Report on the residential camp for Refugee women and children February, 2003

NSW Education Program on FGM

Cabaslot Fiesta

Report on the residential camp for Sierra Leone Refugee women and children February, 2003

NSW Education Program on FGM

ISBN 1740 80 0680

Copyright

NSW Education Program on FGM

Author: Juliana Nkrumah

Sydney West Area Health Service Locked Bag 7118 Parramatta BC NSW 2150

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The NSW Education Program on Female Genital Mutilation gratefully acknowledges the valuable contribution of:

· The Sierra Leone women and children who attended Cabaslot Fiesta in February 2003

· Saibatu Kamara, who brought her heart and mind to the philosophy of the Program, and graciously committed her time and network of women to making the idea of a camp a reality

· The Sierra Leone Women’s Working Party: Saibatu Kamara Bintu Kamara Salamatu Bayoh Tigidankay Daramay Juliet Ann Koroma Elizabeth Kamara (Maame Lizzie) Ijatu Jalloh Fatu Bangura (Maame Fatu) Marie Baby Sepateh Hawa Kanneh

· The Camp Working Party: Echo Morgan - WSAHS Area Multicultural Health Unit Juliana Nkrumah - NSW Education Program on FGM Nicola Carter - STARTTS Shairon Fray - NSW Education Program on FGM Bernadette Agyepong - Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre Maria Mitar - Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre Lesley Garton - NSW Education Program on FGM Bernadetta Cansdell - Wentworth Area Health Service Sue Templeman - Bankstown Girls High School Saibatu Kamara - Sierra Leone Women’s Working Party Tigidankay Daramay - Sierra Leone Women’s Working Party

· Young Peoples Working Party Janet Irvine – STARTTS Maria Mitar - Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre

· Partners: NSW Education Program on FGM WSAHS Area Multicultural Health Unit Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre – Small & Emerging Communities Project STARTTS Wentworth Area Health Service (Women’s Health Nurses) Bankstown Girls High School

i · Sponsors: Nature Care College Revlon The Body Shop Breast Screen Western

· People who provided support and assistance before, during and after the camp: Louise Cox – independent contractor, facilitator and supporter of the camp process Di Lane – South West Sydney Area Health Service, for her expertise in providing a framework to build on during the planning period Pam and her friend from Mount Druitt Children’s Services Paula Abood and Nadya Stani - community arts consultants Ina Gaha, Nerilyn Lee & Vivienne Strong - AMHU Staff who lent support in the most crucial and difficult places Bintu Kamara - who acted as a cultural interpreter for her community FGM Program Advisory Committee members who commented on the document

ii PROJECT PARTNERS

The major partnership was between the Area Multicultural Health Unit of Western Sydney Area Health Service and the NSW Education Program on FGM. The Senior Health Promotion Officer in the AMHU acted as the co-camp coordinator with the Community Education and Development Officer of the FGM Program. These two workers had a clear understanding and appreciation of each other's strengths and skills. The employment of their complimentary skills ensured positive outcomes for the camp.

Other partners included:

STARTTS whose major focus is refugees. The service has particular expertise in working with refugee young people and children and STARTTS counselors were available for counseling during the camp.

Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre which has a project with the Sierra Leone community and a special refugee youth program with Sierra Leoneans with a very strong arts focus. The Ghanaian Community Settlement Services worker was an active member of the camp working party and performed the major role as the liaison person with settlement services. She brought in the agencies of Centrelink, the Community Justice Centre, the Department of School Education, and the Department of Housing to provide information to women at the camp.

Women’s Health nurses from Wentworth Area Health Service,(WAHS) (as the camp venue was in their catchment area) WSAHS and Central Sydney Area Health Service (CSAHS) were invited to provide clinical and women’s health services at the camp.

Women’s Health Centres – Cumberland Women’s Health Centre and Blacktown Women’s and Girls Centre were invited to provide information about non government Women’s Health Services.

Nature Care College – Students from this College came to provide nurture programs such as beauty therapy and naturopathy sessions. They mainly provided massages and facials.

Bankstown Girls High School (BGHS ) The school counsellor, a member of the Sierra Leone Reference Group brought the school on board as a partner. Money management (budgeting) is a crucial skill to acquire in a new society. Parents had expressed their concerns about the manner in which the young adults were using their money, and wanted to teach them some skills in handling money. Providing a session on budgeting in such an environment was crucial. The head of economics at BGHS was given a day’s relief in order to provide the session on budgeting, which ended up being rated the best session of the camp. This information was very useful for adults and young adults alike.

Di Lane – Women’s Health Manager from South West Sydney Area Health Service, (SWAHS) was asked to perform the role of a consultant to the whole process, as she had run the Aboriginal Women’s Camps – “Biyani”, for SWSAHS for the previous eight years. Di provided input into the planning process, and access to her networks, which included the Naturecare College.

iii Louise Cox – Women’s Health Trainer Louise has been directly involved with the NSW Education Program’s BCW training program since 1999. She was invited to attend the camp and facilitate sessions, due to her expertise and skill in facilitating groups with women from diverse backgrounds.

DOCUMENTATION PROCESS AND PRODUCTS The camp process was documented through video taping of the sessions and activities. Photographs were also taken and the art sessions were recorded onto CD. The resulting products were: · Community members video · Workers Training video · Women’s Stories CD · Women’s Stories booklet · Camp report

iv ABBREVIATIONS AND DEFINITIONS

AMHU Area Multicultural Health Unit BCW Bilingual Community Worker BGHS Bankstown Girl’s High School Bundu/Bondo Themne name for Sierra Leone Women’s Secret Society Cabaslot Traditional Krio dress. Embodiment of Womanhood. CEDO Community Education and Development Officer CSAHS Central Sydney Area Health Service FGM Female Genital Mutilation Fiesta Depicting fun, relaxation, enjoyment Junta Wives Girls abducted into sexual slavery by rebel forces Krio A true English based Creole language. It is the lingua franca throughout Sierra Leone. It has wide usage as the second language and the dominant language of the younger generation. It is the formal language for those who do not speak English, and the mother tongue language of the Krio people who are the direct descendants of repatriated slaves from Jamaica. MRC Migrant Resource Centre NSW New South Wales RUF Revolutionary United Front Sande Mende name for Sierra Leone Women’s Secret Society Sierra Leone Women’s Sierra Leone Women’s Organisation spearheaded by women Wun Word Inc who attended camp. Increasing membership on a monthly basis STARTTS Service for the Treatment And Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma Survivors SWOT Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats SWSAHS South Western Sydney Area Health Service WAHS Wentworth Area Health Service WSAHS Western Sydney Area Health Service Wun Word Krio phrase for Unity – One World Yaba yaba a phrase referring to rubbish that needs to be thrown away. It is used to refer to meat off cuts, withered parts of green vegetables that cannot be used in the meal. In this context, it refers to food that is not substantial

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

My name is Bintu Kamara ...... A “CABASLOT FIESTA” PARTICIPANT’S REPORT ………………………….. 1

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY …………………………………………………………… 3

INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………. 6 Naming the Camp …………………………………………………. 7 Camp Aim …………………………………………………………… 7 Objectives …………………………………………………………… 7 Rationale ……………………………………………………………. 8

BACKGROUND ……………………………………………………………………. 9

Sierra Leone community in NSW …………………………………. 9 Issue of FGM with Sierra Leone Community ……………………. 10 Action on FGM in the Sierra Leone community in NSW ……….. 10

PROCESS …………………………………………………………………………… 11

Consultation and Reference Group ………………………………. 11 Working parties ……………………………………………………… 11 Recruitment and Organisation …………………………………….. 12

PROGRAM …………………………………………………………………………… 13

Daily highlights ………………………………………………………. 13 Day 1 ………………………………………………………………….. 13 Day 2 ………………………………………………………………….. 13 Day 3 ………………………………………………………………….. 14 Day 4 ………………………………………………………………….. 15

EVALUATION ………………………………………………………………………... 16

Process evaluation …………………………………………………… 16 Impact evaluation …………………………………………………….. 17 Expected outcomes ………………………………………………….. 17 Unexpected outcomes ………………………………………………. 18 SWOT Analysis ………………………………………………………. 19

Lessons ……………………………………………………………….. 20

Key elements for success …………………………………………… 21

vi RECOMMENDATIONS ……………………………………………………………. 23

REFERENCES ……………………………………………………………………... 24

APPENDICES …………………………………………………………………….… 25 1. Short ……………………………………………... 25 2. FGM in Sierra Leone ………………………………………………………. 31 3. Camp Program ……………………………………………………………… 36 4. Budget ……………………………………………………………………….. 38 5. Lyrics to Sweet Mother …………………………………………………….. 39 6. Some Krio Proverbs ………………………………………………………… 40 7. Services for Sierra Leone Community …………………………………… 41

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Sierra Leone in NSW by Year of Arrival …………………………. 9 Table 2 Prevalence, Type & Terms for FGM in Sierra Leone …………… 34

vii

My name is Bintu Kamara ...... ……. A “CABASLOT FIESTA” PARTICIPANT’S REPORT

I am a Sierra Leonean. I had just arrived in Australia when I was invited to a women's group meeting in my community.

I didn't want to go! But my friend had to drag me along!

Don't think of me as a spoiled sport, it was just that "thing of being new" in a country and trying to get your bearings. I got hooked, and I never missed a meeting. The meeting was great, because I got to meet other Sierra Leonean women and service providers. Immediately, the meeting started, discussions were centered on our needs such as housing, budgeting, educational systems, and a need for space wherein we can revisit our experiences, tell each other about it, cry on each other's shoulders in a safe and relaxing atmosphere.

