•MSTITUTE AFRICANOFSTUDHE

FOURAH BAY COLLEGE _

UNIVERSITY OF SIERRA LEONE 23 JUW «75

TRICANA

JLLETIN

FORMER FOURAH BAY COLLEGE CLINETOWN, FREETOWN.

Vol. Ill No. 2 Session 1972-73 JANUARY 1973

Sditor: J. G. EDOWU HYDE

Asst. Editor: J. A. :>. BL/.1R

AFRICAI'!A RESEARCH BULLETIN

CONTENTS

Page INTRODUCTION J. G." Edowu Hyde 1

1. ARTICLES

Migration into a Small Temne Town in Central Sierra Leone

...a.oo.o.o... o.o....0.0. L. Ro MlllS 3

A Brief History of Nimikoro Chiefdom, Kono District

• Sahr Matturi 28

2. RESEARCH NOTE

Mende Influence on Kono

...... Arthur Abraham 44

3. NEWS ITEMS

Research Report on Customary Family Law Project

...... Barbara E. Harrell-Bond 47

Notes for the Guidance of Visiting Research Scholars 53

Current Research at Fourah Bay College 58 INTRODUCTION

The Bulletin opens with an article "by Dr» L. R. Mills on migration into a small town in Bierra Leone it is the result of his association with an inter¬ disciplinary research team, the Kono Road Project, Institute of African Studies, studying the effects of a new major road. In a detailed study of immi¬ grants Dr. Mills has determined' their character¬ istics as well as the reasons for migration into the town, Matotoka. The origins of the migrants have been furnished both by a map and a table.

Above all, he has used the study to test hypotheses developed by Ravenstein in the late nineteenth century and based largely on research in Europe and North America. Dr. Mills, who is a member of the United Nations Demographic Unit, Fourah Bay College is on secondment from the University of Durham.

We are pleased to include in this issue an histori¬ cal contribution by Mr. Sahr Matturi, Chiefdom Speaker of Nimikoro Chiefdom, Kono District, Eastern Province. This history of the Kono spans the period of the Slave Trade to the present day. We follow the changing fortunes of the Kono from the time they are forced to leave their homeland by Mende slave raiders to their sojourn among the Koranko and their eventual return. Mr. Matturi has provided interesting accounts of the leaders who helped to shape the course of Kono history. He also mentions the influence of the missions and the mixed blessing that the diamond industry has proved.

Mr. Arthur Abraham of the Department of Modern History has provided a Note on Mende Influence on Kono which complements Mr. Matturi's history. We are also grateful for the footnotes he furnished.

Dr. Barbara Harrell-Bond reports on the Customary Family Law Project sponsored by the Afrika-Gtudie- centrum, Leiden. The project covered a socio- legal study of customary law and data was collected in Freetown, Bo and Makeni. One important fact revealed by the research is the complex nature of the problem and the urgent need for reform. We note that the researchers will be submitting a report of their findings to the Government of Sierra Leone.

Also in this issue we publish a useful guide for prospective research scholars.

Finally, the Editors wish to record their thanks to Mrs. Delia Carpenter of the Institute for typing the manuscripts.

J. G. Edowu Hyde Editor ARTICLES

MIGRATION INTO A SMALL TEMNE TOWN IN

CENTRAL SIERRA LEONE

L. R. Mills Demographic Unit University of Sierra Leone

This study is focused on Matotoka, a small chiefdom townl almost in the geographical centre of Sierra Leone. Situated 14-0 miles east of the capital, Freetown, it is found at the western extremity of eighty miles of recently completed surfaced road which leads to Koidu in Kono District. As part of an inter-disciplinary study2 of the effects of this major new road a survey of the population of Matotoka was undertaken in 19721- 2 It was found that in eleven years the town had almost tripled in size and that much of the increase was the result of in-migration. In April 1961 there had been a resident population of 591 persons .4- By May 1972 this figure had risen to exactly 1,7005 and at least 40% of this total had moved into the town from out¬ side. Three-quarters of these immigrants had arrived since 1961 and half in the five years pre¬ ce eding the 1972 survey.

