a few days, the to make students think about how these readings cover a number of general various types of material culture were areas, such as the compatibility of oral created, and what might be left in the traditions and archaeology, and finish archaeological record (see below). with more recent successful and positive The field school now begins with collaborative case studies from around the “Archaeology and First Nations” the globe (e.g., papers in Bruchac et al. course, which still includes traditional 2010; Gonzalez et al. 2018; Lima et al. knowledge modules when community 2019; Nicholas and Andrews 1997; Silli- members are available, but it starts with man 2008). At the end of the readings, a series of readings and group discus- field school students have an increased sions on the historical relationship awareness of the historical relationship between anthropologists/archaeologists between archaeologists and Indigenous and Indigenous peoples. To move for- peoples in North America, which pro- ward and toward community-engaged vides the framework for “unsettling” the approaches, it is important that students practice today. understand the past relationship with Since the curriculum redesign, enrol- Indigenous communities, no matter ment in the three courses has been how uncomfortable that may be (Atalay mandatory for all students, including 2006). For example, one mandatory those from the community. Community reading focuses on pioneering biological students are given the readings pack- anthropologist Aleš Hrdlička’s drive to ages, but they generally do not complete collect Indigenous human remains for them. They are required, however, to the collections at the National Museum attend the discussions on these read- of Natural History, during the first half ings and they frequently contribute to of the twentieth century. As described by the healthy debates. Evaluation in this Loring and Prokopec (1994), Hrdlička’s course is modified for the community zeal in obtaining human remains from participants so that instead of written Indigenous communities by any means exams and assignments, they have the necessary is shocking by today’s mores. option to have an oral examination. This The “grave digger” trope that embod- allows them to express what they have ies anthropologists in the eyes of many learned in a manner that is more com- Indigenous communities was forged fortable for them. Since the institution at this time, and it is still a powerful of oral exams for community members, memory that has been passed down the the grade separation between university generations. Readings such as this stimu- and community students has been nar- late discussion and cause discomfort for rower. Once the initial readings and both Indigenous and non-Indigenous discussions have been completed, the students, but they often find themselves survey and mapping modules begin. united in their disbelief that such practices ever occurred. The goal is not to Funding criticize early anthropologists (although An initial guiding principle for the field that certainly becomes a major focus), school was that project costs should be but to understand the background to the shared between the university and the evolution of the relationship between communities so that at a minimum, archaeology and Indigenous communi- communities fund their own students.

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In reality, the funding has been more out this support the field school could complex, with variable budgets due not happen at that location. to a number of factors. The UNBC The Babine Archaeology Project has archaeology field school is run on a received a significant amount of direct cost recovery basis, so that all operating funding from the Lake Babine Nation expenses should be paid from student Treaty Office (Rahemtulla 2019). Since fees and from external funds. Com- 2010, the office has provided financial munities pay for their members’ tuition support for three training and research and fees through funds obtained from projects (Table 2) and for one field Indigenous education and employment school in 2017. Funding has covered organizations. For example, the Cariboo field expenses such as accommodation, Chilcotin Aboriginal Training Employ- boat rental, fuel and equipment, and ment Centre (CCATEC) provided fund- post field analyses, such as radiocarbon ing for all of the community students dating, as well as for zooarchaeology on both CTC partnered field schools and micromorphology analyses. This has (Chapman et al. 2001). Tuition and fees resulted in more intensive and exten- provide the basis to run field schools sive field training for both community but leave little for post field analyses, so and university students, and it has also other funding is often necessary. In the allowed the project to address collabora- past, this has come from: the communi- tive research goals more effectively. ties themselves (Lake Babine Nation); the Tula Foundation; the now defunct Implementation of the Field School British Columbia Heritage Trust; and Model the Office of Research at UNBC. As in all endeavours, funding plays a large role Consultation and Delivery of Field Schools in how individual field schools are deliv- In keeping with the notion that field ered, as well as their outcomes. schools should be community-driven, we The Hakai Institute, under the direc- have maintained a policy that, as much as tion of Eric Peterson and Christina possible, any field school project should Munck, generously subsidized our be initiated by the community and not coastal field schools. During the five field by university researchers. News of our seasons on Calvert Island, the Institute initial field schools spread to other com- provided boat transportation, lodging, munities by word of mouth and since and food (Rahemtulla 2013b, 2015). then, Indigenous communities have In the remoteness of the central coast, initiated the majority of our field schools these are not trivial expenses and with- and partnerships in north central B.C.,

Table 2. Babine Archaeology Project research excavations funded by the Lake Babine Nation Treaty Office. Year Location Community Partner(s) Students 2012 Nass Glee (Babine Lake) Lake Babine Nation 8 university graduate students 2014 Smokehouse Island (Babine Lake) Lake Babine Nation 4 university 4 community 2015 Smokehouse Island (Babine Lake) Lake Babine Nation 4 university 5 community

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 113 and many more have expressed interest. Deep Creek. The first field school was After an agreement to run a field school, in partnership with the Xat’sūll (Soda consultation generally begins several Creek) First Nation at the ancient fish- months or even years before the project ing village of Xat’sūll, now a Reserve. takes place. The university contracted professional Consultation and planning meetings archaeologist Michael Klassen and are generally hosted within the com- Teaching Assistant Judith Gilbert, an munity so that the discussions occur archaeologist, and a member of the Soda within an appropriate cultural context, Creek Band, to teach the field school which means that the project director (Chapman et al. 2001). Community con- must fund and undertake travel to and sultation led to an agreement to hold the from these locales. Key components, field school at Xat’sūll Village/Reserve, a such as the overall nature of the project, site that clearly has deep meaning to the research questions (if any), and commu- community. Xat’sūll is also an outdoor nity engagement, are typically discussed museum that is operated by the commu- at this stage. Consultations also lead to nity. During the 1990s, the band recon- verbal, or preferably, written agreements structed two pithouses and installed new on what each party will provide, includ- structures within the original village and ing number of students, funding, and unfortunately, many of the archaeo- any other obligations and issues, such logical remains were impacted. This as protocols for dealing with human picturesque location is still used by the remains. Many of these aspects are also community to harvest salmon from the subsequently formalized in required pro- Fraser River using dip nets. vincial archaeological permits. With the To initiate the field school, the Lake Babine Nation, a Memorandum community organized a sage burning of Understanding was signed between ceremony and prayer led by an Elder, the community and UNBC, followed by followed by opening speeches from a written agreement specifically on the community dignitaries, and then a feast. terms of the archaeological partnership. At the end of the field school, a com- The latter specifies that both parties munity-led ceremony and feast officially have equal opportunity to contribute to signalled the close of the excavation every facet of the project, and to derive portion. Such ceremonies highlight the any benefits. A key facet revolves around continuity between past and present for capacity building, namely, that the field Indigenous communities (Cipolla et al. school provides opportunities for both 2019; Silliman and Sebastien Dring community and university students to 2010). Students and instructors camped receive training on equal footing (see at the site (on Reserve) through the also Gonzalez et al. 2018). entirety of the project, and classroom The field school guiding principles and kitchen were provided nearby in were implemented in the first UNBC a building that was previously a res- field school project in 2000, in col- taurant. Throughout the field school, laboration with the then Cariboo Tribal from classes to fieldwork, community Council Treaty Society (Table 1). The members often visited and took part in Cariboo Tribal Council consists of four the discussion or activity. Research goals bands, Williams Lake, Canim Lake, Dog included creating an inventory of sites Creek/Canoe Creek, and Soda Creek/ in the area to supplement the existing

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 114 • RAHEMTULLA archaeological site database, gathering years, making it one of the oldest known baseline data such as depth of deposits, in the region (Reimer and Hall 2005:44). and establishing a chronological frame- In 2007, we offered our first and only work for the pithouse village (Chap- commuter field school at a previously man et al. 2001). recorded archaeological site west of In 2002, the second UNBC/CTC field Prince George. Permission was obtained school partnered with the Stswecem’c following meetings with the Lheidli Xgat’tem (Canoe Creek/Dog Creek T’enneh Nation Chief and Council and Creek) Nation. During consultation representatives from the Nazko Nation leading up to the project, Elders and (Rahemtulla 2008). In all, 23 university other community members wanted the students participated and unfortunately, fieldwork to take place at Ts’peten, also for a number of reasons, we were unable known as Gustafsen Lake, in central to enroll community members during B.C. They were particularly interested this year. in the time depth for use of the area by Late in 2007, Nak’azdli Band in Fort their ancestors. Just a few years previous, St. James contacted me to discuss the this area had been the focus of an acri- possibility of a collaborative field school monious and highly publicized stand- during the following summer. After a off between a number of Indigenous number of meetings at band offices in peoples and the RCMP (Lambertus Fort St. James, an agreement was struck 2007). We (UNBC) agreed to conduct to deliver a field school on the shores the field school at Ts’epeten and con- of Stuart Lake, within the traditional tracted Rudy Reimer/Yumks (2010) now territory of the Nak’azdli. The band an Indigenous faculty member at Simon requested that the field school take Fraser University, and Dave Hall, a pro- place at a specific site that was of great fessional archaeologist, to teach the field importance and so, on two occasions, school and conduct the research using community members and I went out to the model that we had begun to develop scout the location. Eventually we got to with CTC previously. the site, but it involved crossing a large The majority of field school students wetland through a very slippery path, that year were community members, and a couple of us slipped and fell into and the entire group tent camped at the marsh. The logistical challenges to Ts’peten, close to where the work took setting up and running a camp there place. The project was again officially would be formidable and access would opened and closed with a prayer and be hazardous for students and staff. speeches by community dignitaries, fol- We could not fulfill the community’s lowed by a feast. This required some primary choice for field school location, community members to drive up to so we agreed to their second choice, 80 km from their homes and many did the Sowchea 2 Reserve on the southern so. The location required setting up a shores of Stuart Lake, which has rela- field camp in an area with no services, tively easy access and high archaeologi- so that kitchen and shower facilities had cal potential because of its proximity to to be built by students and staff. The the lake. The entire group lived in a research centred on some inventory tent camp on an isolated Reserve, which work followed by excavations. The site led to a greater bonding between the was radiocarbon dated to over 6,000 students, and many of them (both Indig-