We felt this would not only be a healing process, but an educational one.

We decided to go camping but the word "camp" did not go down well with the women. The name "Cabaslot Fiesta" was suggested from our language (Krio) to replace the word "camp". Planning the camp made me feel confident and proud that I can sit with other Sierra Leone women and organize an event worthwhile for the community. There I could express myself and know that my opinion mattered and was respected.

I had been in the "wilderness" as a refugee for ten years.

For me, Cabaslot Fiesta was going to be a ‘healing process’ camp. The camp was going to provide us with an opportunity to revisit our traumatic past with a feeling of hope.

I felt excited, curious, and a bit nervous, but above all positive that it would be a success.

Cabaslot Fiesta was a traumatic experience because it was the first time that Sierra Leone women as both individuals and a group were able to start telling their stories voluntarily. I found it very painful but the support from the women and facilitators eased the pain. I sang and cried.

Suddenly, that awesome feeling of calmness and peace engulfed me and I thought I was dreaming, and I wanted the dream to go on!

I had flashbacks of Sierra Leone before the war.

The highlight of the camp was the celebration where the Sierra Leone women, young people and children performed cultural and traditional plays, songs and dances. Regardless of our diversity in traditional songs and languages, we were able to blend together as one community. What an entertaining night!.....

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What really had an impact on me was the workshop on FGM.

Women did not shy away from discussions on this issue because it was "taboo" subject back at home. It was a healthy discussion wherein the good effects of "Bundo society" were highlighted and the barbaric effects condemned by all participants. All women regretted having been part of the barbaric aspects of FGM.

I don't think I have ever experienced such an impact that has lasted so long. The feeling of depression was replaced by one of accomplishment!

The camp had a positive impact on me. It has not only improved my communication skills, but also, helped me to understand the Australian welfare system and the budgeting session showed me how to manage stress and money. The camp provided opportunity for healing mind, soul, body and spirit. Another positive side of the camp was that I bonded well with the women and made friends. I am no longer lonely in Australia. I receive at least two telephone calls a day from a woman I met at the camp. When I attend Sierra Leone functions, I receive "big warm hugs" from Sierra Leone women. I can now relate well with them.

My daughter and I have a very cordial relationship. I do respect her and her opinion now matters. She can now be seen and heard, unlike the past when she was seen and not heard.

For the women in the Sierra Leone camp working party, organizing Cabaslot Fiesta enhanced our skills and we developed new ones. It also empowered us. We never thought that we still had those organizational skills left in us after having been through such horrific experience of the war. It boosted our self confidence and self esteem, which was completely broken and taken away by those traumatic experiences.

On the whole, Cabaslot Fiesta brought women from different ethnic groups together and provided a space for bonding and it was out of Cabaslot Fiesta that the Sierra Leone Women's Wun Word Inc. was born. This group has helped break the isolation phase among newly arrived Sierra Leone women in Sydney. This group meets every last Sunday of every month. The Cabaslot Fiesta experience has helped our household budgeting, given us a better it was out of Cabaslot understanding of multiculturalism in Australia, health implications of FGM and the Australian Fiesta that the Sierra Leone Women's Wun Word Inc. government legal stand on FGM. was born.

Due to the success of the FGM Workshop, I would like to recommend the introduction of a camp for young Sierra Leone women from the ages of 6 to 16 where community women will be used as facilitators to teach the traditional values, songs, dances and about the health complications of FGM……I am presently involved in a planning process for getting this recommendation into reality.

The Bundo society is not only about FGM, it should be looked upon as a rite of passage so that the rich traditional values of the culture excluding FGM might not be lost……………...

2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The work of the NSW Education Program on Female Genital Mutilation (NSW FGM), in fulfilling its aim to prevent the practice of FGM in NSW, is one that is faced with many complexities and sensitivities.

FGM is not a practice that has a place in the broader understanding of “Australian culture”. It is a daunting prospect for health workers to develop an education program for a community on a practice that to date has not been questioned in its country of origin.

In May 2002 the Program, in partnership with the Area Multicultural Health Unit (AMHU) of WSAHS, facilitated a consultation with service providers and Sierra Leonean women. The outcome of this consultation was the formation of the Sierra Leone Reference Group.

The NSW FGM Program is recognised for its successful implementation of ‘best practice strategies’ based on the principles of community development and capacity building while taking into account all the differing issues that surround this practice.

One such project was the Cabaslot Fiesta. This residential camp was developed in partnership with the NSW FGM Program and members of the Sierra Leone Reference Group. The name Cabaslot Fiesta was chosen as it holds particular significance for women from Sierra Leone.

Members of the Sierra Leone community had arrived in Australia from one of the most atrocious wars in modern times. Consequently, a lot of women were widowed while others were young and charged with the care of younger siblings. They were deeply traumatised, yet, the need to earn wages to support families overseas as well as their eagerness to get ahead with their lives in Australia precluded their participation in programs which would assist them to address this trauma, and equip them for effective resettlement. The development of the Cabaslot Fiesta enabled the creation of a safe and nurturing environment where Sierra Leone refugee women had the opportunity to look at these socio - cultural and resettlement issues. Three working parties were established to coordinate all aspects of the camp. They were the: · Sierra Leone Women’s Working Party · Youth Working Party · Camp Working Party

Some of the highlights of Cabaslot Fiesta were:

· spontaneous sing song - a time of intense emotions captured on video · the art worker using stories as a non threatening way of helping the women to debrief from the experiences and memories of the war · morning walks that were open to whoever could come along at 7 am · information provided by the Community Justice Centre on people’s rights and responsibilities in Australian society

3 · Sahr Yongai’s birthday with cakes, blowers, hats, and sparklers · entertainment presented by the women · budgeting sessions that were practical and real for the women · facial, massage and naturopath sessions with women commenting: “I have never had anything like that! It was a nice feeling!” · entertainment night when everyone let their hair down dancing to the music · singing a popular song among students of Boarding institutions in West Africa which highlighted the yearning for homeland:

"Home Again When shall I see my home? When shall I see my native land? I will never forget my home"

· the effect of the camp on the wider Sierra Leone community · a powerful outcome of the project in one woman’s life in particular · the compelling story of reconciliation.

Networks and friendships forged at Cabaslot Fiesta have extended and formed the “Sierra Leone Women’s Wan Word” Inc which has been successful in developing projects in its own right, and its membership continues to increase.

Project evaluation included process and impact evaluation using voice and film for all participants and a SWOT Analysis for project workers.

4 RECOMMENDATIONS (abbreviated – for full content - see page 23)

1 Venue For further camps/similar activities, explore the use of venues that offer facilities for self catering 2 School Holidays Conduct the camp during school holidays so that more families with children in schools can attend 3 Separate camps Conduct Youth, Children and Women’s camps as separate events 4 Cultural Appropriateness Incorporate aspects of culture into the camp activities 5 Free Time The women were looking forward to a lot of free time for relaxation and were disappointed that there were not enough of that available

5 INTRODUCTION

The work of the NSW Education Program on Female Genital Mutilation (NSW FGM Program) in fulfilling its aim of prevention of the practice of FGM in NSW is one that is faced with many complexities and sensitivities.

FGM is not a practice that has a place in what is generally accepted as “Australian culture”. There is anecdotal evidence only of its occurrence in Australia and most communities who have FGM as a traditional practice, having migrated to live in NSW, have other needs which take priority in their lives with FGM being rarely mentioned as a priority by these communities following their migration.

For a health worker to develop an education program for a community on a practice that to date has not been questioned and who now find themselves living in a different culture with differing expectations, could be considered daunting. The challenge for the Program is to present the issue in a non–threatening way that will enable the community itself to acknowledge the implications of the practice of FGM upon the health of women and girls. The indication of success for the Program will be when communities condemn the practice and develop their own strategies for prevention and early intervention.

Education strategies employed by the Program are based on the principles of community development and capacity building. These include:

· acknowledging and drawing on the pre-existing capacities for change and growth in every society. These strengths need to be respected and valued by community educators in order to reach the common goal – a basis for participation and decision making · recognising that all cultures have values that support the protection of women and children from harm · understanding that the development of trust is a key to success in any community based activity · recognising that workers must be responsive to the community, being able to understand the context of the community at any given time and supporting it in dealing with its pertinent issues · avoiding prepackaged ideas and strategies, knowing that “One size does not fit all!” · forging partnerships with the community and its key stakeholders in order to develop culturally appropriate strategies (Appendix 8).

With this information as background, the profile of the NSW FGM Program was raised in the Sierra Leone community from 1999 – 2000 through the implementation of a communication strategy. This strategy was developed and conducted by the Program in partnership with the Women’s Health Unit of South Western Sydney Area Health Service (SWAHS). At that stage the community was comprised of approximately 40 families.

In June 2000 further refugee families arrived, boosting the numbers in the community. As part of the communication strategy a re-enactment of part of the Bundu ceremony “Queens of the Day” was organised in on the grounds of Cumberland Hospital. Members of the existing community as well as the new refugee community participated in this activity. This event primarily developed to welcome the women, also made a strong statement about the status of FGM in Australia to the newly arrived community.

6

In October 2001, three Sierra Leonean women completed the Program’s BCW training. This involved training in group work skills and FGM issues as well as the use of the manual “Women’s Health and Traditions in a New Society” (WHATINS), with the intention of recruiting women from the community and conducting the WHATINS program for newly arrived women and girls from Sierra Leone.

However by June 2002 no Sierra Leone BCW had been able to successfully commence a community education group! The question “why” had to be asked?