To the casual visitor this rather sleepy town sug¬ gests little reason why growth should have been so rapid, why so many of its population should be immigrants or why so many of these people should have arrived in the last few years. The town pos¬ sesses a primary school which serves the surrounding area, but this is no new attraction having been established in 1947. The major new road, con¬ structed as part of a national road-building pro¬ gramme, reached the town five years ago although there had been a little-improved road along part of its route since the 1940's. The settlement is largely agricultural and has only a limited urban function. In and around the town there is no

3. industry or any other activity which might account for a substantial influx of people into the settle¬ ment. Such a situation, therefore, deserved further investigation and this was undertaken by interviewing all immigrants aged ten years and above who were resident in the town. An attempt has thus been made in this paper initially to determine the major characteristics of the immi¬ grants. An enquiry has also been made into the reasons for moving to Matotoka as well as the origins of,and distances travelled by, the migrants.

As well as building up a general picture of the character and patterns of migration in relation to this one small town the present study has also been used to determine how the patterns perceived corres¬ pond with those of migration in general. An attempt has been made to measure how far the charac¬ teristics of this isolated case-study in a develop¬ ing country coincide with some of the general hypo¬ theses in migration theory - itself largely a product of studies in Europe and North America. Empirical work on migration in developing countries has been sparse and any ventures into theory even more limited^.

For migration in general, whether one considers the ideas of Ravenstein7 in the late nineteeenth century or more recent work such as that of Bogue and Hagood8 or Lee,9 there is little variance in the main generalizations and much of the later work reflects the original work of Ravenstein. As Lee points out, Ravenstein's "papers have stood the test of time and remain the starting point for work in migration theory".10 Whilst he has "been much quoted and occasionally challenged few additional generalizations have been advanced"'.'^''

Not all Ravenstein's ideas can be applied to migra¬ tion into a single centre such as Matotoka. Those that have been considered, however, include the motives behind movement, distances covered, the stages of migration, and fourthly, technology as a factor in increasing migration. A further hypo¬ theses, developed by Lee from Ravenstein's work,

4. and which is applicable both to this topic and to the data available, propounds the selectivity of migration. This last topic will be considered first.

Migration, according to Lee, is selective: migrants do not form a random sample of the area- of-origin population. By sex, for example, the general hypothesis is that females predominate where short-distance movements are involved, whilst with respect to age, there is a heightened propen¬ sity to migrate at certain stages of the life cycle.

As a motive behind movement, economic factors are considered to play a dominant role. Of all types of migration none, according to Ravenstein, can compare in volume with that which arises from the wish of most people to "better themselves" materially.

With regard to the length of movements Ravenstein indicates that "the great body of ... migrants only proceed a short distance".12 This hypotheses is further developed by indicating that movement takes place in stages producing a general shifting or displacement of the population and producing "currents of migration" in the direction of the great centres of commerce and industry. Such move¬ ment to the towns leaves gaps in the population of rural districts. The possibility of such a pattern of 'replacement' step-migration in Sierra Leone has already been indicated by Forde and Harvey.^5 Residents of an intermediate central place like Matotoka could perhaps move on to larger centres leaving their functional niche to be filled by immigrants from smaller localities in the surround¬ ing area.

The last hypothesis to be considered involves trends in migration and stipulates technology as a factor in increasing such movement. Increasing technology plays an important role in reducing the problem of intervening obstacles. Communica¬ tions become easier and transport relative to incomes becomes cheaper, lhe new road constructed as far as Matotoka would therefore appear to be en important factor in any increase in recent migra¬ tion into the town.

The Immigrants

To test the hypothesis of migration selectivity the population characteristics considered included sex, age, ethnic group, religion, education, employ¬ ment, occupation and house ownership.

Of the 1,283 inhabitants in Matotoka aged ten years and above, 495 (38%) had not been born in the town. Of this number, 287 were women giving a sex ratio of 73 (males per 100 females). This figure com¬ pares with a sex ratio of 97 for the 1972 resident population as a whole and 116 for the Matotoka- born inhabitants of the same age.

