Iran's Foreign Currency Crisis
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Gestalt Computing and the Study of Content-oriented User Behavior on the Web Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/41b1c1n9 Author Bandari, Roja Publication Date 2013 Supplemental Material https://escholarship.org/uc/item/41b1c1n9#supplemental Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California University of California Los Angeles Gestalt Computing and the Study of Content-oriented User Behavior on the Web A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Electrical Engineering by Roja Bandari 2013 c Copyright by Roja Bandari 2013 Abstract of the Dissertation Gestalt Computing and the Study of Content-oriented User Behavior on the Web by Roja Bandari Doctor of Philosophy in Electrical Engineering University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Vwani P. Roychowdhury, Chair Elementary actions online establish an individual's existence on the web and her/his orientation toward different issues. In this sense, actions truly define a user in spaces like online forums and communities and the aggregate of elementary actions shape the atmosphere of these online spaces. This observation, coupled with the unprecedented scale and detail of data on user actions on the web, com- pels us to utilize them in understanding collective human behavior. Despite large investments by industry to capture this data and the expanding body of research on big data in academia, gaining insight into collective user behavior online has been elusive. If one is indeed able to overcome the considerable computational challenges posed by both the scale and the inevitable noisiness of the associated data sets, one could provide new automated frameworks to extract insights into evolving behavior at different scales, and to form an altogether different perspec- tive of aggregated elementary user actions. -
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013. -
Policy Notes March 2021
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY MARCH 2021 POLICY NOTES NO. 100 In the Service of Ideology: Iran’s Religious and Socioeconomic Activities in Syria Oula A. Alrifai “Syria is the 35th province and a strategic province for Iran...If the enemy attacks and aims to capture both Syria and Khuzestan our priority would be Syria. Because if we hold on to Syria, we would be able to retake Khuzestan; yet if Syria were lost, we would not be able to keep even Tehran.” — Mehdi Taeb, commander, Basij Resistance Force, 2013* Taeb, 2013 ran’s policy toward Syria is aimed at providing strategic depth for the Pictured are the Sayyeda Tehran regime. Since its inception in 1979, the regime has coopted local Zainab shrine in Damascus, Syrian Shia religious infrastructure while also building its own. Through youth scouts, and a pro-Iran I proxy actors from Lebanon and Iraq based mainly around the shrine of gathering, at which the banner Sayyeda Zainab on the outskirts of Damascus, the Iranian regime has reads, “Sayyed Commander Khamenei: You are the leader of the Arab world.” *Quoted in Ashfon Ostovar, Vanguard of the Imam: Religion, Politics, and Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (2016). Khuzestan, in southwestern Iran, is the site of a decades-long separatist movement. OULA A. ALRIFAI IRAN’S RELIGIOUS AND SOCIOECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN SYRIA consolidated control over levers in various localities. against fellow Baathists in Damascus on November Beyond religious proselytization, these networks 13, 1970. At the time, Iran’s Shia clerics were in exile have provided education, healthcare, and social as Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi was still in control services, among other things. -
Ahmadinejad's Principalist Doctrine: Sovereign Rights to a Nuclear Arsenal
Ahmadinejad’s Principalist Doctrine: Sovereign Rights to a Nuclear Arsenal Farhad Rezaei Center for Iranian Studies (IRAM), Ankara, Turkey January 2017 Abstract Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won the election in 2005, on behalf of the Principalists, a hardline secular opposition, that considered the clerical establishment corrupt and soft on foreign policy. In particular, the Principalists railed against the NPT, describing it as a product of Western hegemony. Ahmadinejad asserted that Iran, like other nations, had a sovereign right to run a nuclear program. Hinting broadly that Iran would not be dissuaded from weaponizing, Ahmadinejad proceeded to fashion a “civil religion” around the alleged nuclear prowess of Iran. Nuclear Day was celebrated around the country as part of a new secular nationalist identity. But in his customary contradictory and occasionally unpredictable and even bizarre manner, the president also claimed that pursuing the nuclear program is part of his mission ordained by the Mahdi. Ahmadinejad’s “in your face” nuclear diplomacy, coupled with his penchant for messianic visions and denial of the Holocaust, rattled the West. Unsure whether Ahmadinejad spoke for himself or for the regime, the international community became alarmed that Iran crossed the threshold from nuclear rationality to messianic irrationality. The SC reacted by imposing a series of increasingly punitive sanctions on Iran. References: 1. Goodenough, Patrick. 2010. No Sign of International Unity on Iran After Administration’s Latest Deadline Passes. CNS News, January 26. http://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/no-sign- international-unity-iran-after-administration-s-latest-deadline-passes 2. Adebahr, Cornelius. 2014. Tehran Calling: Understanding a New Iranian Leadership. -
(UNIVERSITY) Manuscript
MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MOSCOW STATE INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (UNIVERSITY) Manuscript KHADEM MAKHSUS HOSSEINI, Leila TRANSFORMATION OF IRANIAN WOMEN’S CULTURAL IDENTITY Specialty: 24.00.01 – Theory and history of culture THESIS For PhD degree in Cultural Studies Scientific supervisor: Elena V. Voevoda, PhD, Doctor Habilitatus (Education) Moscow – 2018 2 CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………… 3 CHAPTER 1. THE INFLUENTIAL FACTORS IN CONSTRUCTING IRANIAN WOMEN'S CULTURAL IDENTITY 14 1.1. The concept of cultural identity in the cultural and philosophical aspects ………………………………………………………………... 14 1.2. A comparative analysis of Judith Butler’s views on identity and Anthony Giddens’ structuration theory……………………................. 46 1.3. The role of Islam in constructing Iranian women's cultural identity ……………………………………………………………….. 57 1.4. Historical changes of social and cultural aspects of Iranian women's life ………………………………………………………….. 79 Chapter 1: Findings ………………………………………………….. 99 CHAPTER 2. MANIFESTATION OF TRADITIONAL AND MODERN CULTURAL IDENTITY OF IRANIAN WOMEN …… 103 2.1. Iranian Women's Cultural Identity Represented in their Bodies… 103 2.2. Veiling and Iranian Women's Cultural Identity ………………. 137 2.3. Iranian women's cultural identity in relation to their work and leisure time …………………………………………………………. 172 Chapter 2: Findings ………………………………………………….. 203 CONCLUSIONS ……………………………………………………….. 205 BIBLIOGRAPHY ……………………………………………………… 216 3 INTRODUCTION Research relevance. In the modern world, women play an increasingly important role in society: they actively participate in the social, economic, political and cultural life of their communities shaping the new image of their country. The issue of change in western women's role and identity during and after industrialization (referred to as one of the defining properties of modernity by A. -
The Political Economy of the IRGC's Involvement in the Iranian Oil and Gas Industry
The Political Economy of the IRGC’s involvement in the Iranian Oil and Gas Industry: A Critical Analysis MSc Political Science (Political Economy) Thesis Research Project: The Political Economy of Energy University of Amsterdam, Graduate School of Social Sciences 5th June 2020 Author: Hamed Saidi Supervisor: Dr. M. P. (Mehdi) Amineh (1806679) Second reader: Dr. S. (Said) Rezaeiejan [This page is intentionally left blank] 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents ................................................................................................................................ 3 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................... 6 Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................................... 7 Maps ................................................................................................................................................ 8 List of Figures and Tables ................................................................................................................. 10 List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................ 11 I: RESEARCH DESIGN .................................................................................................................................... 13 1.1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ -
A Case Study of August 2016 Execution of 25 Sunni Men in Iran
BROADCASTING INJUSTICE BOASTING OF MASS KILLING A CASE STUDY OF THE AUGUST 2016 EXECUTION OF 25 SUNNI MEN IN IRAN Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2016 Cover photo: Drawing by Mohanna Ahmadi, the young daughter of Sunni prisoner Hamed Ahmadi, who Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons was executed, together with five other men, on 4 March 2015. They were part of a larger group of Sunni (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. men, including the 25 executed men discussed in this report, who were arrested mostly between 2009 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode and 2011 and sentenced to death after grossly unfair trials. The words written next to the figure of the For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org executed man are “Daddy Hamed”, and the words next to the figures of the little girl and the woman are Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this respectively “Mohanna” and “Mum”. material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. © Private First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/5079/2016 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. -
1214-Text.Html 130
Sovereign Rights to Nuclear Weapons Farhad Rezaei Center for Iranian Studies (IRAM), Ankara, Turkey January 2017 Abstract Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won the election in 2005, on behalf of the Principalists, a hardline secular opposition, that considered the clerical establishment corrupt and soft on foreign policy. In particular, the Principalists railed against the NPT, describing it as a product of Western hegemony. Ahmadinejad asserted that Iran, like other nations, had a sovereign right to run a nuclear program. Hinting broadly that Iran would not be dissuaded from weaponizing, Ahmadinejad proceeded to fashion a “civil religion” around the alleged nuclear prowess of Iran. Nuclear Day was celebrated around the country as part of a new secular nationalist identity. But in his customary contradictory and occasionally unpredictable and even bizarre manner, the president also claimed that pursuing the nuclear program is part of his mission ordained by the Mahdi. Ahmadinejad’s “in your face” nuclear diplomacy, coupled with his penchant for messianic visions and denial of the Holocaust, rattled the West. Unsure whether Ahmadinejad spoke for himself or for the regime, the international community became alarmed that Iran crossed the threshold from nuclear rationality to messianic irrationality. The SC reacted by imposing a series of increasingly punitive sanctions on Iran. References: 1. Goodenough, Patrick. 2010. No Sign of International Unity on Iran After Administration’s Latest Deadline Passes. CNS News, January 26. http://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/no-sign- international-unity-iran-after-administration-s-latest-deadline-passes 2. Adebahr, Cornelius. 2014. Tehran Calling: Understanding a New Iranian Leadership. Carnegi Endowment for International Peace, January 20. -
Iran's Authoritarian Playbook