The community had arrived in Australia from one of the most atrocious wars in modern times. Consequently, a lot of the women were widows while others were young women in charge of their younger siblings. They were deeply traumatized, yet, the need to earn wages to support families overseas as well as their eagerness to get ahead with their lives in Australia precluded their participation in programs which would assist them to address this trauma, and equip them for effective resettlement.

From early in 1999 the CEDO had been working with communities who practice FGM in their country of origin and was now searching for the most appropriate and effective strategy to work on the issue with this community. Extensive discussions occurred between the CEDO and a woman leader in the Sierra Leone community.

The outcome of these discussions identified that a camp would be culturally appropriate for the community as it took advantage of the structure of the community's practice of women withdrawing from their villages to participate in the women’s secret society (Appendix 2). The determination to develop the camp was enthusiastically received by workers and community representatives. The strategy was accorded priority by the Program and funds were identified from the budget to support its implementation.

Naming the Camp

Cabaslot Fiesta was the name given to the residential camp organised for the women and their children by the Program in partnership with members of the Sierra Leone Reference Group. It was held in February 2003 at Meroo Christian Centre at Kurrajong NSW and was attended by 22 women and 50 children.

The name for the camp was chosen was Cabaslot. This is the name of the Krio women’s traditional dress which symbolises womanhood for all Sierra Leone women. Cabaslot Fiesta reflects sentiments about women, fun and women’s space and was used to communicate the purpose of the camp that was to create a safe and nurturing environment where Sierra Leone refugee women would have the opportunity to look at their socio - cultural and resettlement issues.

Camp Aim

The aim was to build trust and rapport between the Program and the Sierra Leone community so that the community would be comfortable with addressing issues of FGM.

Camp Objectives

1. To build social capital among Sierra Leone refugee women.

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2. To strengthen the capacity of the Sierra Leone women for effective resettlement.

3. To strengthen Sierra Leone women’s leadership roles in family and community life in NSW.

4. To increase Sierra Leone women’s knowledge of and capacity to access physical health, mental health, legal, social and settlement services in NSW

5. To introduce the activities and community education program of the NSW Education Program on FGM to the women in the Sierra Leone community.

Rationale

FGM is a very important rite of passage for girls in Sierra Leone. It is therefore pertinent that the newly arrived group would be provided with information and opportunities to explore and understand the issues that surround the practice of FGM in Australia. The decision to run the camp followed discussions with women from the Sierra Leone Community. These women acted as the cultural advisors to the project as well as promoters, encouraging women to attend and participate in the camp. The Program considered the camp as a culturally appropriate strategy for the Sierra Leone community.

Implementing this strategy enabled the Program to:

1. Create a cohort of women. The Bondo ceremony time away was also the basis of the formation of a cohort of women who bonded together, resulting in social networks, which continued throughout their lifetime, providing access to economic, social, political and other resources. Offering a similarly intensive environment for focused activities, interaction and developing community networks, resulted in building capacity in the community for dealing with all issues of resettlement including issues surrounding the practice of FGM.

2. Utilise the cultural practice of women withdrawing from the community for a period of time to facilitate information dissemination, awareness raising about the status of FGM in NSW, and community education.

3. Be involved in early intervention, which would minimize opposition to the Program from the Sierra Leone community, if left till a later stage in the community’s resettlement process.

4. Provide a supportive space where women could find the courage to confront their past difficulties and start the healing process towards building new lives in Australia.

5. Show respect for and acknowledgement of the culture, and create an intensive environment in which information about settlement, health and FGM could be disseminated.

8 BACKGROUND

Sierra Leone Community in NSW

By June 2000, there were about 40 families in the Sierra Leone community in NSW.

Table 1 Sierra Leone in NSW by year of arrival

Year of arrival Male Female Total Before 1996 44 37 81

1996-2000 36 41 78

Arrived 2001 20 19 39

Not stated 10 3 13

Total 110 100 211

The first group of refugees and humanitarian entrants arrived in June 2000. Since then, there has been a steady arrival of Sierra Leonean refugees and humanitarian entrants into NSW particularly Sydney (Appendix 1).

At the time of the camp there were just over 200 Sierra Leoneans in NSW (Table1) located in South West, Inner West and Western Sydney. There were others located in regional centers, notably Wollongong and Wagga Wagga.

At the time of the camp, the characteristics of the Sierra Leone refugee community included: · Exhibiting the characteristics of newly arrived communities · Fledgling community organisations · Absence of specialist ethno specific community settlement workers and structures · A small community whose numbers kept increasing during the camp planning period due to government policy on refugee intake.

9 The issue of FGM in Sierra Leone community

There is a 90% prevalence rate of the practice of FGM (Toubia, 1999; Appendix 2) among the female population in Sierra Leone. With the exception of the Krios, all the ethnic groups in Sierra Leone namely Themne, Mende, Loko, Limba, Kono, Kuranko, Susu, Fullah and Mandingo practice FGM. The importance of the practice is highlighted by the fact that FGM was chosen as an activity to mark the end of the prolonged war that had rendered groups of Sierra Leoneans as refugees and displaced persons. The community expression of the acceptance of the end of the war is reflected in their choice of engaging in the activities of the Sande/Bondo society to demonstrate a true sense of security and a return to normal life.

“The act that was chosen to celebrate the end of the war, the change of fortune and a hope for resumption of normal life was female circumcision – the ancestral communal ritual known as Bondo” (New York Times 1/31/97).

Further emphasis of the importance of this practice can be seen in Sierra Leone being a country in which female circumcision assumes relevance in modern political decision- making, and influencing one’s position in democratic elections. “The president’s choice of woman minister for gender and children’s affairs was held up, as one member said “she would not be familiar with our adored customs” (New York Times 1997) This indicates that one’s circumcision status can determine one’s access to and participation in every aspect of society, especially modern politics.

In addition, Sierra Leone is one of the African countries in which there has been clear pro FGM demonstrations, and reprisals for people and organisations including the media who campaign against the continuation of the practice. With such clear evidence of the role of FGM in the community, the Program required systematic and focused action to access the community for education towards sustainable and effective anti FGM activity.

Action on FGM in the Sierra Leone community in NSW In NSW, the work of anti FGM campaigners provides lessons that can be explored for this and other communities. One lesson is, understanding the structure of the Bundo society (secret society). It involves women and girls going away for a period of time to the Bundo bush to conduct the circumcision of girls, learn the ways of women in the culture and other gender based skills. Women cherish the secret society, and going away for that purpose is not unusual. The only negative aspect was the operation – female circumcision. There was a need to tap into this social institution, due to its very high significance in women and girls' lives. Secondly, trust building was a process that needed to be stepped up, and was best done through an intensive, non-threatening, comfortable environment where women could interact with all parties to the trust building process.

10 PROCESS

As rapport and trust were critical to the success of the strategy, the following process was embarked upon.

Consultation and reference group In May 2002 the Program, in partnership with the Area Multicultural Health Unit (AMHU) of WSAHS, facilitated a consultation with service providers and Sierra Leonean women. Sierra Leonean women made presentations to the service providers, giving them an opportunity to: · become aware of this new group · understand their issues · forge links and · develop ways of working with them.

The outcome of this consultation was the formation of the Sierra Leone Reference Group, a forum at which Sierra Leone community members tabled their community’s issues and service providers sought ways of addressing them. It was an attempt to provide a consolidated approach to service provision. The Program’s idea about a camp was presented to the Sierra Leone Reference Group and partners were sought from among the service providers involved in the reference group, for the development and implementation of this strategy. A budget was developed and funding sourced from the Program as well as “in kind” funding from partners (Appendix 4).

Working Parties Working parties were established to coordinate several aspects of the camp.

1. Sierra Leone Women’s Working Party A community based working party made up of women in the Sierra Leonean community that provided direction and input into the planning process. Meetings of this working party were held once a month. The women made decisions about the flier, dates and program. They promoted the camp by distributing fliers and encouraging women to attend. They discussed the program and provided advice on content and sequence. Representatives from this group attended the Camp Working Party which was made up of service providers and made contributions to decisions at this level. One of the significant decisions of this group was the name for the camp. Being an activity for women who have stayed at refugee camps, the word ‘camp’ had unsavory connotations, contrary to what had been planned. Several names were therefore proposed including: “Well Body for Uman Dem” (Krio) Women’s Healthy Bodies “Kankalay” (Mandingo) All about Women “Cabaslot Fiesta” (Krio) Fun, Women, Relaxation, Women’s Space

2. Youth Working Party

Two youth workers; from the Service for the Treatment And Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma Survivors (STARTTS) and Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre,(MRC) had the role of planning and implementing the youth group activities. At a very late date, the team from STARTTS was asked to plan the children’s activities and provide the resources for both youth and children’s programs. The workers from

11 STARTTS provided expertise beyond the capacity of camp coordinators, and their work was a key element for the success of the camp.

3. Camp Working Party

The camp working party was convened and coordinated by the Community Education and Development Officer (CEDO) NSW Education Program on FGM and the Senior Health Promotion Officer; AMHU. The composition of the working party included representatives from the Sierra Leone Working Party, other service providers and the Sierra Leone Women’s Working Party representatives. Meetings were held monthly and more frequently close to the date for the camp.

Recruitment and Organisation

Fliers were distributed to the community in December 2002 for expressions of interest. All application forms were distributed by members of the women’s working party who were also listed as the contact people on the fliers. A letter was sent to each person who returned the completed application form providing confirmation and information. Respondents were sorted into groups according to their suburb/region of residence to facilitate their transportation to the camp. Permission letters were sent to parents to be given to school principals to inform about the children’s attendance at camp. Mothers were encouraged to arrange time off work as most of the women were in casual employment.