As a whole the immigrants were young - slightly more than 60% were below thirty years old at the time of interview. Immigrants were found in all age groups but were concentrated more in the 20-50 years cohorts than the Matotoka-born: 55% of the immigrants were in this age group compared with 43% of the indigenous population. The age struc¬ ture of the immigrants (above ten years) in relation to the total population and the Matotoka-born element is given in Table 1 and depicted in Figure 1.

Probably of more importance in respect of age in an immigrant population is the age at which the migration actually took place. For the in immigrants Matotoka this is given in Table 2. Amost 80% of all migrations into the town were undertaken when migrants were below the age of thirty; 16% below the age of ten, 35% between ten and nineteen and 27% between twenty and twenty-nine years. With the men the largest single percentage (29%) was for the 20-29 years cohort. The female immi¬ grants, however, were heavily concentrated in the 10-19 age group when over 40% of the moves were undertaken. This reflects the importance of marri¬ age as a motive behind migration in this age group. 6. THE IMMIGRANT ELEMENT IN MA TO TO K A POPULATION

MALES FEMALES

T " r—T—T— 240 200 120 160 200 240 PERSONS PERSONS Immigrants Matotoka-born

Estimate I

Of the 1,283 inhabitants interviewed all but eighty- five were Temne, i.e. 93%• ^hus most of the 500 or so immigrants were of that tribe. However, of the eighty-five people from nine other tribes, sixty-six had not been born in the town and the remainder were children of immigrants. After Temne, who formed 87% of the incomers, Limba (5%) and Foulah (2%) were the next most important groiips. Most of the Limba were women and this reflects intermarriage with the Temne. All the ïoulah were men and were often traders married to Temne women.

As with the population as a whole most immigrants were of the Muslim faith. Seventy-five percent of them belonged to that religion. In the older age groups percentages were higher (92% for those aged above seventy years), whilst below twenty years only 60% were Muslim. This is largely a result of the Christian school in Matotoka leading to the conversion to Christianity of some of the younger generation.

As regards education the immigrants were found similar in status to the population as a whole. Most (78% as opposed to 72% of the total popula¬ tion) had never been to school. However, a larger percentage (15% compared with 7%) had attended school at some previous time. This is largely because the group of higher educated people (teachers, for example) were immigrants. Only 6% of the immigrants were found attending school at the time of the survey and this compares with more than 20% for the population as a whole. This small percentage is due to the relatively small proportion of immigrants in the 10-19 age group. Comparing this age group for both immigrants and the total population, it was found that both had 62% attending school.

In the field of employment, the survey figures gave an initial impression of a distinct differ¬ ence between the immigrants and the population as a whole. With the women, whether immigrants or not, few had a job apart from their work in the home or on the farm. With the men, however, 73%

8. of the immigrants described themselves as employed compared with 53% of the total male population. On enquiring as to the reason for having no job a further 16% of the immigrants and 25% of the total males indicated that they were still at school. Thus 11% of the immigrants were not employed or at school compared with 22% of all the males. Therefore, while the differences are not as great as might initially appear, it cannot be said that the groups of unemployed are largely the product of immigration. Of those immigrants unemployed, however, almost all gave "cannot get a job" as the reason, whilst for the male population as a whole, being retired, disabled, or other reasons were also important.

When comparing the occupations of immigrants vis- à-vis the population as a whole various differences could be observed. With the 150 or so male immi¬ grants in employment farming was the most import¬ ant occupation involving 30% of their number. Such a percentage is considerably lower than for the employed males as a whole. The occupations where the immigrants were relatively more numerous were found especially in trade, skilled and un¬ skilled work. Almost 20% of the employed male immigrants were involved in trade. The carpenter and metal workers had migrated from outside settle¬ ments and some of the unskilled farm labour had come from nearby villages.

On an income basis, employed immigrants appeared slightly "better off". Although the very highest incomes went to Matotoka-born, the mean income of the immigrants was certainly higher (in cash terms) than that of the indigenous people. Whilst 4-0% of the males as a whole received incomes exceeding Le25.00 per month, more than 55% of the male immigrants received amounts greater than this sum.