Iran’s Authoritarian Playbook The Tactics, Doctrine, and Objectives behind Iran’s Influence Operations Ariane M. Tabatabai © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] The full report can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/irans-authoritarian-playbook/ The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian ef- forts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, ma- lign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frameworks. Author Dr. Ariane M. Tabatabai is the Middle East Fellow at the Alliance for Securing Democracy at the German Mar- shall Fund of the United States and an adjunct senior research scholar at the Columbia University School of Inter- national and Public Affairs (SIPA). She is also a Truman national security fellow and a Council on Foreign Rela- tions (CFR) term member. Prior to joining GMF, Tabatabai served as an associate political scientist at the RAND Corporation, the director of curriculum and a visiting assistant professor of security studies at the Georgetown University Edmund A. -
Iran's Nuclear Program
Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Paul K. Kerr Analyst in Nonproliferation Updated May 10, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34544 Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Summary Iran’s nuclear program began during the 1950s. The United States has expressed concern since the mid-1970s that Tehran might develop nuclear weapons. Iran’s construction of gas centrifuge uranium enrichment facilities is currently the main source of proliferation concern. Gas centrifuges can produce both low-enriched uranium (LEU), which can be used in nuclear power reactors, and weapons-grade highly enriched uranium (HEU), which is one of the two types of fissile material used in nuclear weapons. Is Iran Capable of Building Nuclear Weapons? The United States has assessed that Tehran possesses the technological and industrial capacity to produce nuclear weapons. But Iran has not yet mastered all of the necessary technologies for building such weapons. Whether Iran has a viable design for a nuclear weapon is unclear. A National Intelligence Estimate made public in 2007 assessed that Tehran “halted its nuclear weapons program” in 2003. The estimate, however, also assessed that Tehran is “keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons” and that any decision to end a nuclear weapons program is “inherently reversible.” U.S. intelligence officials have reaffirmed this judgment on several occasions. Obtaining fissile material is widely regarded as the most difficult task in building nuclear weapons. As of January 2014, Iran had produced an amount of LEU containing up to 5% uranium-235, which, if further enriched, could theoretically have produced enough HEU for as many as eight nuclear weapons. -
Iranian Presidential Election Primer Behnam Ben Taleblu and Amir Toumaj May 16, 2017
Research Memo Iranian Presidential Election Primer Behnam Ben Taleblu and Amir Toumaj May 16, 2017 Timeline Iranian presidential elections happen every four years and follow a strict sequence. The first phase is registration, which this year lasted from April 10 to 14. During that time, over 1,600 candidates formally registered. Yet only six candidates, all of them male, were approved to run1 by Iran’s Guardian Council, the organ2 that vets candidates for public office.3 The next phase – which we are currently in – is the campaign phase. This year’s campaign period lasts from April 28 to May 17, with campaigning not permitted on May 18, the day before the election.4 The final phase is election day, which is May 19.5 Should no candidate attain a majority of votes on election day, a runoff contest between the two frontrunners will be held a week later.6 Elections in Iran While the Islamic Republic is both illiberal and autocratic, the country allows for narrow but competitive7 elections for select positions, like many authoritarian regimes. These contests serve different parts of the Iranian polity. For the establishment, they are an opportunity to flaunt “popular legitimacy” and remind domestic and international audiences that they remain the product of a social revolution. Hardline Iranian elites vehemently believe that the 1. Tzvi Kahn, “Iran’s Presidential Election and the Role of Women,” Foundation for Defense of Democracies, April 21, 2017. (http://www. defenddemocracy.org/media-hit/tzvi-kahn-irans-presidential-election-and-the-role-of-women/) 2. A 12-member body indirectly and directly picked by the supreme leader. -
The High Cost of Proliferation
The High Cost of Proliferation Farhad Rezaei Center for Iranian Studies (IRAM), Ankara, Turkey January 2017 Abstract By the middle of Ahmadinejad’s second term, the Principalist doctrine of nuclear sovereign was in tatters. Despite the fact that Ahmadinejad and Ayatollah Khamenei took a publically defiant stand against the sanctions, signs of trouble multiplied. At the macro-economic level, Iran, a classic oil rentier state, was severely hit by the sanctions. Two features of the political system aggravated matters: (1) as a negotiated political order, the regime was made up of multiple power centers operating at the state and parastatal level; (2) as a neopatrimonial state, the regime drew legitimacy from payoff to select segments of the population. Economic hardship had increasingly translated into anomie, defined as social behavior which undermined virtually every norm of the collective belief system, including dramatically increased crime rates, drug abuse, divorce, and sexually transmitted disease. As a rule, anomie precedes a crisis of legitimacy that threatens the very existence of the regime. How to respond to a potential loss of power had deepened the divisions within the elite. While the nuclear Principalists were steadfast in their defiance, the so-called Normalizers urged a nuclear deal with the international community in exchange for sanction relief and normalizing the country by reintegrating it into the community of nations. Though normally sympathetic to the Principalists, the Supreme Leader, fearful of the future of the regime, decided to accept the Normalizers argument that cost of the nuclear program was too high. References: 1. Abrar. 2010. Gharargah-e Khatam al-Anbia Jaygozin-e Torkiyeh Dar 3 Faz-e Pars-e Jonoubi Mishavad [Khatam al-Anbia Base to Replace Turkey in Three Phases of the South Pars].