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 115 enous and non-Indigenous) still stay in and probably the social highlight of the touch today. stay was when all members of the field In the following year (2009), the school participated in a karaoke com- Tl’azt’en Nation on the eastern shores of petition one evening. Participation in Stuart Lake approached us and expressed community events such as this one goes a an interest in partnering with us for a long way towards building relationships field school. Consultation began early between community members and the that year with several potential areas of non-community group. interest to the community. Eventually, For the testing and excavation, we set then Tl’azt’en Chief, Tommy Alexis, and I up a tent camp at Binche Reserve close to spent an entire day scouting a number of the work area. The entire group (includ- sites of interest to the community. Keep- ing the community students) set up tents ing logistics in mind, we chose an area in close to the lake, and an outdoor kitchen the southern part of Binche Reserve on and outhouse were constructed. Almost the shores of Stuart Lake (Figure 2). immediately, many of the resident dogs Classes and mapping exercises took began to mark their territory by urinat- place at the Tache Reserve, where the ing on our tents during the night. Such entire group stayed at a community encounters are unpredictable when centre. This forced project students camping on a Reserve or in any rural set- and staff to interact with the residents, ting, but they necessitate the ability for

Figure 2. Field school students observe pictographs on Stuart Lake in 2009, guided by Jer- maine Joseph (far left, operating boat motor) from Tl’azt’en Nation. Photo: Farid Rahemtulla.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 116 • RAHEMTULLA students and staff to deal with any chal- were forcibly taken down in 1906 by gov- lenges that may arise during the project. ernment agencies (Harris 2001). Over Late in 2009, it was becoming appar- the years, community engagement has ent that one component of the field revealed a strong interest to document school model was not working well. and protect the rock art around the Spending only one summer in each lake, which now forms the third general community before moving on ham- research direction. Michell was aware pered relationship building, which is of the slow nature of the archaeologi- vital to changing how we do archaeol- cal process and envisioned a multi-year ogy (Atalay 2012; Ferris 2003). Starting partnership facilitated through the LBN consultation with a community and then Treaty Office. Field schools would play abruptly leaving after a year meant that a central role in this enterprise and the we were, in effect, doing the opposite of Babine Archaeology Project was thus what we wanted to achieve; long-term initiated. collaboration with our partner commu- The first field school with LBN took nities. Secondly, limiting fieldwork to place in 2010 with nine post-secondary only a few weeks in one area stifles any students and six community students meaningful research, as only a limited (Table 1). A tent camp was set up at Fort amount of data can be obtained in such Babine (Wi’tat) Reserve, and all class- a short period, especially given the slow room work and mapping exercises were pace needed with field schools. By coin- conducted there (Figure 3). The com- cidence, in the following year we were munity immediately welcomed us into invited to begin a long-term collabora- their homes and, in many cases, made tion with the Lake Babine Nation. us feel like family members. We were In 2010, the Lake Babine Nation invited to dinner numerous times, and (LBN) signed a Memorandum of Under- the musicians in the group often joined standing with UNBC to collaborate on in local jam sessions. research and training to the mutual In keeping with the research direc- benefit of both parties. Soon thereafter, tions, fieldwork focused at the very large LBN Co-Chief Treaty Negotiator, Joe fishing village of Nass Glee (GiSq-004), Michell, requested a meeting with me some 14 km north of Ft. Babine. This was and indicated that archaeological train- the first time that any extensive sub-sur- ing (capacity building) and research face testing was done at the village and were a priority for the community. At the it revealed new information, the most outset, Michell envisioned two general noteworthy being that it had an occupa- research directions; the first was to find tion span stretching back at least 1,300 out more about the ancient fishing vil- years (Rahemtulla 2012). Following the lages on Babine Lake that their ancestors field school, the Lake Babine Nation had used for generations. The second Treaty Office funded the first research research direction entailed searching excavation of one of the large house the north part of the lake for remnants depressions at Nass Glee (Figure 4). As of wood stake fish weirs that had been intensive data collection was of primary used historically to harvest many species importance to that particular project, we of Skeena River salmon that spawn in jointly decided to hire eight post-gradu- the Babine watershed. These weirs were ate students with excavation experience central to the Babine economy, but they (Rahemtulla 2013a).

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Figure 3. UNBC and Lake Babine Nation students conducting mapping exercises at Ft. Babine in 2010. (Standing left to right: Matt Adam and Noah Scheck.) Photo: Farid Rahemtulla.

Figure 4. Lake Babine Nation school children and community members visit the 2012 excavation project at Nass Glee, Babine River. Photo: Farid Rahemtulla.

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Our partnership with Lake Babine the Heiltsuk and Wuikinuxv Nations Nation continued to develop and completed the program. In the follow- expand, and results of our projects ing years, we brought many of them began to spread to the larger commu- back as paid teaching assistants. Heiltsuk nity. During the next field projects, the member Josh Vickers was TA for the focus was on the second research direc- next four years and Rebecca Johnson tion, wood stake fish weirs. Oral and and Andrea Walkus from Wuikinuxv written histories indicate that Smoke- were also TAs for two years. This was the house Island near the outflow of the first time that we were able to hire com- Lower Babine River served as the locus munity members to help teach the field of at least two wooden fish weirs. Field school that they themselves had success- reconnaissance conducted during the fully completed. In addition, Heiltsuk fall of 2013, revealed the presence of culture historian and archaeologist, vertical wooden stakes in the river. In Elroy White/Gitla, dropped by from 2014 and 2015, the LBN Treaty Office time to time and generously shared his funded research excavations on Smoke- knowledge and traditional songs with house Island for a total of nine weeks the group (Figure 5). Unfortunately, (Table 2). These were not field schools, due to distance and travel complications, but they included training and univer- community interaction was limited, but sity credits for community members. In there were a few visits from Elders and both cases, the group consisted of four others, and from schools in Rivers Inlet or five community members and four and Bella Bella. university students. Two later UNBC/ LBN field schools continued working Traditional Knowledge, Community on the island, in 2017 and in 2019. Since Interaction, and Experiential Archaeology the initial excavations at Smokehouse Levels of interaction with community Island, significant waterlogged discover- members have been highly variable ies have been made (Rahemtulla 2019). in the field schools delivered thus far. While our relationship with LBN con- Location, logistics, and availability tinued to develop, another opportunity and willingness of community mem- arose to have a field school on the cen- bers to interact can be very different tral coast of B.C. In 2010, Eric Peterson from one setting to another. For both and Christina Munck agreed to let us Cariboo Tribal Council field schools run an archaeology field school hosted in 2000 and 2002, a significant amount at the Hakai Beach Institute on Calvert of funds was set aside to pay Elders for Island. Consultation began with the sharing their time with the students. Heiltsuk and Wuikinuxv Nations and a Prior to the field schools, we met with very large and unexplored shell midden community organizers and discussed site (EjTa-4) was chosen as the location a number of potential teaching topics for research and training (Rahemtulla that Elders and community members 2013b). might be interested in speaking to, such The Hakai Institute generously as bark stripping, traditional fishing, hosted five field schools from 2011 to hunting and trapping methods, and 2015, in which dozens of students par- much more. As a result, there were fre- ticipated. During the first field school in quent visits from Elders and community 2011, four community participants from members who generously shared their

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Figure 5. Heiltsuk cultural historian and archaeologist Elroy White/Gitla (second from right) discusses Culturally Modified Trees with 2015 field school students on Calvert Island. Photo: Farid Rahemtulla. knowledge, including hands on lessons those memories and techniques with the on repairing fishing nets, using earth students. Students learned not only the ovens, and much more. Popular activi- physical process of stripping bark from a ties included construction of traditional tree, but also the social aspects of remov- wood frame summer shelters, observing ing cambium. The Elders talked about pictographs and petroglyphs, walk- what to look for in appropriate trees, the ing tours featuring traditional plant time of year, and even who within the use (Figure 6), and bark stripping of community conducted most of the bark Lodgepole Pine (Pinus contorta) trees stripping. Students got a chance to do for inner cambium. some bark stripping of their own. At the Bark stripped trees, or Culturally right time of year, the cambium is sweet Modified Trees, are found in large and some students were enthusiastic numbers in British Columbia and they about eating it. have become a major site type recorded During most field schools, several by consulting archaeologists (Earnshaw Elders and/or community members 2019; Klimko et al. 1998). Many Elders take the students out for a day or more within the CTC communities have mem- and show them the various types of ories of bark stripping when they were plants in the area, and their many tradi- younger, and they were happy to share tional uses (Figure 6). Many communi-

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Figure 6. Learning about traditional plant use from Nak’azdli Nation’s Lisa Sam (second from left) and Loretta Prince (fourth from left facing camera) in 2008. Photo: Farid Rahem- tulla. ties still gather and use plants for their is how, if at all, these activities might medicinal and healing properties, just be represented in the archaeological as their ancestors did. Some examples record, given that plant harvesting/use include devil’s club (Oplopanax horri- in the past can leave few to no archaeo- dus), cow parsnip (Heracleum maximum), logical signatures. and “Indian hellebore” (Veratrum viride). One of the highlights of the 2008 This is one of the most popular com- field school was to observe community ponents of the field schools, for both members catching kokanee salmon university and community students. (Oncorhynchus nerka) in a stream next In 2000, the students learned how to to our camp. These non-anadromous construct a temporary summer dwelling (land locked) salmon are a traditional from Elder, George Williams. In 2010, food for the Nak’azdli, and they are field school students were invited to caught using a metal wire loop tied to go berry picking with Fort Babine resi- the end of a long pole, in effect snar- dents, which involved travel to distant ing the fish. I was unfamiliar with this grounds that had been used for genera- fishing technique and it is not reported tions. One of the key questions we ask in any historical literature, so it was a all participants (including community pleasant surprise to witness. The fishers knowledge holders) to keep in mind displayed great skill in snaring several