The allocation of rooms the camp required advice and direction from the community. Saibatu Kamara, a member of the women’s working party, attended the Program’s offices and worked with the coordinators to allocate rooms to people, as she had knowledge of people’s relationships. This process was implemented as a step in the direction of avoiding potential camp conflict. She also spent time phoning people to confirm their attendance as numbers had to be secured and passed on to the venue as well as ensuring the women understood the need to keep that commitment.

Buses were hired to collect people from specific meeting points - these were major railway stations close to suburbs/regions of residence.

12 PROGRAM

The program was developed by the working party in consultation with the Women’s Working Party, however critical changes had to be made at the very last minute. The main program on Day One had to be altered. This involved moving the Arts program from Day Two to Day One and swapping around the Arts Program and the first sessions of the Women’s Health and Traditions in a New Society. The change was critical as all the women were anxious and nervous about the real agenda for the camp, so having a session on FGM on the first day would have made them feel ambushed and would have jeopardised the trust and respect that needed to be built (Appendix 3).

DAILY HIGHLIGHTS

Day 1

Registration, getting to know you, housekeeping and introduction of all workers. Women had a spontaneous sing song session expressing their regret as to why some of their number did not make it. They also sang their thanks to all the workers. This was a time of intense emotion and was captured on video.

Children and youth were linked to workers and their activities began immediately.

Art workers arrived to conduct workshops with the women, using stories as a non threatening way of helping the women to debrief from all the experiences and memories of the war that they hold within themselves. The process of sharing those stories and sharing each other’s pain brought about healing and created a special bond between the women. It was a good decision to swap the program around as this process enabled the women to learn to work together co-operatively from the outset and throughout the following two days. It set the tone and creating an atmosphere that fostered effective relationships throughout the course of the camp.

Day 2

The morning walks were open to whoever could come along at 7 am. People who participated included Fatmata Mansaray, Tigidankay Daramy and Tenneh Kpaka who were reminded of their days in the Police Force in Sierra Leone. Loss of status is a real issue for refugees. Any activity, which reminds them of some good times in the past, can only be interpreted positively. These women refer to their time as police officers with a lot of pride.

13 Shairon, the multi-skilled worker conducted the early morning stretches, during walks.

The children’s program and childcare experienced some teething problems as some children began to act out by exhibiting signs of insecurity and challenge the childcare staff.

The Women’s program ran smoothly. The highlight for women was the information provided by the Community Justice Centre on people’s rights and responsibilities in Australian society and how to resolve conflict with community members.

It was Sahr Yongai’s birthday. After dinner, cakes, blowers, hats, and sparklers appeared. The ubiquitous “happy birthday” was rendered and the excitement was carried over to the sleeping area. It was quite a noisy affair.

The mothers went into their first FGM session - “Women’s Health and Traditions in A New Society” Both groups went really well.

Day 3

This was an enjoyable day, packed with activities, yet women found time to plan a presentation for entertainment that evening, as well as meeting to discuss the way forward for them as they realised that they had been afforded a very rare opportunity.

The second “Women’s Health and Traditions in a New Society” session ran concurrently with the sessions on budgeting. The budgeting sessions were interactive and experiential. It was practical and real with, respect to the issues of managing money, which was paramount on people’s minds. Women thoroughly enjoyed the session on

14 budgeting as women were faced with a different system of use of money in Australia to what they were used to overseas (See ‘Budgeting’ in key elements for success). Facial, massage and naturopath sessions presented by Nature-care College were individual sessions that women thoroughly enjoyed;

“I have never had anything like that! It was a nice feeling!”

The entertainment night was the time when everyone let their hair down. All three groups at the camp (children, young people and adults) made presentations. The children made individual and group presentations. The young people performed both traditional and modern dances, the women presented songs expressing their thanks to the camp organizers and performed traditional dances.

The highlight of the entertainment was the dancing to the music “Sweet Mother”, (Appendix 5)."Sweet Mother" is a very popular song across West Africa dedicated to mothers as a sign of appreciation for the role of mothers. Everybody joined in to dance after two of the women had presented a special dance to that. To conclude the evening, the women sang about their home - Sierra Leone:

"Home Again When shall I see my home? When shall I see my native land? I will never forget my home"

(A popular song among students of Boarding institutions in West Africa) The children performed the last song of the evening presenting: "ADVANCE AUSTRALIA FAIR" - that juxtaposition of songs was a powerful expression of generational affiliation to context.

Day 4

Beautiful dry weather had prevailed throughout the camp, but at about 4 am on the last day, the heavens opened. RAIN! The closing ceremony and photo shoot followed breakfast then participants departed on various buses, which returned them to the pick up spots.

15 EVALUATION

Two methods of evaluation, namely process and impact evaluation, were used.

Process evaluation. Occurred during the camp through video recording of activities, photographs, scribing by several dedicated people and recording of information on butcher’s paper during sessions. Throughout the camp, women were asked to comment on the sessions, as they came out of them. Most of the responses were video taped. During the closing session, an immediate feedback session was conducted It involved small group work. Women made responses to a list of questions about the camp. The key issues and responses that came out of that exercise:

· People’s feelings: The camp had fostered unity, bonding and a sense of belonging among the participants.

· Things people learnt: Budgeting and “No circumcision” in Australia.

· What women will do after the camp: Women said they would establish a Sierra Leone women’s group, budget properly and promote their culture, look at mediation among families, look at domestic violence and “No Circumcision”.

· How people felt about the law on FGM: “We should not allow any Bundo society” “The law is very good” “We make sure to educate our children so that they will not be part of it or practise it (FGM) in our society” "It will also stop those who are trying to practise or force it on their children” Some people became so enthusiastic they made their own “laws” indicating among other things that: “a person caught doing African traditional circumcision should be sent back to their country”. A very powerful statement considering each woman had attended only 2 special sessions addressing FGM.

· What people liked about the camp included: childcare, friendly staff, nice environment, friendships, good educators and facilitators, interesting we feel good and happy we enjoyed the company staying together as one people It helped us knows more about women’s health” The instructors were wonderful also the organisers, it gives us insight into paths where to go The whole experience is new and great

16 · Dislikes The main dislike was the food. There were too many salads, no sauces, virtual absence of rice, and rice is a staple diet for people from Sierra Leone. One of the little girls called the food “yaba yaba”. Other dislikes included walking up and down, yoga, flies, poor ventilation in rooms.

Impact evaluation. These were conducted one month after the camp through two focus group meetings: women’s debrief focus group meeting and a staff debrief focus group meeting.

Expected Outcomes: The outcomes that were expected and were found to have been achieved.

The Camp Coordinators expectations and the actual outcomes included: · That Bilingual Community Workers would develop their confidence in starting groups The two BCWs who attended the camp were very apprehensive but they successfully conducted two sessions each, both of which were directly focused on FGM. They expressed increased confidence in their skill and felt able to go out and conduct sessions following the camp. · That a safe environment would be created for women to discuss issues about FGM. Women felt safe enough to engage in an open discussion on FGM. “Women were coming out and talking. It is a secret thing, but women impressed me by talking about it”. · That women would accept the message of the Program about the Law on FGM in NSW. Women's acceptance of the Law is clearly articulated in the evaluation · That women would build trust and rapport with service providers. Women built rapport with service providers (Appendix 7). Some women followed up and attended sessions with STARTTS. Women kept in contact with the Program and referrals were made to Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre (BMRC). · Opportunities to build trust and rapport with other Sierra Leonean women would be provided. Women who attended the camp have developed a special bond between them. The most elderly woman in the group indicated that this was the first time here (in Australia) that she had enjoyed the Sierra Leonean women as her daughters. She felt a very special bond develop between herself and the younger women in the group. · The camp would provide an opportunity for debriefing, nurturing and therapeutic sessions.

Debriefing took place in the Arts program which women found liberating

“We were able to talk, cry and play together” The debrief session produced healing and paved the way for bonding. The reality of this new bond forged among the camp participants spilled over into the community. Reports from other members of the community indicated that the camp participants demonstrated an unusual level of bonding and affection to each other soon after the camp which prompted the question: "what is going on?" by people witnessing the display of bonding and affection. This question elicited the response that they had just returned from “this” camp. Those women who had missed out on attending the camp indicated they were sorry they had missed out on such opportunity.

17 · That an opportunity would be provided to strengthen networking and friendships Networks and friendships forged at Cabaslot Fiesta have extended and formed the “Sierra Leone Women’s Wun Word” Inc which has been successful in developing projects in its own right, and its membership continues to increase. · That an opportunity would be provided for relationships and friendships to develop between the children. One woman reported that “Our children get (got) used to one another”. · Women would gain skills in managing money in Australia. Women found the budgeting session very helpful and continue to comment on how the camp gave them a very important tool for life in Australia.

Unexpected outcomes

Sierra Leone Youth Group The concept of this group was developed at Cabaslot Fiesta. One of the young leaders gave a speech at the entertainment evening outlining the plans of the young people. Several meetings between the leading young people, some members of the Sierra Leone Women's Working Party and the CEDO of the Program occurred after the camp. At one of the meetings, a young man indicated: “we want something like what our mothers had”. The CEDO made a referral of these young leaders to the Auburn Migrant Resource Centre Refugee Young People’s Program, for support and assistance. With the worker’s assistance, the young people hosted the “Day of the African Child” Saturday 21 June 2003. They have since made a successful application for funds to High Street Youth Service for $5,000.00 for a Youth Health Program.