In the sphere of house ownership, immigrant house¬ hold heads were usually in their own houses but at the same time those people who rented accommo¬ dation were largely newcomers to the town. Of

9. those people indicating that they owned the house in which they lived, very nearly half were immi¬ grants. Of the fifty-four people each renting one or two rooms in the town, forty-one had not been born in the settlement.

In relation to the hypothesis that migration is selective the Matotoka data thus confirms ade¬ quately the ideas of such writers as Ravenstein and Lee. By Sex the immigrants were predominantly women and almost all the migrants were below the age of thirty years at the time of their move. With religion and education there were not such great distinctions between the immigrant and the Matotoka-born populations.

Reasons for Immigration

The dominant motive behind migration according to Ravenstein is economic and the desire to better oneself. For the migrants of Matotoka the main reasons for moving had been marriage, to take up a new job, to look for work, to go to school or having moved with household.

The most important single reason for females to move to the town was marriage: 56% of all female migrants had come to join their husbands. Accom¬ panying the rest of the household was the next most important reason (13%) for the females, whilst 7% had moved in order to attend the Seventh Day Adventi'st primary school. To take up a new job or to look for work were relatively unimportant specific reasons and less than 2% of the females had moved because of such. More than 20% of the women immigrants gave reasons other than the five already indicated. These included separation or divorce, to give birth, to visit parents or to participate in the activities of the Bundu Society.

Amongst the males, employment (or lack of it) was the overriding cause of movement. Twenty percent had come to the town in search of work whilst a further 14% had arrived to take up a new job. Schooling was a more important attraction with the

10 males than with the females, and 11% of the male immigrants had come to attend the S.D.A. School. Ten percent had moved with their household and only 2% indicated that they had come to Matotoka to join their wives or to marry. The males gave a much wider variety of reasons for moving into Matotoka than did the females. More than 40% gave reasons other than the five already listed and these ranged from coming to the town as rice buyers to moving in order to farm in the area. Some gave "suffering from leprosy" or "blindness" as a reason and their move had been made in an attempt to receive medical attention or some other form of treatment. Other people were visiting relatives or were in the town for such family reasons as a funeral or wedding.

In all age groups the most important reason for female moves was marriage or joining a husband in Matotoka. Amongst the younger age groups, and especially below the age of twenty, schooling or a move with the household were important reasons. Amongst the men the. search for work was generally the most important reason throughout all age groups except for the 10-19 cohort when schooling was the dominant factor.

In relation to the motives behind moving to Matotoka the theories of Ravenstein cannot be applied to the total body of immigrants. Accord¬ ing to him, "bad or oppressive laws, heavy taxa¬ tion, an unattractive climate, uncongenial social surroundings, and even compulsion (slave trade, transportation) all have produced and are still producing currents of migration, but none of these currents can compare in volume with that which arises from the desire inherent in most men to "better" themselves in material respects".^ With regard to Matotoka, however, it has been shown that such a statement could only apply to the male immigrants, amongst whom the desire to improve themselves either by taking up a new job or look¬ ing for work or, more indirectly, by attending school was by far the dominant motive behind moving. With the female immigrants, on the other

11. hand, more than half had moved in connection with their marriage or to join their husband. Moves related to work or acquiring it were relatively insignificant.

Origin of Immigrants

This section deals with the distances covered by the immigrants when they moved to Matotoka and considers the validity of the hypothesis that most migrations occur over short distances. Of the people moving to Matotoka the majority appear to have originated from nearby villages. More than 80% of the responding immigrants stated that their move had been shorter than fifty miles and more than 60% had moved less than twenty miles. Almost all the immigrants came from Tane Chiefdom, of which Matotoka is the headquarters, and from five adjacent chiefdoms (see Figure 2j. All these chiefdoms are in Tonkolili District and together supplied almost 70% of the inflow - nearly 40% coming from Tane Chiefdom alone. Outside this area migrants came from a scatter of other chief¬ doms in all parts of the country and sometimes considerably distant. Relatively small but signi¬ ficant numbers came from Wara Wara Yagala Chief¬ dom (5%) in the north of Sierra Leone, from Kafu Bullom in the west (3%) and Kakua in the south (2%). The numbers of immigrants by chiefdom of origin are indicated in Table 3.