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 121 fish within a few minutes, and we were it would have been passed through the told that this was a technique that had generations in antiquity. been handed down through the genera- Earth ovens were traditionally used tions. to cook plant (especially root) and In 2008, we were also invited to animal foods both on the coast and in spend time at the home of Nak’azdli the interior of British Columbia and community leader, Vince Prince. The elsewhere (Black and Thoms 2014; Lep- sockeye salmon run into Stuart Lake ofsky and Peacock 2004). Archaeologi- was beginning and Prince’s property cally, some of them are represented as is adjacent to a salmon-bearing stream “cultural depressions”, circular ground that feeds into the lake. Students were features that appear in certain contexts. fortunate enough to participate in the Not all cultural depressions are earth process of fish cleaning and transport to ovens; larger ones can be remnants of the smokehouse. Participation in these pithouses and smaller ones, storage activities is invaluable for field school stu- facilities (Prentiss 2017; Prince 2004). dents as it exposes them to the complex As mentioned above, we first created a knowledge required for gathering and small earth oven and cooked meat at processing resources, and at the same Ft. Babine during our Community Day. time, illustrates that these can be highly Several community members indicated social events that are not easily read in that their grandparents or other rela- the archaeological record. tives had told them of these ovens but An aspect that was common to they had never seen anyone actually use learning from both the academic and one. Essentially, large cobbles are heated traditional perspectives, is experiential with fire in a pit and once the flames archaeology. Students learn a number die down the rocks hold their heat for of different techniques for making tools several hours, providing a source of and procuring and processing food. uniform warmth. The meat is placed on This is an interesting middle ground in the hot rocks and the pit is covered with that it offers an experiential approach, green boughs and twigs, and then cov- whereby participants are fully involved ered with dirt. After cooking, the meat in the process. For example, flintknap- was shared with the community and ping workshops have been mandatory everyone was surprised at the delectable in every field school. The goal is to teach results. Since then, we have regularly participants basic fracture mechanics created earth ovens on the field school so that they learn to recognize chipped (Figure 7). These experiential mod- stone tools. After the knapping session, ules serve to expand students’ thought in some years, the class proceeded out- processes by engaging them to think doors with the newly created tools and about the complexity that underlies the used them in various tasks such as cut- archaeological record. Discussions often ting vegetation, removing small sections centre on obtaining and transporting of bark, shaping wood, and cutting fish raw materials and goods, skill levels, or other meat. In this way participants and the social contexts under which all think about the range of daily tasks that of these occur. Some might describe stone tools can be used in, beyond hunt- this as “experimental archaeology”, but ing game. Students are asked to think of Outram (2008) argues that such activi- this as a type of traditional knowledge as ties are more experiential, as they are

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Figure 7. Cooking meat in an earth oven during community day in 2010, Ft. Babine. Photo: Farid Rahemtulla. not designed to specifically have a mea- as illustrated in the Nak’azdli project sured outcome. above. Research questions are often driven largely by community needs for Discussion archaeological and other data. In Brit- There have been varying degrees of suc- ish Columbia the majority of Indigenous cess in the implementation of the field communities have not signed treaties school model, dependent on a number and as a result, many are engaged in of variables, such as logistics, funding gathering information that could be and the length of individual projects. beneficial in the event of a formal claim. The following is a non-exhaustive sum- In every one of our collaborations, key mary of successes and challenges of community research questions initially note, and the benefits of the approach. centred around the ages of sites, and on Our field school anchoring principles demonstrating that their ancestors occu- stipulated that communities should pied the land in antiquity, as opposed to choose research questions and site loca- those of a neighbouring group. Discus- tions (see also Atalay 2012; Cipolla et al. sions during consultation tend to begin 2019). In practice, choosing site loca- with these topics and continue inevitably tions often requires compromise when to the limitations of archaeological data. issues such as access and other logistics That said, there is always great commu- can hamper our ability to work safely, nity interest in learning about what can

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 123 be known using archaeological methods. for the project is granted by community For example, subsistence, trade, fishing leaders, we encounter a few individuals technology, and more can be discerned who are suspicious of our motives, and in if appropriate evidence is recovered. some cases, they are completely opposed Unfortunately, in our short-term (one to us doing anything within their ances- season) field projects, minimal data were tral lands (see also Cipolla and Quinn recovered, in turn limiting any interpre- 2016:121). This is to be expected given tations. Our long-term partnership with Canada’s colonial history, and we always the Lake Babine Nation has allowed us endeavour to engage with all community to focus on key research directions that members in a positive manner and to were identified at the start of the project. converse about what we are doing. We As indicated previously, they are: ances- have no expectations of changing their tral villages and trail networks; wooden minds, but staying on Reserve allows for fish weirs; and rock art. Our efforts rep- opportunities to engage and interact on resent the first archaeological research a more regular basis. In our experience, in the region and are now beginning to the majority of community members yield results with additional collabora- are very pleased and very supportive tors (MacDonald et al. 2019; Rahemtulla of the field school and the research. 2019). At the same time, we need to pay close attention to how our work impacts the Challenges community, both within and without Living on Reserve is not without risk, (Supernant and Warrick 2014). In one as some community members view community, a member of a specific clan unknown outsiders with mistrust, but expressed discomfort that another clan changing this situation requires com- might use our results to gain favour at munication and positive interactions. any future treaty negotiations, some- For example, in 2009, at the start of thing that we had not anticipated. fieldwork, we camped in a densely A further challenge is that commu- populated part of the Binche Reserve nity students are chosen internally with on Stuart Lake. During the initial week no input from the university. The result it was clear that many of the community is a wide range of students of various residents were suspicious of us and many ages and life experiences. Most of them refused to engage with us. Over time, a show great interest in the subject and number of residents got to know us, and especially in the fieldwork, but a few what we were doing, and they frequently community students show little interest dropped by to see our work and to chat. in class or in the field. It is clear that By the end of the project, many friend- they do not want to be in the field school ships had been struck, and several resi- and this can affect their participation. dents wanted reassurances that we would Communities often pay their students come back again the following year. to attend, to offset any loss of employ- More challenging issues can stem ment income while participating in the from a broader Indigenous suspicion field school. While the salary ensures towards settlers. For example, in all com- better attendance, it does not necessarily munities there are divergent opinions increase enthusiasm for the program. As on archaeology and on collaboration in most field schools, we also see a seg- with outsiders. Even though consent ment of university students who realize

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 124 • RAHEMTULLA that they are not interested in this type in other fields. In many cases, these com- of work. munity members in rural and remote Sometimes communities struggle to areas would not ordinarily consider find members that are willing to take the post-secondary education but they are field school. Table 1 shows that the first empowered after completing a university field school with any community tends field school, and especially after passing to have a large number of Indigenous the courses. Since 2000, a handful of students, but that number drops with community students have used credits additional field schools (see also Cipolla earned on the field school towards post- and Quinn 2016). We are working with secondary education in other fields, and the Lake Babine Nation and with other one has decided to pursue archaeology communities to enhance our advertising at UNBC. Kwun Whess, a member of the and availability of information to com- Lake Babine Nation, participated in the munity members. 2015 and 2017 research projects and she was inspired enough to enter UNBC with Benefits to the Community the goal of becoming an archaeologist. Since 2000, the field school model has Her goal is to eventually work for her changed in response to community needs community as an archaeologist. Others and to logistical considerations, such as continue to work with archaeology con- location of work and funding. Through sulting firms and some have attained all of this, the field school’s benefits to management positions within their the community have remained stable. respective communities. Beyond the The most salient benefits are capacity mechanics of course and fieldwork, these building, and access to archaeological field schools are often eye opening for data and information relevant to com- the community students. It exposes them munity interests and goals. In all of our to their own history in unanticipated ways initial consultation meetings, community and fosters a sense of pride and identity leaders indicated that capacity building (see also Kerber 2008). This is not lost was of high importance (Gonzalez et al. on the university students, who are also 2018). There is a strong desire to have moved by the social and emotional reac- educated and trained members to tions that they witness. ensure and enhance the well-being of Secondly, communities have a vested the community. Having in-house exper- interest in any archaeological data that tise is important so that many regulatory result from our projects. This informa- requirements related to development, tion is considered important for any such as archaeology, or to other needs, current and future treaty negotiations. such as health care and education, As stipulated in agreements with com- can be fulfilled by their own members. munities, and required by provincial Such a scenario is feasible if there are regulations, all raw data and technical community members with appropriate reports are provided to the communi- training, usually involving post-secondary ties. Also by agreement, archaeological diplomas in a variety of disciplines. Our materials are held in trust at the univer- field school model was set up with this sity until such time that the individual in mind; credits received upon comple- community is able to manage and curate tion can be used towards further post- those materials. While a small portion of secondary education in archaeology or the community sees these reports, most

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 125 members will not have access to them. information for use by the community For this reason, a number of the current (Dawson et al. 2011; Hennessey et al. Babine project directives will target a 2013). At present, a digitization project broader community and general public is underway, which the Lake Babine audience. Nation is funding and managing. Over In addition to having community the next few years, teams of trained participation in class and field portions community members will visit the of the field school, a community day UNBC Archaeology Laboratory and the showcases the project at the end. The Archives, to photograph artifacts and to entire community is invited to a feast digitize documents and taped interviews and presentations from the field school with Elders. This information will be students. Community members interact entered and stored in databases man- with field school students and staff, and aged by the LBN, and the goal is for there are speeches from community community members to have full access. and sometimes university dignitaries. The UNBC/LBN collaboration has also Often these events are accompanied by catalyzed community desire to build a traditional drumming, song, and danc- cultural centre/museum and artifact ing, making them very positive cultural repository, where all materials currently events. Artifacts and photographs of the held in trust at UNBC would be trans- fieldwork are displayed and input from ferred to the care of the community. community members is encouraged. In Feasibility studies for such an undertak- some cases, this has led to great discus- ing are under consideration. sion on how specific artifacts, such as Plans are under way to eventually stone tools, may have been used. Shar- launch a series of photograph-dense ing of knowledge results in community books for distribution to the community, members learning from the archaeolo- which will be put together by community gists as much as the other way around. members in consultation with knowl- Subsequently, results are regularly edge holders. Such volumes have been disseminated to the community via pre- used in a positive manner in similar proj- sentations at community gatherings such ects in Nunavut (Griebel et al. 2016) and as Annual General Assemblies, youth in southeastern Connecticut (Sebastien conferences, Elders’ events, and more. Dring et al. 2019). We are also exploring At every instance, community input is the possibility of manufacturing replicas sought on the artifacts and on the proj- of Babine artifacts for use as educa- ect in general. Moreover, at every event tional aids in schools and elsewhere it is clear that community members are (see Griebel et al. 2016). Currently, our excited about seeing the archaeologi- agreement with the Lake Babine Nation cal material, and they are grateful that allows for publications by university students from their own community are researchers, as long as community rep- involved in the project (Figure 8). In resentatives first vet the papers. In the sum, there is great support for further future, we hope to co-publish academic work and for more community partici- and non-academic papers based on the pation. research project (see also Sebastien Digital Archaeology (Cook and Dring et al. 2019; Cipolla et al. 2019). Compton 2018) is changing and enhanc- At the start of this program, some two ing projects by providing accessible decades ago, there was a desire to do