Sierra Leone Women's Wun Word Inc During the camp, there were intense discussions about maintaining the momentum of the outcomes for the women in the community. The Sierra Leone women's group was established and registered as an incorporated body in the month following the camp, supported by the CEDO. The concept of the Art program (collecting women's stories), which took place on the first day of the camp, was extended to all the women in the community through a successful application to Australian Council for the Arts for a story telling project.

Effect on the wider Sierra Leone community As a result of women reporting about their sessions at the camp, the Sierra Leone Association was encouraged to set up a structure for handling disputes in the community. They set up a “council of elders” who were to be to be trained by Community Justice Centre in conflict resolution.

Direct outcome for the Program One woman reported how her sister in Sierra Leone had telephoned her, following Cabaslot Fiesta and asked her to send money for her daughter’s (woman’s niece) circumcision. She then told her what she had learnt at the camp about female circumcision, and proceeded to inform her about her decision not to send the money and that if her sister went ahead with the circumcision, she would withdraw her support for the girl’s education.

Reconciliation Refugees always arrive in asylum and resettlement countries from both sides of the conflict, which forced their movement. Regardless of the side of the conflict they came

18 from, they would have each been a victim of the conflict in one way or the other. (Whichever side of the war a woman or their close relations happened to be on becomes irrelevant as everyone losses their country when they escape). This was the case with the women from Sierra Leone. Some women had been victims of the actions of the spouses and families of other women. Unbeknown to the workers, there was a process of reconciliation taking place among the women during the camp. They talked together, shared and cried together, creating healing and reconciliation between them. They emerged from the camp as a strong cohort of women ready to make a worthwhile presence in NSW. This is a demonstration of strengthening communities and building their capacity for harmony for the future (Appendix 8).

SWOT ANALYSIS This is a means of evaluating the Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats of a project. This section of the report draws together the views expressed by participants at the Staff debrief meeting held on 25 March 2003, one month after the camp.

Strengths

The staff identified these as strengths of the strategy: · The concept behind the model used, which reinforced the value in working with family units in this community. There is a possibility of extending STARTTS residential programs in a similar manner · Program incorporated different settlement issues, and provided information for the women to take home · Program provided information to create understanding of the Australian system. · Intensive environment with less distraction or barriers to overcome. It was different from scenarios like weekly or one day sessions. There was time to explore deeper issues · Women had a really good experience getting together · A healing experience · Partnerships, no one service alone could have developed the camp without the partnership · Partnerships with other organisations tapping into skills, resources, strengths of other organisations delivered effectiveness and results. Working with colleagues with a focus on the community · Statewide program’s ability to draw in community from across Area Health Services · Introduced new concept of working in partnerships · Youth team was very experienced in the residential setting · Sierra Leone community has a culture where women and girls are able to go away for a period of time together

Weaknesses

· Site arrangements/site plans · Women not attending but still sent their children · STARTTS provided resources but were not well represented during the planning and the camp. Miscommunication from the STARTTS Representative on the Working Party · Co-ordinator of young people & children’s program, needed to be briefed · Confusion of the role STARTTS counselors were to fulfil at the camp · Evening sessions debriefing camp day

19 · Needed more runners/administrators – list of mobile numbers. People to be free for administration and facilitation · Did not have enough meetings with core people · Expectation of facilitating groups

Overall the weaknesses comprised organisational glitches, which provided lessons on what would need to be improved at subsequent camps.

Opportunities

· Useful time to be in contact with community · Reinforced need for a camp · Establish a way of working with emerging communities · Linkages for help and assistance · Reinforced for STARTTS to run more family camps · Way of working with several service providers · Working with young people and children · To practice a module of Families In Cultural Transition (FICT) program in the camp program – as demonstrated by the FGM Program

Threats

· Difficult to work independently with four groups in one location · Ratio of workers to children duty of care concerns · STARTTS staff came with assumptions and expectations that were never communicated to the camp working party · The camp program was a touch too ambitious program with limited staff

Lessons

The perspective of the major partner’s, was that this camp posed challenges as it was the first time such a strategy had been embarked on for African refugee women in Australia, however, these are the things that worked: · Women’s involvement. Having women from the community involved in decision making and hands on planning of this camp provided insights that could have been overlooked and could have created crises. It also enhanced the women’s self esteem and their confidence to negotiate with service providers. · Partnerships were extremely critical. The camp harnessed the skills, resources of other workers and organisations and provided an effective way of working with colleagues to focus on the needs of one community over a specific period of time. · A new way of working for all partners, creating an environment to provide information to women. · The experience and expertise of youth and children’s team in work with residential programs, was invaluable and a real gift to the camp. · Harnessing a cultural practice and adjusting it to suit present circumstances. · Women’s Health Clinic was provided, but a lot of women did not access this service however it was beneficial to those who did.

20 Key Elements for Success

Partnerships Every partner had specific expertise and experience that was crucial to the process. Bringing in these partners to fulfill these functions was essential. Partners also brought resources including in-kind contributions like staff costs.

Family Focus Allowing women to bring their children along decreased anxiety for women and allowed them to relax and participate wholeheartedly in the activities.

Participation of Community The Sierra Leone Women’s Working Party participated in decision-making, planning and implementation. The group of Sierra Leone women, who were involved in the planning and decision-making, acted as cultural interpreters, performing an advisory role and liaising with the community. For example, explaining the purpose and usefulness of the camp to husbands who requested an explanation and to male community leaders. This was critical to the camp’s success. The Sierra Leone women participated in the whole process, and their role in promoting the idea and encouraging attendance was invaluable.

The focus group evaluation session conducted one month after the camp revealed that the Sierra Leone Women's Working Party members were themselves very anxious about the camp, but went ahead to encourage women to join them for the camp, which reinforces their commitment to success in their new environment.

Community Characteristics The Sierra Leone community members who have worked with the Program as well as the women attending the camp were very generous. They were very receptive to suggestions, interested in sharing ideas and in engaging in dialogue. They contributed immensely to the process, making a way for more resources to be given to them and the community.

Respect held for women and their views by the camp convenors. The women’s points of view and suggestions were respected and fully taken on board, resulting in consequent program changes. This was crucial, as disregarding the women’s views and suggestions would have cost the program the whole strategy – women would not have been empowered to perform the role they performed in getting the attendance level achieved. It would have been a case of “they don’t even regard our points of view, why should we follow them?” Respect for communities require genuineness in consultation towards building communities own capacity to pioneer their own issues. It is about: “Giving voice to".

Building pertinent community issues into camp sessions During the course of the year, there had been several issues and conflicts in the community. The police had been called in to many of the cases, several court appearances had occurred. Organisers consequently invited the Community Justice Centre to make presentations at the camp. That session was very well received.

Budgeting This was the most popular session at the camp. It was scheduled as a result of parents expressing concerns about young adults attitude to and ways of using their money.

21 Parents were concerned that these young adults were suddenly earning more than they had ever earned and when the exchange rates were compared to the money earned here, they felt they were getting a very good deal. These young adults were not realizing that their incomes were low by Australian standard of living and that they had a responsibility to paying their bills. Payment of bills and the frequency with which bills arrived in Australia could not be compared with that which pertained overseas. There are harsh consequences for non payment of bills (discontinuation of essential services and evictions). Additionally, young people have easy access to money in Australia as well as lots of goods to choose from, which hampers their discipline with payment of bills and savings. The women themselves have found the frequency of arrival of bills and the timeframe for payments rather overwhelming and were looking for practical ways of dealing with such source of stress. The opportunity to participate in that budgeting session. was of great benefit to whole families. At the debrief evaluation session, women talked about returning home from the camp and collecting all their children's credit cards and cutting them up. Others indicated they have set up practical savings procedures to assist them to meet their payment of utilities bills. Members of the community continue to comment on how the Program gave them a very important tool for living in Australian society.

22 RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendations arising from the lessons learnt include:

1. Venue For further camps/similar activities, explore the use of venues that offer facilities for self catering. Consideration needs to be given to the possibility of provision of culturally appropriate meals. The Sierra Leonean diet is based on rice and leafy green vegetables (potato leaves, cassava leaves) sauces. They would have been content with that for most of the dinners/lunches with a minimal emphasis on other dishes.

2. School Holidays Conduct the camp during school holidays so that more families with children in schools can attend. Even though letters were sent to school principals seeking permission for children to attend, some parents stayed away from the camp because they did not want children missing days of schooling.

3. Separate camps Conduct Youth, Children and Women’s camps as separate events, as the young people particularly felt uncomfortable having to encounter their mothers and other women at every turn.

4. Cultural Appropriateness: Incorporate aspects of culture into the camp activities, such as teaching songs and exchanging cultural knowledge between the groups represented.

5. Free Time The women were looking forward to a lot of free time for relaxation and were disappointed that there were not enough of that available.

23 REFERENCES

http://www.mw.n1/humanrights/html/rape http://www.b2g2.com/boards/board.cgi?action=read&id.html

Family: Religious & Legal systems - West Africa http://www.wagateway.org/themne.htm http://www.eze1.com/temne/ http://www.emergingminds.org/ http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/focus/religion http://www.rnw.nl/humanrights/html/historys1/html http://www.africans-art.com http://www.dafnep.de/fgm_in_sierra_leone.html http://www.worldpress.org/profiles/sierra_leone.cfm http://www.afrol.categories/women/profiles/sierraleonewomen.htm http:/www.dafnep.de/fgm_in_sierra_leone.html http://www.state.gov/g/wi/rls/rep/crfgm/10108.htm http://www.elcsl.info/damba_koroma.htm http://www.flw.com/languages/krio.htm www.womenwagingpeace.net/content/articles/Slfullcasestudy.pdf http://hrw.org/reports/2003/sierraleone/sierleon0103-05.htm http://www.c-r.org/accord/s-leone/accord9/women.shtml

24 APPENDIX 1

Sierra Leone – A Short History

A snapshot

When God created the world, He endowed the country with such a wealth of natural resources that the angels protested. “Oh that’s nothing”, God said. “Just wait and see the people I have put there.”