The longer migrations appear to have been under¬ taken more by members of older age groups, possibly the moves having been made some time ago, and by the males. Of the immigrants aged between fifty and seventy years, for example, approximately 40% had travelled more than fifty miles. For migrants below these ages the equivalent figures were below 20%. Some of the longer distance movement can be explained by specific economic motives: a good number of the older migrants had moved to Matotoka during the gold rush of the 1930's. Factors encouraging movement in the younger age groups were not solely economic, but also included education and marriage - and these generally

12. involved considerably shorter-distance moves. From the settlements within Tane Chiefdom there were almost equal numbers of male and female immigrants in Matotoka and from the adjacent chiefdoms the females predominated. From areas further afield, however, the males were in distinctly greater numbers and such a situation is clearly seen in Figure 2.

The two hypotheses in relation to migration and distance state that most migrants move only short distances and on the shorter journeys the females predominate. With well over half of the moves being less than twenty miles and 85% less than fifty miles the migrations to Matotoka adequately coin¬ cide with the aspect of migration and distance. In relation to females predominating on the shorter distances, it was seen, in relation to Matotoka, that the females by virtue of their greater numbers predominated in most movements save on the very longest (i.e. the 15% of moves in excess of fifty miles). In relative terms, however, it was seen that it was not so much a case of females predom¬ inating on shorter distance journeys, as a case of the males being distinctly more prone to the longer movements. For instance, while 49% of the females had travelled less than ten miles, 46% of the males had also travelled similar distances. In the group of migrations exceeding fifty miles, however, 21% of the males were involved as opposed to only 11% of the females. The, hypothesis that females pre¬ dominate on shorter journeys, therefore, is not as clear cut, in the Matotoka experience, as may first appear. That "females appear to predominate among short-journey migrants" is true by virtue of greater numbers. Both male and female migrants, however, made predominatnly short-distance moves whilst the few long-distance moves were largely undertaken by the males.

Step Migration

Ravenstein refers to replacement step-migration when he describes the population in an area immed¬ iately surrounding a town as flocking into that Pigupe 2

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® SoJiOo ;v s I rîLss?© \ Mo!e settlement; "the gaps thus left in the rural popu¬ lation are filled up by migrants from more remote districts until the attractive force" of that town "makes its influence felt, step by step to the most remote corner of the kingdom"^?- Migrants thus leave their settlement of origin, move on to an often larger centre and leave their functional niche to be filled by immigrants from surrounding settlements. If this was occurring in Matotoka then for many absentees^ there would be equivalent immigrants with similar characteristics and taking their functional place in the town. This does not appear to be completely the case with regard to this settlement as the immigrants in some respects were distinctly different from the absentees. The enumerated immigrants in 1972 had on average a slightly higher standard of education, a greater rate of employment and a higher monetary income than the absentees. In attempting to explain this situation it must be remembered that the immigrants resident in Matotoka at the time of the survey did not comprise the total number or represent the characteristics of all who had at some time migrated to the town. There is evidence to suggest that the in-movement as a whole brings to the town a range of immigrants lesser educated as a whole, finan¬ cially poorer and generally "worse off" than the indigenous population. Not all the immigrants, however, settle permanently in the town. Those who do are largely women because of marriage, whilst the men were largely those who had come to take up a specific job - teaching, carpentry, metal work or trading, for instance. The range of jobs and economic opportunities is limited in Matotoka. Being little more than a large agricultural village it has little more to offer the largely uneducated, unemployed migrant than the occupation available in the home village: agriculture. Finding no work available in the town the immigrants often move on to areas where the likelihood of securing employ¬ ment is greater and in this case the move is largely to the diamond fields. Those who move on are largely the young males and these have an age distribution almost exactly the same as that of the immigrants when they first entered the town. The relative age