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Figure 8. Lake Babine Nation and university students excavate on Smokehouse Island, Babine River in 2015 (left to right: Carrie Crouse, Cordell Lowley, and Elena Penrose). Photo: Farid Rahemtulla. things differently, by having Indigenous ing control of the entire field school pro- communities as full partners on our field cess with Indigenous partners, including school projects. To unsettle the disci- teaching and research components, as pline, it is necessary to disrupt colonially described above. embedded power relations (Nicholas and Hollowell 2007) so that at the least, Conclusion Indigenous communities are wholly Since 2000, we have delivered 13 archae- involved in any project involving their ology field schools in partnership with histories. The notion of academics relin- eight different Indigenous communities quishing and sharing power is indeed in the north central interior, and on a central facet in most, if not all, Indig- the central coast of British Columbia. It enous community-based approaches should be noted that this model is not (Atalay 2006, 2012; Gonzalez et al. 2018; presented as a prescription for running Mytum 2012; Nicholas and Andrews collaborative field schools with Indig- 1997; Smith and Wobst 2005; Silliman enous communities, rather it is a design 2008; Wylie 2019:575). Along with this that arose from a particular set of cir- comes a focus on building relationships cumstances. Broader applications of this based on trust, and on willingness to model could include at the very least, learn by all parties. For us, it meant shar- a traditional knowledge module that is

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) UNSETTLING THE ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD SCHOOL • 127 delivered in tandem with archaeologi- could contribute to Indigenous healing cal methods. As our field school model in the post-colonial era. Schaepe and developed, it was obvious that working colleagues (2017) have recently argued with several communities over a short for a similar outcome, based on projects period of time limits the capability to around the Salish Sea. Our field school build relationships, and the ability to model is constantly under modification address any meaningful research ques- as per the needs of the communities tions. On the other hand, developing a and of the field school. We have a long long-term collaborative partnership does way to go, but we are even more reso- allow for those things to develop. The lute now that the process of unsettling downside is that we work with far fewer archaeology must include how we train communities, due to limited capacity to the next generation of practitioners of deliver such projects. the discipline. As archaeology endeavours to unsettle or decolonize its practice, many dif- Acknowledgments. The author would like to ferent approaches will be needed to suit thank all of the students, staff, and funding particular circumstances. In our case, an partners, especially Eric Peterson and Chris- agreement was forged (at the invitation tina Munk, who contribute to the success of of the then Cariboo Tribal Council) to our field schools. Thanks also to the editors focus on creating a community engaged of this thematic volume for inviting me to field school in which students would contribute, and to Brigitte Aubertin for receive standard training in field meth- the French translation of the abstract. Lisa ods, but also learn about traditional Hodgetts, Jordan Kerber, Natasha Lyons, knowledge from the host community. A and an anonymous reviewer provided com- number of guiding principles anchored ments and suggestions that greatly improved the initial field school model but not all this paper. Our deepest gratitude goes to all have worked as planned. of the communities that have invited us to Since its inception, 158 students have work with them on their histories, and have completed the field school for university generously shared their knowledge and their credit and of those, 39 are community homes with us. members with no previous post-secondary education. Of the post-secondary References Cited students, an additional 12 identify as Atalay, Sonya Indigenous. As with university students, 2006 Indigenous Archaeology as many community field school partici- Decolonizing Practice. American Indi- pants are still working with CRM firms as an Quarterly 30(3/4):280–310. field assistants, but hopefully now have a much better understanding of archaeo- 2012 Community-Based Archaeology: logical procedures and identification Research With, By, and For Indigenous of cultural material. More importantly, Communities. University of California they are exposed to a part of their heri- Press, Berkeley, California. tage that they may not have been other- Black, Stephen L., and Alston V. Thoms wise. In many cases, community students 2014 Hunter Gatherer Earth Ovens are emotionally overwhelmed with in the Archaeological Record: Funda- positive feelings. One band councillor mental Concepts. American Antiquity indicated that this type of archaeology 79(2):204–226.

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Manuscript received Ocotober 23, 2019. Final revisions May 13, 2020.

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) dient dansuncontextecolonial. Jepartage existent pour lespeuples indigènes qui étu- met enévidencecertainsdes problèmes qui aux cyclessupérieurs.Monrécit personnel mon identitéindigènependant mesétudes qui m’ontinspiréàdivulguerfièrement expériences d’engagement communautaire sion devéritéetréconciliationcertaines J’examine égalementlerôledelaCommis- subtiles etmanifestesdemarginalisation. études depremiercycleenraisonformes cacher monhéritageindigènependantmes Je discute de ma décision consciente de gène pouvantpasserpouruneCaucasienne. j’ai rencontrésentantqu’universitaireindi- Résumé. Cetarticleestunrécitdesdéfisque liation inagoodway. can worktogetherandmovetowardReconci- complacency, and/or culpability so that we on theirownexperiencesofmarginalization, will encouragefellowarchaeologiststoreflect have received. It is my hope that my Truth my culture,andtheIndigenousteachingsI coped withthesechallengesbyengaging dying inacolonialsetting.Isharehowhave issues thatexistforIndigenouspeoplesstu- personal narrativehighlightssomeofthe nous identity during my graduatecareer. My inspired metoproudlydivulgemyIndige- community engagement experiences that and ReconciliationCommissionsome zation. IalsoexaminetheroleofTruth due to subtle and overt forms of marginali- heritage duringmyundergraduateeducation conscious decisiontoconcealmyIndigenous passing Indigenous scholar. I discuss my challenges Ihaveexperiencedasawhite- Danii Desmarais Archaeology Do MyBraidsLookDifferent?IndigenousIdentityin Canadian Journal ofArchaeology/JournalCanadien d’Archéologie44:133–152 Abstract.

This article is anarrative of the †

de labonnefaçon. ensemble etprogresserverslaréconciliation culpabilité afinquenouspuissionstravailler de marginalisation,complaisanceou gues à réfléchir sur leurs propres expériences vérité encourageramescollèguesarchéolo- indigènes que j’ai reçus. J’espère que ma geant dansmacultureetlesenseignements comment j’aifaitfaceàcesdéfisenm’enga- † lenging) andun-settling(moves toward they areunsettling(upsettingorchal- and, insomecases,preciselybecause truths areuncomfortableorunsettling focuses ontruthfulness,evenifthose element ofreconciliation. This article (Wilson 2009),whichisanimportant as bearingwitnesstobuildrelationships times, Iaskthatyouseetheseinstances not seemarchaeologicallyrelevantat journey. So, while this narrative may ing mytruthisalsopartofhealing Engaging with archaeology and speak experiences andreconciliation efforts. archaeologists toreflectontheirown this perspective will encourage other hope thatsharingmyexperiencesfrom studying and practising archaeology. I a white-passingIndigenousscholar This ismystory;experiencesas University ofToronto Toronto, ON Department ofAnthropology,19 Russell Street [[email protected]]

M5S 2S2 My Story

(2020) -

Article 134 • DESMARAIS personal decolonization). It also focuses impacts on Indigenous families now on practical utility by exploring how I struggling to cope with intergenera- approach Indigenizing archaeology, and tional trauma. While it is difficult to put I answer a question I am often asked: together the whole story, my grandfather, “What does Truth and Reconciliation Ammie Bernard Jost, was placed in an mean to you?” I close with a series of orphanage and/or residential school suggestions for people wanting to know from infancy. When my grandfather tried more about how they can help and/or to research his past, he found that the be an ally to First Nations, Inuit, and orphanage and/or school had burned Métis, in an archaeological setting or down, and with it any clues as to his otherwise. Most importantly though, this specific Nation affiliation. However, as a article is about adding to the space that result of the systems of racism engrained has been created for other Indigenous in Canadian culture and government as archaeologists (Nicholas 2010). I hope a product of settler colonialism (Wolfe that by being open about my challenges, 2006), I was still able to experience the other Indigenous students of archaeol- harassment that comes from looking ogy can feel less isolated and misun- Indigenous, or in my case, being related derstood, and more comfortable and to people who do. It was not until I wrote confident with expressing their voice this paper and received reviews that I and their truths. understood the depths of my internalized In February of 2017, I received an colonization (David and Derthick 2014). email from a friend and colleague who thought I may be interested in partici- My Whiteness pating in the “Unsettling Archaeology” Before I get further into my history session organized by Dr. Lisa Hodgetts though, I would first like to discuss (University of Western Ontario) and my whiteness (Figure 1), as that has Dr. Laura Kelvin (Memorial University) shaped a large part of my experience. By for the upcoming Canadian Archaeo- acknowledging my white-skin privilege, logical Association Annual Meeting, and I honour and recognize the past and they were right. Participating in Truth present struggles of my ancestors, com- and Reconciliation is an important focus munities, and family. While not all my of mine and speaking/writing my truth privilege is derived from my fair skin, the helps me to decolonize or un-settle my most important privilege has involved thoughts and actions. So, when I read not being discriminated against because the session abstract, I knew what I had of my skin colour. This means I have not to contribute, as I have been writing this been subjected to innumerable daily paper since 2013. That is when, against micro-aggressions as a result of my com- my many fears, I decided to publicly plexion. Security does not follow me as a acknowledge my Indigenous identity in thief in a store unless I project my Indig- academia. While a few close friends were enous identity or appear poor that day, aware, I never mentioned this part of my but I get to choose whether I look that life in a professional setting. way; my sister Debbie does not. It means To give you a little background, I am that healthcare professionals do not of mixed Indigenous and settler ances- assume I have come to the emergency try. While my skin is white, my maternal room to try to get prescription narcotics. family represents the epitome of colonial It also means that I do not have to insist

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skin in my family and visibly presents as Indigenous. Growing up in a diverse city like Toronto made it easy to be colour- blind at a young age, and it was not until I was older and away from my family that I realized that life could be easier.