- Sierra Leonean joke, The Rough Guide

That is supposed to be a joke but in my opinion, it could not have been more true, as the people from Sierra Leone who I have encountered in my work in Australia can be described as nothing but beautiful (Nkrumah, J. 2004).

Their gracious and teachable manner has gone a long way to assist in working with them to achieve effective resettlement. One reason for the success of the Sierra Leone Reference Group process was the capacities that the community brought to the process.

The People of Sierra Leone

The estimated population of Sierra Leone in 2001 was 5,426,618, yielding an overall population density of 76 persons per sq km (196 per sq mi). Sierra Leone has a high annual population growth rate of 3.6 percent (2001). , the capital, is the largest city. Other major towns include Kenema and Bo, both in the southern interior. There are about 18 ethnic groups that exhibit similar cultural features, such as separate male and female secret societies, chieftaincy, patrilineal descent, and farming methods. The Mende (30%), found in the east and south, and the Temne (30%) in the north form the two largest groups. Other major groups include the Limba (10%), Kuranko, Susu, Yalunka, and Loko, in the north; the Kono and Kissi, in the east; and the Sherbro, in the southwest. Minor groups include the coastal Bullom, Vai, and Krim. The Fulani and Malinke (Mandingo), who are immigrants from concentrated in the north and east. The Creoles—descendants of free blacks who colonized the coast in the 19th century—are found mainly in the Western Area and Freetown. Ethnic complexity is further enhanced by the presence of Lebanese and Indian traders in urban centres. In the past, Sierra Leoneans were noted for their educational achievements, trading activity, entrepreneurial skills, and arts and crafts work, particularly woodcarving. However, the level of education and infrastructure has declined sharply over the last 30 years

25

Languages in Sierra Leone

English is the official language with regular use limited to the literate minority.

Krio is the lingua franca. The first language of the Creoles but understood by 95% of the population.

Mende – principal vernacular in the south

Temne – principal vernacular in the north. Other languages include: Limba, Kono, Susu, Kissi, Kuranko, Fula and Mandingo

Brief History

Sierra Leone’s recent history begins in the late 18th Century when the 1st freed slaves from Britain arrived in Freetown.

In 1808, Sierra Leone became a British Crown Colony even though the indigenous communities had had prolonged (centuries) contact with the Portuguese through what is called "The Silent Trade", in which items from one side were bartered or exchanged for equivalent items from the other side, by tacit agreement or consent, because of language problem.

Sierra Leone gained independence from Britain in 1961 and became a republic in 1971. 1991 saw the beginning of a civil unrest that was to escalate into one of the “most heinous wars of this century”. This war had a severe impact on all civilians, with women and children being the most exposed victims to violence. They became the principal war victims subjected to rape, sexual slavery, forced labour, torture, mutilation and forced recruitment.

26 Impact of War in Sierra Leone

“The crimes committed by rebel forces have been of a particularly heinous nature”

In May, 2001, the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan described the situation in the Mano River Union Countries of West Africa – Sierra Leone, Guinea and , as “one of the most serious humanitarian and political crisis facing the international community today”.

The war in Sierra Leone started in March 1991 with a rebellion against the Freetown government. This escalated into a protracted conflict in which Sierra Leoneans were subjected to extreme human rights abuses resulting in many deaths and more than one million refugees and internally displaced persons. At the peak of the war, Guinea absorbed over 700,000 refugees.

Defining characteristics of this conflict included mass displacement of the population – more than 3,000 communities destroyed (including burning of whole villages) at the height of the hostilities. This resulted in half of the population of 5 million fleeing from their homes. Some people fled to neighbouring countries – Guinea, , and Cote d’Ivoire. Over 400,000 were internally displaced. At least 55% of these were women and girls. The war had a specific toll on women and girls as they were the target of gender based violence, including rape, sexual violence, abductions and sexual slavery. Gender based violence was a deliberate tactic of this war. Christine Thorpe, Coordinator of FAWE (Forum of African Women Educationists) has noted that ‘sexual violation was one of the instruments of the war’.

Many commentators on this war have noted that ‘among other things, Sierra Leone women suffered torture, rape, forced prostitution, sexual slavery (junta ration and RUF wives).

The result is reflected in, a psychological assessment, which has indicated that women have exhibited acute signs of distress in all the four spheres: physical, psychological, cognitive, emotional and behavioural.

The war was officially declared ended on 18th January, 2002. Elections in held in May 2002 provided President Tegan Kabbah a 5 year term.

Religion

Different writers provide different religious distributions for the community, but in general, Traditional religion and Islam tend to be the most popular religions

There are indications that Islam is practiced by 30%to 60% of the population, Traditional religion by 30% to 60% of the population and Christianity by 8%to 10% of the population.

27 Cultural Aspects

The obvious cultural aspects of Sierra Leone society include music, dancing, art and proverbs and women and men's secret societies.

Sierra Leoneans have dancing as an outstanding feature of their cultural life. The Sierra Leone Dance Troupe has enjoyed international acclaim. The troupe has been disseminated by the war and some members are resettled refugees in Australia.

Musical instruments include drums, wooden lylophone (balaphones) and various stringed instruments.

Sierra Leoneans also have wooden masks which are symbols of the secret societies. Poro for secret men’s society and Bondo/Sande for secret women’s society.

Ivory figures carved by the Sherbro, Bullom & were items of exchange between the indigenous people of the coast of Sierra Leone and the Portuguese during the 16th century. The Mendes and Konos weave the mud cloth, also called the country cloth. For the Mende the country cloth play an important part in their cultural value for extending hospitality to all strangers. The Kurankos make dye cloth from red and orange dyes.

Each ethnic group has its own characteristics. Specifically, the Mende and Themne love to be educated but keep a strong sense of culture especially in traditional songs. The Krios were favoured by the colonialists into elite positions. They perceive themselves to be above everyone. Given to education, yet holding strongly to their culture their music - gumbey and hunting (the hunting devil dance is a highlight in Krio society).

All the ethnic groups are given to hospitality, but the Kono people are the most hospitable. People from other parts of Sierra Leone, other West African states and others including the Middle East have made their homes in the .

All the ethnic groups are patriarchal, however, among the Mende, women can become chiefs.

Proverbs form a very important part of the culture. In the local Krio they are called “parables”. They give poignant expressions to deep seated values that guide the lives of people in the Society. As in most West African nations, proverbs serve as ways of conveying the societies values and beliefs.

There are a few Krio proverbs listed in APPENDIX 6 for information.

Women In Sierra Leone

This is a brief overview of the role and status of women from Sierra Leone. It does not pretend to generalise for all Sierra Leonean women. Sierra Leone is a patriarchal society, in which polygamy is rife. Under customary law, a man can marry as many wives as he wishes and under Islamic law, men are restricted to marrying up to four wives. Women are excluded from politics and public decision making, and occupy a low status. A married woman's position under customary law is comparable to that of a minor, her status increasing within the polygamous household and society only by the

28 number of children she bears. A woman is generally represented by her husband who has the right to prosecute and defend her actions on his spouse's behalf.

Women as chattels

Among all ethnic groups in Sierra Leone, the parents or relatives of the bridegroom pay a bride price to the parents and relatives of the bride, in the form of money or livestock. Girls are therefore contracted through arranged marriages without their consent in order for the family to gain access to the bride price. This explains the low level of education among women, as women can be withdrawn from education by the family into arranged marriages. There is also the practice of men sponsoring girls from birth (paying their school fees, clothes etc.) so they can marry her after she has been to the Bundo bush. This is one factor which can explain the very high rate of early marriages. A girl is considered marriageable once her breasts have developed, her periods began and she has been to the Bundo bush for her initiation.

Women and the Economy

In rural communities women primarily engage in subsistence farming (women constitute 80% of the labor that produces 70% of the nation's food), http://hrw.org/reports/2003/sierraleone/sierleon0103-05.htm Regardless of their role in food production, women under communal and family land holding systems can use the land for subsistence farming but the control and management of the land and any property on it is vested in the male head of the family. Under this arrangement, women are dependent on their husbands to provide accommodation and clothes whilst they provide the food for the household.

Women tend to rely on traditional sources of credit such as rotating savings. This provides only small loans, however it provides a way for women to generate some capital for various activities and links them with other women in the community.

In urban areas, few women are represented in better remunerated professional or managerial jobs. In the formal sector, women constitute 40%of the clerical staff and 8%of the administrative and managerial cadre.

Women in urban areas, are often given a lump sum of money by their husbands, to start small businesses often petty trading. Most women in the informal sector are involved in petty trading, soap making and tie-dying. The wife is often expected to pay back the loan in full if the business was to fail. This is another way of creating dependency of women on their husbands.

Fishing communities operate on a clear social division of labor where the women are housewives and processors and traders of fish. They run the home and manage the family enterprise, and thus are able to influence business decisions. They are able to make decisions, and act to a large extent independently of their husbands. They also have separate budgets.

Decision Making

Women in Sierra Leone were granted the right to vote in 1961. Women's political participation has increased with 18 female parliamentarians out of 112 parliamentarians

29 and 3 female ministers and three female deputy ministers. This picture reflects the change in the role and position of women in Sierra Leone society. Recent trends show that women have reached an awareness of their rights and are prepared to assert it within the family and within the wider society. This could be due to increasing willingness of parents to have girls continue their education and gain tertiary qualifications. Other factors include the proliferation of women's NGOs, some of which are funded by international NGOs in Sierra Leone. The other factor is that patriarchy hides the important role women play in their families.

In traditional society, older women play the role of advisors and are consulted before decisions are made, and in most cases decisions made are based on their advice. The role of women in their households is also reflected in the popular saying "in waif, na in dey control am" literally meaning his wife controls him. This is not said of hen pecked men but of men who consult with their wives in decision making.

Patriarchy tends to portray women as docile victims of their position and status. However women's lives reveal the contrary. They have strength and develop agency. Traditionally women responded to their cultural and social exclusion as well as low status by forming voluntary groups focused on the advancement of the status of women. These came through their membership of the Bundo society. Through this society, women are able to gain collective strength and agency. This is revealed in the fact that since independence, most politicians have wooed the Bundo society instead of taking any action to upset the Bundo society. The Bundo society is wooed by all political parties in order to secure votes, and so Sierra Leone remains one of the few countries that have no legislation banning FGM.

Women have also effectively employed modern and traditional tactics of protest to force an end to the war. "From combat to community: Women and Girls in Sierra Leone www.womenwagingpeace.net/content/articles/Slfullcasestudy.pdf".

30 APPENDIX 2

FGM in Sierra Leone

Sierra Leone is one of the countries with a very high prevalence of FGM. According to prevalence rates researched by Toubia (1999) Sierra Leone has a 90% rate of prevalence, and only Type II (Excision) FGM is practiced in Sierra Leone.

With the exception of the Krios, FGM is practiced among women of all the ethnic groups in Sierra Leone. FGM is part of a number of rituals marking the transformation from childhood to adulthood (from a girl to a woman).

This initiation involves a number of rituals that cover all the areas of one’s life, mainly: spirit, mind and body. It is bound up in the community’s (especially the Mende, Themne) concept of Beauty which is manifested within one’s spirit, mind and body.

The Secret Societies provide the context for the practice of FGM. They act as the social regulators of the ethnic groups that have them. The Sande (the secret society) is responsible for the definition and enforcement of social norms, and for the education and initiation of young women into the society.

“Every woman that expects to be a wife, mother and active member of the community must be a part of the Sande and thus must have gone through the process of initiation!” Pickett (2003).

Process of Initiation

Becoming a member of the “society”: Girls aged between 10 yrs and 12 yrs are secluded in a secret place in the forest (called Bundo forest) for a period of 3 to 4 months. In this sacred and revered environment, girls are led and trained in matters designed to enhance their potential as wives, mothers and members of the community. During this period which girls call Sande School the girls learn the myths, history of their people, ethics, herbal medicine, singing, dancing and arts and crafts. The curriculum also included teaching the girls how to carry themselves with elegance, grace, beauty and refinement (finesse). It is during this time that they are also circumcised.

A Themne (Temne) Girl’s Testimony about the process:

“When I was 10, I went to live in the forest for 6 months at a special bush school conducted by the Bondo Secret Society for Women. I learned Themne customs, like how to make a powerful charm out of a cigarette container, how to respect the devil and put a curse on someone, and how to be a good Themne wife. I was circumcised as part of the training, although I prefer to call it female mutilation because of the pain I still suffer as a result”(Isatu – April 2003).

31 The head of the Secret Society is called the Sowei, and is thought to be responsible for all fertility and the protector of all women and children, known to be imbued with magical powers and power to communicate with Ngafa for protection and fertility. The concept of beauty is also strongly connected to the secret society

A Sowo Mask

The Sowo mask worn by the Sowei during the initiation ceremonies symbolizes the concept of beauty in societies that have them, as well as the spiritual authority of the wearer, (the Sowei).

The Sowo mask symbolises the society’s values and the power, prestige and respect as well as strength of the women in the Sande/Bondo society. It is the symbol of the idealised standard of beauty shared by many ethnic groups in West Africa, notably the Mende & Themne in Sierra Leone. The mask is used in the practices and rituals of the secret society of Sande (Bundo). Ninety percent of women in Sierra Leone belong to this secret society. The society (Sande/Bundo) defines and maintains the women’s roles and responsibilities.

“Beauty is more than just physical manifestations that are visually

pleasing, but rather a testimony to spirituality and human survival”

The Sierra Leone women's concept of the beauty of the woman lies in her ability to think, bring life, nurture and be spiritual. This concept is reflected in the Sowo mask.

· Glossy & black symbolizing youthfulness and good health. The desire and adore very dark skin as it is perceived to reflect light. · The ringed or segmented neck is a sign of full-bodiness, good health, wealth and status. · The ears, nose, mouth of the mask – symbolic of the morals valued by the community.

1. No gossip 2. Ears that cannot be tempted by bribery, swayed by lies, pains or pleasure 3. Closed ear – detachment, integrity and truth.

32 4. Eyes – truth is seen and revealed through the eyes. 5. The forehead – broad and smooth signifies contemplativeness and restraint, represents wisdom and the importance of the mind in Mende society. 6. Hairstyle – symbol of beauty power and grandeur. Demonstrates cosmetic skill and feminine sexuality,

Therefore the mask and the ceremonies associated with it signify the total being, the essence and spirit of the woman. These are the symbols of the most important cultural attributes of Sierra Leone women. Their attainment is closely tied to the initiation process that involves the practice of female circumcision. An understanding of such dynamics leads to an understanding of the capacity of the Sierra Leone women for survival and growth under different circumstances. It also provides an understanding of their role as nurturers and custodians of culture.

Working to prevent the practice of female circumcision in the Sierra Leone community would require demonstrating respect for these values.

FGM in Modern Society in Sierra Leone

One would think that these are pre-colonial structures that would disappear with colonisation, which is supposed to have delivered civilization. The secret societies continue to operate and have reinvented themselves in modern society. Some occurrences in modern society reveals that the Sowei still continue to wield a lot of power.

“Anybody who does not respect our society (Bondo/Sande) does not respect women. Nobody is a full woman who has not joined Bondo, for it is in the Bondo ‘bush’ that women are truly taught how to respect themselves, their bodies and their partners!” (Maria Hawa Feika, a respected initiator in the South)

Sierra Leone is one of the countries in West Africa that still has no legislation against FGM. Legislating against FGM has not been raised in Government deliberations. Attempts by intellectuals, and rights activists to stir up debate on FGM, have met with stiff resistance from supporters of the Bondo society. There is still a taboo on the public discussion of Bondo.

FGM is a point of passionate political action. In May, 2001, the sole woman candidate for presidency complained an attack on her by members of an opposition party. The opposition’s response was that angry Bondo women chased her out of the area (Kenema) as she is said to be opposed to the practice of FGM. It is reported that many politicians since 1961 have preferred to court, rather than offend the Bondo society.

Such information creates some real challenges for working with the Sierra Leone women in Australia. Challenges that can only be dealt with by respecting and valuing the culture. The camp served as an overture to the community. The follow up camp planned for 2005 will seek to address these challenges.

33 Table 2: Prevalence, Type & Terms for FGM in Sierra-Leone

Prevalence Type Language Translation Meaning

Temne, Initiation/training as an 90% Type II Limba Bondo* integral part of transition

Excision into adulthood. Mende Participants are considered Sherbro Sowie** initiated once they have

been circumcised. Soussou Mandingo Sunna

*,** Bondo and Sowie: Powerful women’s secret societies that promotes and carry out traditional genital cutting.

Reference: http:/www.dafnep.de/fgm_in_sierra_leone.html

FGM & Spirituality

The foreigner (the person outside the FGM practicing community and specifically the Westerner) considers FGM as a physical operation that results in mutilation and adverse physical health effects for women and girls affected by it. However, for practicing communities, it is tied to the “soul” of the society.

The issue of women’s space which was explored for this camp has its basis in traditional social institutions prior to the arrival of colonialism.

Principles of gender complimentarity which operated in Sierra Leone traditional society, allowed each gender to manage its own affairs and to have their own gods and deities. Gender complimentarity is demonstrated in the variety of secret societies of men and women in Liberia and Sierra Leone.

The Kpelle in Liberia, Mende in Sierra Leone have the Sande Societies for women. These secret societies also called Bondo among the Themne in Sierra Leone, regulate social, political, legal and economic life. Women in most of these societies with the exception of areas of northern , , and Niger, could play specific and important roles in government, culture and politics, and they acted to protect their interests in society!

Sylvia Boone (1986) describes it as “a socially consolidating force” and “religion with the power to make life good and to inspire the highest aspiration among its members”.

The Sande represented law, order and God, its powers derived from the association with spirits and other religious manifestations. It’s members sought control through ceremony, ritual, meditation, medicine and exclusive contact. (Takyiwaa Manuh: ‘Family: Religions & Legal Systems West Africa’).

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Programs aimed at eradication of FGM are encouraged to confront the socio-cultural context of the practice. This includes gaining understanding of the traditional religious context within which the practice flourishes.