The Undergraduate Years When I first went to college, I studied fashion techniques and design. It was at this point that I made a conscious decision to not refer to my Indigene- ity at work or school. I rejected the designs and techniques that my mother exposed me to (specifically beading) for anything new and not traditional. Like many young people, I came to think of my family’s ways as dated and not relevant to life today. In college, it was easy to get lost in the work because now my background was finally anonymous, Figure 1. My school photo from grade two. I and I was no longer compelled to define was the only person in my immediate family or defend my cultural identity. I was with blonde hair and hazel eyes. going to achieve success with no labels attached and on the merits of my work. I that I am not Lebanese, Persian, Egyp- had never heard of internalized oppres- tian, Mexican, etc., on a regular basis. sion or internalized colonization, and I My fair complexion has meant that I was not aware that this was causing me to get to be an anonymous female citizen be biased against my cultural expressions pretty much any time I want. This made (David and Derthick 2014). it easier for me to get a high paying When I decided to go back to school service job that enabled me to pay for for archaeology, I continued to conceal a university education. This also meant my background to some degree. While that when an Indigenous topic was I never lied, I never shared much infor- brought up in class, I was not the one mation about my past beyond artistic that everybody looked to for a response. and academic accomplishments. At While it is uncomfortable at first to the time, my sister was living with me “check” or acknowledge your privilege, so I knew this concealment might be especially if you have had a challenging tricky. My sisters have long embraced life, it gets easier with time. Doing so has our Indigenous heritage even without afforded me the perspective needed to knowing our Nation, often expressing be grateful for all that I have been given. and exploring their roots through their And while being the whitest or most art (Figures 2 and 3). So, when I would European looking person in my family come home from class, I was careful not was a challenge, it was much more dif- to discuss too much about the Canadian ficult for my sister who has the darkest history I was learning. If I did, I would

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have to be so political?” I had a taste of anonymous white identity and I loved how easy it was! “Besides, we’re not really Native … are we?” I would say. Once I completed the first year of school, my sister moved west to be with my other sister. I was now free to hide in my whiteness once again. “Just don’t wear braids,” I told myself, “and no one will notice.” I always thought that if I wore my braids people would know or suspect that I was Indigenous, and then the questions would start. However, being in anthropology and specifically Figure 2. My eldest sister Dawn Desmarais archaeology, concealing my identity on the cover of her second album Uprooted. would prove to be fairly challenging. If I kept my mouth shut, I would be okay; a strategy that worked for my undergraduate years, but it was difficult. One of the challenges I faced involved being in Hunter-Gatherer class and realizing that the discussion at hand related to me, to my history. This, in turn, led me to question whether this history was really mine, exacerbating my already ample anxieties over personal identity. By the time I was 28, I had moved 47 times in my life. I wondered,

Are most people really that lucky to stay in one place for so long? Am I the only one here who sees themselves in the definition of hunter- Figure 3. My middle sister Debbie Desmarais gatherer that is being discussed? posing with her painting of Chippewa Chief Why do they assume people in the Ne-bah-quah-om which was part of her Are city don’t live like this? You My Father? art installation. I dared not share those thoughts back inevitably be greeted with an earful of then, for fear of sounding like my sister the Canadian counter-history from my and having no one take me seriously; sister, which was actually the history she something both of my sisters have strug- learned from oral teachings. I suspected gled with enormously as strong, outspo- there was truth in what she said, but it ken Indigenous women. They might was not going to help me answer test have stated how assumptions about who questions in my “Intro to Anthropology” is a hunter-gatherer can marginalize course. I also thought, “Does everything people in the classroom. At the time,

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I saw their approach as a reflection of if I did not have proof of my heritage, being “too sensitive”. Why could they not if I did not know my Nation, or did not recognize that everyone has struggles, have a status card, I was not really Native. and learn to get along without making It did not matter that my sisters had a people uncomfortable? I have come to different experience, they were just too understand that they were further along sensitive. I knew that I was going to deal with decolonizing themselves, had differ- with these things at some point, but not ent experiences than me, and would no now. “I’ve got class,” I thought, and class longer tolerate marginalization. was amazing! Another example is when I sat in For the second time in my life I could the introductory class for archaeology focus on learning instead of surviving. I and there was a young Anishinaabe had a great job serving rich people. My man, Michael White, speaking up about apartment was just off-campus so I could the erasure of Native history from the walk to class. And I lived in this home for textbooks. “Oh no here we go again,” I six years, which far exceeded the dura- thought, and “I know he has a valid point tion of any previous address. I was one of but now is not the time. We’re trying to the lucky ones. I also had a lot of support learn here!” I did not realize that now was at school. The doors of my professors the exact right time to learn these things. were always open. They encouraged cre- I later became friends with Michael, and ative approaches and experimentation we shared our first archaeological field with archaeology (Figure 4). As well, experience together working at a few there were many student groups which Tsimshian sites in Prince Rupert Har- I became part of, and I found a commu- bour, British Columbia. It was the kind nity where I could grow. I also received a of summer fieldwork experience that great tip from Dr. Trevor Orchard, who brought the crew together like a family, was a graduate student at the time. He and as happens among many families, encouraged me to apply for any award I Michael and I would passionately debate could, because they would help me get current events, and Indigenous issues, bigger awards in the future. So, I did. specifically. I would say, Well, I applied for most awards. I never applied for a single Indigenous award or Why not celebrate Canada Day? scholarship because I was too afraid to We are all lucky to be part of this associate myself with an Indigenous free amazing country. Why does every- education. I thought, thing have to be so political? What do you mean I’m not really Indige- I want to get my awards and schol- nous if I don’t speak my language? arships on my merits, not because someone pitied me or gave me a This last one really got me. How could I free ride. Plus, I have white skin, speak my language if I did not know who so I don’t count for these awards I was? These debates challenged my com- because they’re only for people placency on what was really happening who look Indigenous or have status in our society for centuries, something cards. I was not ready for. I still believed that I would learn the truth about the past I had heard how non-Indigenous people through archaeology. I still believed that spoke about the myth of free education

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Figure 4. The results of my first experimentation with Arctic skin clothing patterns and production for an undergraduate Arctic archaeology course. and assumed Indigenous students only and current Indigenous students (Usher get their spot because of some form of 2009). During my undergraduate career, affirmative action. I should emphasize I did not know any of this, and I thought, here, this is not how I currently feel. “I am one of the lucky ones to have white Trust me, no one is giving an Indigenous skin,” never realizing that what I gained person a free ride. Besides the added with white skin was far out-weighted by emotional labour involved with under- what I lost in having my culture stolen taking studies in a marginalizing and from me. repressive colonial institution (Deloria I also avoided engaging with the 2004), there are also financial costs that Indigenous community on campus and are not covered, regardless of the myth nearby. I was too frightened to become of free Indigenous education (Usher part of these spaces, as I did not have 2009). If the government was success- the strength to assert an identity I was so ful in separating an Indigenous person unsure of; an identity that would surely or family from their culture, and they be challenged without my family there to therefore do not have a status card, edu- validate me. Most of this avoidance was cation costs are not covered at all. Even related to my fears of not being accepted with a status card, only some people without knowing my Nation, and not my receive some funding from their band, actual experiences of marginalization because, in reality, there is not even close within the Indigenous community. In to enough money to cover the post-sec- reality, I was welcomed at the few Indig- ondary education costs of all prospective enous community events I attended, but

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) DO MY BRAIDS LOOK DIFFERENT? INDIGENOUS IDENTITY IN ARCHAEOLOGY • 139 my internalized colonialization would past and grow as a result of that knowl- not let me see this (David and Derthick edge. What I did not expect, or rather 2014). So, during the big drum socials forgot about, was that I could no longer on Thursdays, I would stand outside of be anonymous. I also did not expect to the Native Canadian Centre of Toronto experience so much overt racism. But I and listen to the drumming from the was back with my sisters again and I was street, never venturing inside except to once again privy to their experiences. pay my membership. At the time, I did It was a struggle to watch them be so not know that I was trying to receive the sure and unapologetic of who they were medicine of the drum and that there (Figures 5 and 6). I think I was envious, were others on the street doing the same. but I was proud of them as well. I also I learned a great deal over the course struggled with my previous strategy of of my undergraduate degree, and had keeping my mouth shut at school. many great experiences, but there were While completing my course require- also many moments of confusion over ments, I sometimes found it difficult terminology that conflicted with my to understand who the professors were understanding of the world. Hearing and talking about. I would encounter expla- reading terms like “New World”, “precon- nations about human behaviour that tact”, and “prehistory” privileged a Euro- made me confused and uncomfortable. I pean perspective even though we were would hear, “So, just like how we do this, being taught that the Victorian ladder they do this.” I thought, “Who is this we approach was how we used to think of cul- you speak of? Was I supposed to have had tures (Kuper 1988). If the world was only this experience? Why did they assume I new to Europeans then why is everyone wasn’t First Nations?” But all that came expected to refer to it as new? Why are we out was “Who is this ‘we’ you are refer- not saying pre-European contact if that ring to?” The professor replied, “WASPs, is what we are referring to? Why are only us … well except Tanya.” Tanya (not her some recorded histories seen as history real name) was the only visible minority and everything before that time is prehis- in the class. I wanted to say who I was, but tory, when that diminishes the value of my voice froze and I wrote down the word other histories? Can people not see that “WASPs” as though it was an important these words are insulting and limiting? note. It was a small victory for me to ask By the end of my undergraduate, I had who he was talking about in hopes that a therapist to help me process the confu- he would realize he was making assump- sion and experiences of marginalization tions, but I knew I could do better. The in the academy and the shock of being tide was starting to turn for me. I was surrounded with so much privilege. indeed engaging with who I was; my sisters would not let me do otherwise. Grad School After processing this experience for a Following my undergraduate degree, few weeks, I resolved to be ready the next I moved west to be with my sisters and time assumptions were being placed on undertake a Master’s. I was excited to be me. So, when discussions about other in Alberta, connected to so many of my cultures seemed to dismiss alternate roots and close to where my grandfather worldviews, I suggested that their own was born and grew up. I suspected that worldviews were limiting their under- I might learn more about my family’s standing of the culture.

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differently. For example, I believe that everything that moves is alive; and since everything moves on some level, then everything is alive. The air, the water, this table and even my pencil are alive.

When I finished my point, I suddenly got the feeling that I had sprouted two new heads on my shoulders because the silence and looks from my colleagues seemed to be of confused shock. I was lucky class ended because I was not sure what to think or do. I immediately went home to try and stop shaking. I knew Figure 5. Debbie participating in the “I speaking up would be difficult, but I did Matter” campaign of the Marsha Meidows not know it would make my body react so Foundation which raises awareness and fund- intensely. Still, I spoke up. ing to aid and assist women and youth at risk. This was also a time of great pain for my family, in part because the abuse my grandfather experienced in the residential school and subsequently perpetrated later in life was coming to light. As the youngest granddaughter with a mother working two jobs to support her three daughters, I spent a lot of my youth at my grandparents’ home. There were many evenings with my grandfather pouring over photo albums (Figures 7, 8, and 9), listening to stories of his travels north and working for the Hudson’s Bay Com- pany as a mechanic on the SS Distributor and other Mackenzie River boats. He took many pictures and would talk for hours. But when the alcohol flowed, so Figure 6. Dawn resting between performance did the recollections of his abuse. I bore sets. The markings on her face are a tattoo she witness to his pain and grieving, and I had done acknowledging her connection to tried to comfort him as best I could. I our heritage and honouring our ancestors, did not know at the time that I was the her Elders’ teachings, and her vision quest. only one who would carry those stories for him. He did not tell anybody else. While you may consider only It was only through later conversations organisms that exchange gas of when family members were complain- some sort, or grow and reproduce ing about my grandfather being abusive, as a “living being”, other cultures that I said, “Well what do you expect with and people such as myself believe all the abuse he went through?” They

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Figure 7 Scanned image of a sheet from one of my grandfather Ammie’s photo albums documenting his time in the north during the 1930s. Clockwise from upper left: One of the planes my grandfather flew in while working throughout the north; view of a burning coal mine from the Mackenzie River; a Mackenzie River steamboat, the S.S. Distributor, where my grandfather was a mechanic; and an aerial view of Fort McMurray looking east.

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Figure 8. Scanned image of sheet from one of Ammie’s photo albums documenting his time in the north during the 1930s. Clockwise from upper left: Planes parked on the north shore of Lake Athabasca; gear and supplies in the harbour in Yellowknife, NWT; the view from Crackingstone Point on Lake Athabasca; an image of my grandfather twice in the same shot (he achieved this by opening the shutter while in one position and then opened it again after he moved over a step); and Ammie and one of his friends.

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Figure 9. Scanned image of sheet from one of Ammie’s photo albums documenting his time in the north during the 1930s. Top to bottom: The Hudson’s Bay Company in Aklavik, NWT; Ramparts from the Mackenzie River, near Fort Good Hope, NT; and an image of the midnight sun and the moon moving across the sky while my grandfather was on the coast of the Beaufort Sea. He opened the shutter at regular intervals to capture the movement in a single photo.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 144 • DESMARAIS paused, clearly puzzled, and replied, It was around this time my partner “What are you talking about, his adoptive started working on The Memory, Mean- family?” I replied, “Well yes, them, but ing Making and Collections Project, also at the orphanage, or the school … I which was originally developed to don’t know, the nuns and the priest.” mobilize a unique collection of objects It was then that I realized they did not under the care of First Story Toronto, know this part of his life. My grandfather to investigate the impact of museum was quite a storyteller and all of us would collections on memory and a range of listen to his stories, often many times community-based heritage initiatives over, so we all knew most of them. For (Krmpotich et al. 2015). I had attended whatever reason, this part of his story he a few communal feasts with the research only shared with me. group, and before I knew it, I was partak- All of these experiences combined to ing in the sessions with the seniors and take a toll on my health, and I was unable became a volunteer for the group. Par- to complete my degree. As is common ticipating in these events was having an among North American Indigenous effect on me, as I connected with many people, I live with the many symptoms people in the community who had very of post-traumatic stress disorder (Bas- similar experiences to my own. This was sett et al. 2014; Corrado and Cohen 2003; also a time when I started hearing about Shore et al. 2009). For a few years, I spent the Truth and Reconciliation Commis- all my time devoted to my health and sion (TRC) and that my grandfather’s survival. In addition to my sisters, I am experiences were not unique but had also fortunate to have a compassionate happened everywhere in Canada. and loving partner and a few very good These two factors would have an friends who helped me recover from the enormous impact on my identity as I more critical health issues I was facing. realized that my roots were severed by a By 2012, I had recovered signifi- system of physical and cultural genocide, cantly, and I started working in cultural and it almost worked! Like so many of resource management. Luckily, I spent my peers, I had become a self-hating most of my time in the lab, so I did not Indian, or worse, an Indigenous ghost; have to deal with issues between my all through colonial conditioning (David employer and different First Nations and Derthick 2014:8–9). This realiza- groups when they arose. Though I did tion provided me with the fuel to take a inform my boss that it would be best not stand. So, when I returned to university to put me in the field, as I would not con- to complete my Master’s degree, I would tinue to work if the First Nations groups no longer be silent about who I am or called for a halt. I thought I was taking a what my experience has been. I would stand but really, I just could not face it. I no longer cater to the “nice” history that would not have worked if that was what denies my pain, my heritage, and the the First Nations groups decided. But attempted erasure of my people. It was telling my boss not to put me there was going to be scary, but I knew I had to not taking a stand, it was running away. honour my ancestors. Looking back, I have no issue with that complacent behaviour, as I still needed Questions and Answers to survive and get back on my feet. I was I often refer to this time as my “coming not ready for that confrontation. out” period. While I had already been

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) DO MY BRAIDS LOOK DIFFERENT? INDIGENOUS IDENTITY IN ARCHAEOLOGY • 145 comfortable with my LGBTQS2+ iden- times I say “this part” and refer to tity and never tried to conceal it, my my right gluteal muscles, but most Indigenous identity was new to many often I say, colleagues and even some friends, and understandably they had some ques- unfortunately I do not know tions. This expression of my cultural my Nation as my grandfa- identity also meant that I now had to ther was separated from his deal with people looking to me to pro- family and the orphanage vide an Indigenous perspective. I would and residential school that he now have to face all the questions and attended has burned down statements that made me feel marginal- and any records of who his ized. Questions and statements that I family may have been have avoided as an undergraduate, such as: been destroyed.

• But you’re not really Native, are you? I say all of this because this is me • What part Native? not catering to the “nice history” • Are you status? anymore, and because it is impor- • What Nation? tant to acknowledge the truth of • Why does everything have to be so my family’s experience. I also say all political? of this because I used to be afraid • You know you’re white, don’t you? to say it. I have had to work hard to have the confidence to be who I It was not until I started writing this am, and where I am from, without paper that I realized these were all the shame. This is very hard work some- same things I had said to my sisters. I times, overcoming internalized kept quiet for so long because I was colonialism (David and Derthick afraid of people like me! But when 2014:16–22). the TRC executive summary with calls • Are you status? While not always the to action was released in 2015 (Truth same, I usually reply, and Reconciliation Canada 2015), I no longer had to keep my grandfather’s What a loaded question … experiences a secret. And I was ready to and no I do not have status answer questions, but on my terms. It is under the Canadian govern- to honour my ancestors and my truth ment’s regulations, but I par- that I share with you what my answers ticipate and try to contribute are today. to the community here in Toronto and in the Inuvialuit • But you’re not really Native, are Settlement Region where I you? “Yes. Yes, I am Indigenous. I work. Even if my grandfather may not know who I am, but I know did have his birth records my who I am.” mother would have lost her • What part Native? This is a tricky status by marrying my French one because many non-Indigenous Canadian father. do not realize how marginalizing blood quantum approaches to iden- • What Nation? I answer this ques- tity can be (Schmidt 2011). Some- tion in the same way I answer “what

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part Native?”, but I also may say does not acknowledge your that my grandfather was born in family? How can you leave Montana and that his mother went your family behind to be part back to Alberta after his birth. That of that society? shortly afterwards he was taken to a residential school and/or orphan- I have never been able to answer age and never reunited with his those questions. family. I could be Blackfoot, Dene, Cree, Métis, or Sioux, but I follow For Indigenous identity on Turtle the teachings of the land where I Island, I have learned from many differ- live. Most of these teachings are ent communities that it is not about who Anishinaabe. It wasn’t until after I I claim to be but who claims me (Hart presented this as a talk, that one of 2016) and therefore, what are my respon- my colleagues pointed out that my sibilities? I can still do some important grandfather may have been from things even without being recognized as more than one community. having a specific Nation. I can and do, • Why does everything have to be so Indigenize my archaeological content political? For this I currently have a and experiences in the classroom, lab, few responses: field, and with publications such as this, by providing another truth, an other truth. Because some people do not In the classroom, I have various have that choice. Because approaches depending on my responsi- we live in a systemically bilities as a teaching assistant. If I am to oppressive colonial society present material that has already been that thinks it is post-colonial prepared, I will either provide a teaching [Heiss 2003] but in reality, before class begins or dedicate a minute it is a settler colonial soci- to providing an alternate perspective of ety [Wolfe 2006]. Because the course content (Cavender Wilson I choose to not ignore the 2004:72–73). I often personalize these influence this society has on teachings as I have been taught by my my fellow humans who do Elders—designated community Elders not have white skin. I guess (see Stielgelbauer 1996 for a better because I finally started to understanding of an Elder’s role in the wake up. community)—and elders (those who are older and more experienced than • You know you’re white, don’t you? me), being mindful of how traumatiz- “Yes, I have white skin and I have a ing my story can be (Thorpe 2019). For lot of a white or settler experience, example, on Orange Shirt Day I explain but that is not all of me.” Sometimes why I am wearing an orange shirt, what I also include, the history of Orange Shirt Day is, how the residential school system and other my whole life has been about settler colonial initiatives are the reason assimilating with white soci- why I do not have direct access to my ety because I was supposedly past; then I provide resources if they a part of it. But how can you want to learn more, all in the few min- feel part of a society that utes before class.