Factors Assisting in Perpetuating FGM in Sierra Leone

As FGM is an integral part of a very important social ritual among the indigenous groups in Sierra Leone society, one needs to identify the factors that support the perpetuation of the practice in Sierra Leone. They include:

· Fear - there are many ways in which the whole society is subjected to fear. It is based in mysticism. Men are told from an early age that if they were to speak against the Bondo society, their belly would swell. Initiates are sworn to secrecy with the result of breaking those secrets ranging from banishment to death. The rituals in which the initiates are sworn to secrecy have a deep psychological hold on them into their old age, as it makes it almost impossible to break away from it. · Beliefs - That during their training, the young initiates “die” ritually and are reborn as new human beings. · Benefits - The cultural gift exchange at Bondo time, is a very important social cohesion process. The girls are showered with lots of gifts by almost all their relatives and friends in the village. “Bondo is like debt among our people. When your own family member is part of the society for the season, all the people would give you gifts, for when their own time come(s) to initiate their daughters, they also would expect gifts from all the society.” (http://www.elcsl.info/damba_koroma.htm)

Another benefit is a sense of belonging and protection, which is revealed by the recent action of female child combatants seeking membership in the secret societies as a form of self protection and evidence that they were reintegrating into society. (http://www.state.gov/g/wi/rls/rep/crfgm/10108.htm)

Membership provides access to social, economic and other resource, even in modern society. "Membership in the is highly sought because few opportunities exist for women who have not been initiated into the Sande society." (Protor Galary, 1998).

This clarifies the fact that FGM is a physical operation set within a strong cultural context.

The operation on its own is meaningless, without the other cultural teachings and activities This important point is poignantly articulated by an initiator who learnt about modern performance of the operations in hospitals: she noted - “only a fool like you will put your daughter through that pain without teaching them anything”. (Natural History 8/96. Anthropology. Fear and Hope: In Africa, a Girl Comes of Age)

Even though the pain is fully acknowledged, the other social, spiritual and psychological issues override the physical operation in importance, and thus the maintenance of the practice in Sierra Leone society.

35 APPENDIX 3

Cabaslot Fiesta Women’s Program

Tuesday, 18th February, 2002 10.00 am Pick up at Designated spots 12.00 am Arrival at Meroo - Registration 12.30 – 1.30 pm Lunch 2.00 – 3.30 pm Large Group Housekeeping Program Getting to know you 3.30 – 4.00 pm Afternoon Tea 4.00 – 6.00 pm Women’s Health & Traditions 2 Groups 6.00 – 7.00 pm Dinner 7.00 – 9.30 pm Free Time 9.30 pm Supper

Wednesday, 19th February, 2002

7.00 – 7.30 am Walks 8.00 – 9.00 am Breakfast Session 1 Session 2 9.00 – 10.30 am Dept of School Education Info Session Rights & Responsibilities 10.30 – 11.00 am Morning Tea Session 1 Session 2 11.00 am – 12.30 pm Dept of Housing Info Rights & Responsibilities Session 12.30 – 1.30 pm Lunch 1.30 – 2.00 pm Women’s Health Nurse Massages Yoga 2.00 – 3.30 pm Reflexology Facials Naturopaths 3.30 – 4.00 pm Afternoon Tea 4.00 – 5.30 pm Stress Management Mental Health Session 5.30 – 6.00 pm Free time 6.00 – 7.00 pm Dinner 7.00 – 9.30 pm Woman’s Share with Art Workers 9.30 pm Supper 8.00 – 9.00 am Breakfast

36 Thursday, 20th February, 2002 7.00 – 7.30 am Walks 9.00 – 10.30 am Session 1 Session 2

Budgeting Women’s Health and Working with Money Traditions 10.30 – 11.00 am Morning Tea 11.00 am – 12.30 pm Session 1 Session 2

Budgeting Women’s Health and Traditions 12.30 – 1.30 pm Lunch 1.30 – 2.00 pm Women’s Health Nurse 2.00 – 3.30 pm Positive Parenting and Yoga Child Protection Facials Massages Therapist Naturopaths 3.30 – 4.00 pm Afternoon Tea 4.00 – 5.30 pm Women’s Health talk 5.30 – 6.00 pm Free time 6.00 – 7.00 pm Dinner 7.00 – 9.30 pm Entertainment Youth Presentation Kids Presentation 9.30 pm Supper

Friday, 21st February, 2002 7.00 – 7.30 am Walks 8.00 – 9.00 am Breakfast 9.00 – 10.30 am Closing Ceremony Photo Shoot 10.30 – 11.00 am Morning Tea 11.00 am Leave Meroo

37 APPENDIX 4

Budget:

Item Cost Comment Adult Participants $12,675.00 Children Participants $3,168.00 Child Care costs $1,906.20 Youth Activities $1,858.00 Buses $2,400.00 Driver (Blacktown - Community Transport) Nadia (Arts Worker) $2,520.00 Pay $225.00 at Camp $1,350.00 after transcribing and scripting $945.00 after editing Paula (Arts Worker) $900.00 Pay $225.00 after camp and $675.00 after editing Consultant Fees $1,800.00 Total $27,227.20

In Kind Staff Costs

Estimates Only

4 Senior Health Education Officers @ $1,088 ea $4,352.00 1 Health Services Manager @ 6 hours $222.00 1 Senior Health Education Officer @ 8 hours $272.00 2 x Workers (Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre) $200.00 Youth Workers & STARTTS counsellors $6,000.00

Total $38,273.20

38 APPENDIX 5

Sweet Mother Sweet mother I no go forget you for the suffer wey you suffer for me. Sweet mother I no go forget you for the suffer wey you suffer for me. When I dey cry, my mother go carry me--she go say, my pikin [1] wetin you dey cry ye, ye, stop stop, stop stop make you no cry again oh." When I won sleep, my mother go pet me, she go lie me well well for bed, she cover me cloth, sing me to sleep, "sleep sleep my pikin oh." When I dey hungry, my mother go run up and down. she go find me something when I go chop [2] oh. Sweet mother I no go forget you for the suffer wey you suffer for me

When I dey sick, my mother go cry, cry, cry, she go say instead when I go die make she die. O, she go beg God, "God help me, God help, my pikin oh." If I no sleep, my mother no go sleep, if I no chop, my mother no go chop, she no dey tire oh. Sweet mother I no go forget you, for the suffer wey you suffer for me. You fit get another wife, you fit get another husband, but you fit get another mother? No! And if I forget you, therefore I forget my life and the air I breathe. And then on to you men, forget, verily, forget your mother, for if you forget your mother you've lost your life. From song lyrics by Prince Nico Mbarga, 1976.

Prince Nico Mbarga, born of Nigerian and Cameroonian parents, recorded this highlife song, reportedly one of the biggest African music hits ever. "Tellingly, it is more widely recognized than the Nigerian national anthem," writes literary critic Chikwenye Ogunyemi (African Wo/man Palava, p. 287). "I wish that it were the national anthem, because of its ability to draw people together." [1] pikin - child [2] chop - eat Credits: Prince Nico Mbarga and Rocafil Jazz; record without title. Produced in Nigeria by Roger's All Stars 1976. ASAPLS 6, Decca France 278.159. Available on CD on Aki Special, Ro under Records (1987) CD 11545.

39 APPENDIX 6 Some Krio Proverbs

YU DU MI, A DU YU: MOSES' LAW. You do unto me, I do unto you: Moses' Law. "An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth."

PIKIN WE NOH YEHRI IN MAMA IN WOHD, NA TRIT GO MEHN AM. A child who doesn't listen to its mother will be brought up by the street. A child who is disobedient at home will eventually have to face the consequences of a poor upbringing.

YU FOHDOHN FOH MI, A FOHDOHN FOH YU. You fall for me, I fall for you.

IF YU WUNT OHL, YU DE LOHS OHL. If you Wunt everything, you will lose everything. NOHTO EHVRI DE NA KRISMES. Not every day is Christmas. You can't always get what you Wunt. NIUS NOH GEHT FUT, BOHT I DE WAKA. News has no feet, but it travels. A reference to gossip. AS YU SEHL YUSEHF, NA SO DI WOHL GO BAI YU. As you sell yourself, so the world will buy you. IF YU SABI WAS YU HAN, YU KIN IT WIT BIG PIPUL DEHN. If you know how to wash your hands you can eat with important people. PIKIN WE SE IN MAMA NOH GO SLIP, INSEHF NOH GO SLIP. If a child says his mother won't sleep, he can't sleep either. MAN WE GEHT WUMAN, I BEHTEH PAS PALAMPO. A man with a wife is better off than a bachelor. DI WATA WE YU TEK FOH WAS, NOHTO OHL DE GO PAN YU. (Kono) Not all the water you take to wash goes on you. You don't get credit for everything you do.

EHMTI BOHKIT, NA-IN DE MEK PLEHNTI NOIS. (Mende) An empty bucket makes a lot of noise. "An empty vessel makes the most noise."

WUN TIK NOH DE MEK FOHREHST. (Mende) One tree doesn't make a forest.

WUN HAN NOH DE TAI BOHNDUL. You can't tie a bundle with one hand.

AIEHN NOH DE HOHT WE DEHN NOH PUT AM NA FAIA. Iron doesn't get hot if they don't put it in the fire.

GIAL PIKIN NOH GO NO SE I MARED TETE IN MAMA DAI. A girl doesn't realize that she's married until her mother dies.

UDAT TREDIN WIT GOHD NOHBA LOHS. He who trades with God never loses.

40 APPENDIX 7

Services for Sierra Leone Community

A CSSS worker based at Blacktown Migrant Resource Centre operating in 3 different locations: BMRC, Bankstown Community Aid and Canterbury Bankstown MRC.

A weekly radio program operating out of Radio 2SER

Sierra Leone Community Newsletter

Sierra Leone Youth Group

Friends Of Sierra Leone

Sierra Leone Association Cultural Group

Sierra Leone Association

Sierra Leone Women’s Wun Word Inc.

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