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In preparation for when I get to In keeping with the teachings I have decide course content in the academy, received, I am also responsible for shar- I have designed a course that focuses ing any gifts or talents I have with the on my approach to researching cloth- community. Since I have extensive expe- ing production and highlighting the rience using, maintaining, and even (to production of Indigenous clothing in some extent) fixing sewing machines, the territory where the course would I have partnered with the Inuvialuit be taught. I structured the course to Cultural Centre to provide the “Sewing allow for experimental archaeology and Machine Maintenance and Minor experiential learning in an attempt to Repairs Workshop” that I designed to bridge Indigenous and scientific ways of empower community members to fix knowing (Aikenhead and Michell 2011). their own machines when problems I am careful to identify knowledge that I arise. In the seven workshops I have carry and bring in community members offered in the last two years, we have to teach on knowledge I do not carry or managed to save over a dozen sewing do not have the right to teach. machines from the dump, and once I This is how I conduct my research as complete my PhD, I plan on touring the well. I have been taught by my Elders Inuvialuit Settlement Region to offer and elders that the best way to learn the workshop in more remote locations. about something is to experience it. This While these workshops do not directly means that I must learn about sewing tie in with my PhD research studying from the descendants of the sewers that clothing production in the archaeologi- I am trying to understand from the past. cal record, they are part of my relation- However, I am also taught by my Elders ship building approach to conducting that some things are not meant for me research (Wilson 2009). to talk about, let alone take written notes of. Therefore, my participation in Teachings and Learning some of these events is something that To cope with the challenges of being changed my perspectives, but I have a white-passing Indigenous/settler no right to talk about the teachings. scholar, I have been able to rely on my These teachings are not there for me Elders and elders in the Toronto Indig- to extract information from. They have enous community; my sisters, partner, been shared with me for my personal and friends; and the teachings I have understanding, often through trust that received over my years of healing. My I will not exploit or profit from what I eldest sister taught me the Seven Grand- have learned. father Teachings of Humility, Honesty, To decolonize myself, I no longer Respect, Courage, Wisdom, Truth, and hide when I smudge in the field and Love (also known as the Seven Sacred at conferences, and make sure all who Teachings [Bouchard and Martin 2009]) want to participate are welcome. As well, when I was young, but I just thought of I make a point of beginning and main- them as more rules. I did not know how taining relationships in the community to engage with them when I did not feel where I work. I do this by spending time like I belonged anywhere. If we did not having tea and visiting with people I have know who we were, how could we follow met and people who welcome me into Anishinaabe teachings? With guidance, their home or cultural centre. however, I have come to understand that

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 148 • DESMARAIS these teachings are important, particu- This is not a comprehensive list and is larly given that I currently find myself only from my perspective. It is possible, living in Anishinaabe territory. and even likely, that other Indigenous Not long ago, I had the opportunity archaeologists may disagree with these to hear Cynthia Wesley-Esquimaux speak suggestions, but I can truthfully say about the use of narrative for healing these considerations would have, and and working towards reconciliation, still could help, this white-passing Indig- which greatly inspired me to start learn- enous scholar. ing how to tell my story. I have subse- As mentioned in the beginning of quently been inspired by her writings this paper, I am often asked what truth on narrative (Wesley-Esquimaux 2010), and reconciliation means to me. The the Seven Grandfather Teachings, and response is always changing as I learn PTSD in Indigenous communities (Wes- more, experience more, and feel more, ley-Esquimaux 2008; Wesley-Esquimaux but I can honestly say that the truth and Smolewski 2004), as well as her work part is not over yet, and reconciliation with Indigenous youth. I am grateful to is nothing without witnessing truth first. have her words which speak so loudly to This includes me learning the truth as me, and have helped me so much. It is well. I have a lot to read and listen to, to honour this inspiration and her work and so do many other people. It is going that I briefly share what these teachings be a long time before much of the truth have done for me. is known, as truth can be hard to recog- They have helped me to find strength nise, and people come to their truths in in humility, and pride in the honesty of their own time. As well, the acknowledg- being who I am. They have energized ment of my privilege and that of others me to treat everyone and everything with with white skin and able bodies needs to respect, even when I am raging mad be included as a truth. at injustices or political figures. They Reconciliation for me is the build- have reminded me of my courage and ing and maintenance of relationships. my ancestors’ courage to continue even Honouring treaties and relationships when I do not want to or even think I can. are paramount to reconciliation and that The teachings of wisdom help me to step includes honouring the diverse relation- back and see where I can use my gifts and ships with the land and all our relations. the teachings of truth help me to focus The suggestions that follow may help on peace and a way forward to benefit others recognize ways that they can be seven generations to come. And finally, I part of building relationships. have come to know that love is expressed when I honour these teachings. Increased Sensitivity Surrounding So, when I am challenged with a pain- Ethnographic Readings ful statement or a difficult ethnography, For me, one of the most difficult aspects I turn to these teachings to help return of being Indigenous in archaeology is balance. It is also the teaching of truth reading ethnographies. I managed to that has inspired this narrative, and all avoid most of the discomfort by not these teachings have helped me to offer reading the ethnographies of anyone a few suggestions archaeologists can I may be related to, until one day I consider if they want to be an ally and/or decided to challenge myself to learn help other Indigenous students succeed. more about what could be my Dene

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) DO MY BRAIDS LOOK DIFFERENT? INDIGENOUS IDENTITY IN ARCHAEOLOGY • 149 history. I was ill-prepared for the near much of the objectives achieved month-long recovery I would need to have required difficult dialogue: I stop hearing the words, “dirty Indian”, have spent a long time working to which haunted me in my youth. If there convince people of why we needed had been Indigenous archaeologists in to shift practice to respect Indig- my department, I may have been guided enous perspectives, histories and through the process with more support cultures, and to keep Indigenous before I read, instead of the support I people safe when engaging with received after being traumatized from library and archive spaces [Thorpe the reading. If my supervisor had known 2019]. how it would affect me, I am sure they would have discussed with me a strategy In addition to trigger warnings, it could or support resources. We both learned help to provide people with an oppor- a lesson. I now consider the content of tunity to debrief or process difficult readings and other sources before rec- records. ommending them to others, so that I can provide warnings about potentially dif- Increased Sensitivity Surrounding Organized ficult material. Following Atalay (2006), Western Religions it is also important to acknowledge what As with ethnographies, we need to be these powerful words represent and sensitive to the traumas brought about produce, and by colonial efforts to subjugate Indig- enous lifeways through the forced impo- archaeologists might take a more sition of Western religion. While there reflexive approach and contextu- are certainly numerous Indigenous alize the present situation by trac- persons who faithfully engage with ing archaeologists’ (and physical “Western” organized religious beliefs, anthropologists’) current position the numerous and well documented of power to both colonization and traumas wrought by settler/colonial reli- the historical reality of the egregious orders (Truth and Reconciliation gious acts that led to the collections Canada 2015) have also caused some to held by museums, universities, and reject or otherwise avoid such concepts. historical societies internationally When references to biblical passages [Atalay 2006:282]. instantly make a person feel unsafe, it is beneficial to have some way to process I am encouraged that progress has these complex and unwanted emotions begun in this regard, with policies being and reactions. Even a trigger warning for developed that also acknowledge the religious content could help the affected potential emotional impact and lack of person prepare for that part of the dis- trauma support when people engage cussion or decide to leave if they are not with recordings of the past (Thorpe up for it that day. I think considerations 2019). Indigenous archivist Kirsten like these would make it easier for Indig- Thorpe notes, enous students to stay enrolled in school.

Whilst I am enormously proud Think of the work I have achieved over Take a moment to stop and think before the past two decades, I know that you ask a question. Making an Indig-

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020) 150 • DESMARAIS enous person address questions that may in our own communities. Listening and be painful, to satisfy your curiosity, is not learning the truths of this land takes helpful. It is also important to remem- effort and can shatter some people’s ber that one Indigenous person does views about their country and citizen- not reflect all Indigenous experiences. ship, but bearing witness can build While we as anthropologists may know relationships that can lead to substantial this, I still get asked regularly about my healing within Indigenous communi- perspective as an Indigenous person. ties and between Indigenous and settler With over 600 Indigenous Nations on communities. Turtle Island/North America today, I of course cannot speak for others, and Feel, Even If It Doesn’t Feel Good generalizing from my experience erases When you are listening, try to take in the diversity of Indigenous cultures and the words. Sit with the discomfort and experience. Questions can also place a engage with what it is teaching you. I lot of emotional and cognitive labour had to learn this one the hard way. By on the Indigenous person to educate the trying to ignore so many feelings for non-Indigenous, often without compen- so long, I had no skills to cope when I sation or recognition. could not ignore them anymore. If you do this right, it will not be easy and will Listen likely feel unsettling, upsetting, or cause anger. If it is during a talk, try not to let It’s hard to listen, but listen. Cause the emotions you feel overshadow what it’s much harder living it than lis- is being said and who is saying it. Per- tening to the hardships. Still the sonally, I try to use this anger to fuel my heart’s conditioned to condition work in the community. the air. When they air their conditions, keep cool. But the more Final Thought tears, sometimes the clearer the When I consider truth and archaeology vision [Kabango 2016]. together, I am reminded of that line from Indiana Jones and the Last Cru- Listen and learn the truth of Canada’s sade: “Archaeology is the search for fact, history in Indigenous words. Listening to not truth” (Spielberg et al. 1989). But I what other family and community mem- have come to understand that we search bers were communicating to me, per- for fact to try and speak truth and that sonally, or in their publications, was the truth is not separate from fact. We make start of an important transformation in choices every day on what facts to collect; my thinking. This allowed me to finally choices based on our truths. I am proud start to heal from internalized coloniza- to say that acknowledging my truths has tion and intergenerational trauma, and been un-settling and unsettling for me, listening allowed me to engage with the and I hope it will be for others too. different experiences of my sisters. As Chi miigwetch, thank you. anthropologists, we usually appreciate the value of oral traditions that relate Acknowledgments. I would like to thank my to our research, but we spend little time mother Patricia, and my sisters Dawn and understanding our responsibilities to Debbie, for supporting me in sharing part of treaties and Indigenous relationships my story. Thank you to Elders Eileen Antone,

Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44 (2020) DO MY BRAIDS LOOK DIFFERENT? INDIGENOUS IDENTITY IN ARCHAEOLOGY • 151

Andrew Wesley, Grafton Antone, and Jacque Kristy Cameron. More Than Words Lavalley, and Indigenous mentors Bonnie Publishers, North Vancouver, British Jane Maracle, Lee Maracle, and Dr. Cynthia Columbia. Wesley-Esquimaux for guidance with starting Cavender Wilson, Angela to find my voice, and inspiration to speak my 2004 Reclaiming Our Humanity: truth. Thank you to John Moore for the fire Decolonization and the Recovery of teaching. Thank you to Dr. Max Friesen for Indigenous Knowledge. In Indigenizing supportively sharing the journey of archaeol- the Academy: Transforming Scholarship ogy with me. Thank you to Michael White, and Empowering Communities, edited by Dr. Trevor Orchard, and my sisters Dawn and Devon Abbott Mihesuah and Angela Debbie, for allowing me to share their names Cavender Wilson, pp. 69–87. Uni- and images. I would also like to thank my versity of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, loving and supportive partner Dr. Michael Nebraska. O’Rourke and dear friend and colleague Dr. Lesley Howse for providing invaluable sup- Corrado, Raymond R., and Irwin M. port through this challenging writing process Cohen and helping me craft each thought. And 2003 Mental Health Profiles for thank you Dr. Lisa Hodgetts and Dr. Laura a Sample of British Columbia’s Kelvin for creating a space for me to share Aboriginal Survivors of the Canadian my truth, and for help with the various drafts. Residential School System. Aboriginal Finally, I would like to thank the reviewers Healing Foundation, Ottawa, Ontario. for their supportive words and introducing Electronic document, http://www. me to important literature I wish I had read ahf.ca/downloads/mental-health.pdf, years ago. Gitchi miigwetch. Little sister, this accessed March 2017. article is for you. David, E. J. R., and Annie O. Derthick 2014 What Is InternalizedOppres- References Cited sion, and So What? In Internalized Aikenhead, Glen, and Herman Michell Oppression: The Psychology of Marginal- 2011 Bridging Cultures: Indigenous and ized Groups, edited by E. J. R. David, Scientific Ways of Knowing Nature. Pear- pp. 1–30. Springer, New York, New son Canada, Toronto, Ontario. York. Atalay, Sonya Deloria, Vine, Jr. 2006 Indigenous Archaeology as 2004 Marginal and Submarginal. In Decolonizing Practice. The American Indigenizing the Academy: Transform- Indian Quarter 30(3/4):280–310. ing Scholarship and Empowering Com- Bassett, Deborah, Dedra Buchwald, and munities, edited by D. A. Mihesuah Spero Manson and A. Cavender Wilson pp. 16–30. 2014 Posttraumatic Stress Disorder University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, and Symptoms among American Nebraska. Indians and Alaska Natives: A Review Hart, Rick of the Literature. Social Psychiatry and 2016 Ep. 43: Indigenous Look Back Psychiatric Epidemiology 49(3):417–433. at 2016; Joseph Boyden Identity Ques- Bouchard, David, and Joseph Martin tions. Media Indigena: Indigenous Cur- 2009 The Seven Sacred Teachings of rent Affairs (podcast), December 31, White Buffalo Calf Woman. Artwork by 2016. https://mediaindigena.libsyn.

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com/ep-43-indigenous-look-back- Spielberg, Steven, George Lucas, Frank at-2016-joseph-boydens-identity- Marshall, Robert Watts, Harrison Ford, questions, accessed January 2017. Denholm Elliott, and Sean Connery Heiss, Anita 1989 Indiana Jones and the Last Cru- 2003 Dhuuluu-Yala: To Talk Straight. sade. Paramount Pictures, Los Ange- Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra, les, California. Australia. Stielgelbauer, Suzanne M. Kabango, Shad 1996 What is an Elder? What do 2016 How I Feel Featuring Leonard Elders do? The Canadian Journal of Sumner and Shad Kabango. We Are Native Studies 16(1):37–66. The Halluci Nation, studio album by Thorpe, Kirsten A Tribe Called Red. Pirates Blend 2019 Transformative Praxis - Building Records, Toronto, Ontario. Spaces for Indigenous Self-Determina- Krmpotich, Cara, Heather Howard, tion in Libraries and Archives. In the and Emma Knight Library With the Lead Pipe, January 23, 2015 From Collection to Commu- 2019. Electronic document, http:// nity to Collections Again: Urban www.inthelibrarywiththeleadpipe. Indigenous Women and the Craft of org/2019/transformative-praxis/, Meaning. Journal of Material Culture accessed November 2019. 21(3):343–365. Truth and Reconciliation Canada Kuper, Adam 2015 Honouring the Truth, Reconcil- 1988 The Invention of Primitive Society: ing for the Future: Summary of the Final Transformations of an Illusion. Taylor & Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Frances/Routledge, New York, New Commission of Canada. Truth and Rec- York. onciliation Commission of Canada, Winnipeg, Manitoba. Nicholas, George (editor) 2010 Being and Becoming Indigenous Usher, Alex Archaeologists. Left Coast Press, Walnut 2009 The Post-Secondary Student Support Creek, California. Program: An Examination of Alternative Delivery Mechanisms. Educational Poli- Schmidt, Ryan cy Institute, Toronto, Ontario. 2011 American Indian Identity and Blood Quantum in the 21st Century: Wesley-Esquimaux, Cynthia C. A Critical Review. Journal of Anthro- 2008 “Healing the Generations: pology. DOI:10.1155/2011/549521, Post-Traumatic Stress and the Health accessed December 2017. Status of Aboriginal Populations in Canada”, Blind Review of paper for Shore, Jay H., Orton, Heather, and Piimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Spero M. Manson Indigenous Community Health, Edmon- 2009 Trauma-related Nightmares ton, Alberta. among American Indian Veterans: Views from the Dream Catcher. Ameri- 2010 Narrative as Lived Experience can Indian and Alaska Native Mental First Peoples Child and Family Review Health Research 16(1):25–38. 5(2):1–30.

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Wesley, Esquimaux, Cynthia C., and Wolfe, P. Magdalena Smolewskim 2006 Settler Colonialism and the 2004 Historic Trauma and Aboriginal Elimination of the Native. Journal of Healing, Aboriginal Healing Foun- Genocide Research 8(4):387–409. dation, Ottawa, Ontario. Electronic document, http://www.ahf.ca/pub- Manuscript received August 19, 2019. lications/research, accessed October Final revisions June 5, 2020. 2014. Wilson, Shawn 2009 Research Is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods. Fernwood Publish- ing, Halifax, Nova Scotia.

Journal Canadien d’Archéologie 44 (2020)

PRESENTATION OF HUMAN REMAINS IN CAA MEDIA

The CAA requires authors to obtain documented permission from descendant community(s) to present human remains in any media or form. Beyond genetics, descendant communities are defined here by their historical, cultural, and symbolic associations to places they consider ancestral.

LA PRÉSENTATION DES RESTES HUMAINS DANS LES PUBLICATIONS DE L’ACA

L’ACA exige que les auteurs obtiennent l’autorisation écrite des descendants des com- munautés pour présenter des restes humains sur tout support médiatique. Au-delà de la génétique, les communautés de descendants se définissent ici par leur association historique, culturelle, et symbolique avec les lieux qu’elles considèrent ancestraux.

The Canadian Journal of Archaeology serves as a means of communicating the interests and concerns of the Canadian archaeological community. Articles and reviews are selected on the basis of general interest to that community. All correspondence regarding editorial matters should be sent to the Editor-in-Chief: [email protected]. Authors are required to submit manuscripts electronically at http://cja.canadianarchaeology.com/index.php/CJA/index. Do not email manuscripts to the Edi- tor. Do not send hard copies of manuscripts to the Editor. For more information on the new manuscript submission system, please consult our revised Guidelines for Authors at the CAA website under CAA Publications: https://canadianarchaeology.com/caa/publications/cja/guidelines-cjajca-authors.

Correspondence regarding membership and subscriptions should be sent to Joanne Braaten: [email protected]; Aspen Woods Postal Outlet, Box 15075, Calgary, AB T3H 0N8.

Le Journal Canadien d’Archéologie sert d’outil de communication des intérêts de la communauté archéologique du Canada. Les articles sont sélectionnés en fonction des intérêts généraux de cette communauté. Veuillez adresser toute correspondance concernant la rédaction au Rédacteur en chef : [email protected]. Les auteurs doivent soumettre leur manuscrit par voie électro- nique à l’adresse suivante : http://cja.canadianarchaeology.com/index.php/CJA/index. N’envoyez pas de manuscrit par courriel au rédacteur en chef ; ne lui envoyez pas non plus d’exemplaires papier. Pour plus d’informations sur le nouveau système de soumission des manuscrits, veuillez consulter nos « Instructions aux auteurs » révisées sur le site de l’ACA dans la rubrique Publications de l’ACA : https://canadianarchaeology.com/caa/fr/publications/jca/instructions-aux-auteurs.

Faites parvenir vos demandes touchant le secrétariat ou le membership à Joanne Braaten : [email protected]; Aspen Woods Postal Outlet, Box 15075, Calgary, AB T3H 0N8. Canadian Journal of Archaeology Journal Canadien d’Archéologie

Volume 44 (1) • 2020

SPECIAL ISSUE: UNSETTLING ARCHAEOLOGY Guest Edited by Lisa Hodgetts and Laura Kelvin