15. distribution for both absentees and immigrants is given in Table 5» The absentees in 1972 had a sex ratio of 135 (males per 100 females) compared with 73 for the immigrants remaining in the town» Never¬ theless, at the time of their migrations, whether in or out of the town, the relative age distribution of both groups of males was almost identical. Of the resident male immigrants (aged ten and above) 33% were aged 10-19 at the time of their move and 35% were in the 20-29 years age group. Similarly the absentees had 35% of their number in each of these age groups. Whilst 15% of those people coming into the town had at some time attended school, only 7% of those leaving had had any form of schooling. With the females the situation as regards age distribution was somewhat different. Almost half of the female immigrants (aged ten and above) had moved to Matotoka whilst in the 10-19 age groups, a further 30% had been aged 20-29 and 6% 30-39 years. Those moving out of the town, however, were distinctly older: only 35% were aged 10-19, a further 36% were in the 20-29 group and 20% in the 30-39 cohort. This is to some extent a reflection of marriage being the dominant reason for females to move into the town, whilst trading is an important reason for out-movement. in Marriage general takes place in the late teens and early twenties. Trading, on the other hand, at least when involving a move out of town, often takes place at a later stage after marriage and when a family has been established.

It thus appears that Matotoka serves to arrest mobility to some degree but allows some movement to continue to other centres. This through' mobility, however, is not so much of a replacement character, but rather of what might be described as a depositional or an absorptive nature. In replace¬ ment step-mobility residents of an intermediate central place such as Matotoka move on to larger centres leaving places to be filled by in-migrants from surrounding smaller centres. In a movement of depositional or absorptive character, however, the migratory flow to and through a small centre like this appears to deposit a range of migrants that

16. the settlement can absorb while allowing others to continue. Such a situation is reflected by examining the employment status of immigrants and especially their success in acquiring work. Of the immigrants remaining in Matotoka, forty-one males and four females gave "looking for work" as their reason for initially moving to the torn. At the time of the 1972 survey, however, only nine of these people considered themselves as still out of work. Thus, those people who can be economically absorbed by the town appear to settle there whilst the residue to a large extent moves on. This through-flow at the same time picks up Matotoka- born migrants of similar age, economic and educa¬ tional status.

Trends in Immigration

Both Lee and Ravenstein agree that unless severe checks are imposed the volume of migration tends to increase with time. The increase occurs for a number of reasons and these include the increasing diversity of areas and the diminution of intervening obstacles, ^n a developing country like Sierra Leone the economic differences between various areas increase with industrialization, Western¬ ization and the spread of a cash economy, for instance, whilst intervening obstacles are often reduced by increasing technology and its applica¬ tion. Even if there was no change in the balance of factors at origin and destination, improving technology, states Lee, should result in an increase of volume of migration. In the Matotoka context the most conspicuous piece of technological development reducing intervening obstacles is seen to be the new road leading east to Sefadu. This road would probably play a most important role in encouraging emigration from the town to the diamond fields, guch out-movement would no doubt attract immigrants into and through the town. To test the hypothesis related to migration increase and the reduction of intervening obstacles, therefore, it was necessary to measure what increase in emigra¬ tion, if any, had taken place and to what extent this could be attributed to the new road.

17. By comparing the 1972 data with that provided by Mitchell^ for 1961, it can be seen that the pro¬ portion of immigrants did not change significantly in the intervening eleven years. The percentage of non-Matotoka born declined only slightly from 4-1% to 39% (see Table 4) although the absolute numbers increased almost five times. To maintain such a proportion the rate of in-migration must have increased at a considerably greater net rate than the natural increase of the indigenous popu¬ lation. Not all immigrants, for example, settle permanently in their destination area, so those immigrants resident at one particular time only represent a proportion of the total influx. Secondly, an immigrant population within a commun¬ ity does not expand by natural increase as any off-spring born in Matotcka become, by definition, members of the Matotoka-born. Thus to maintain their relative size within a given community, which is increasing in size, immigrants must arrive in progressively increasing numbers to counterbalance the natural increase of the indigenous population as well as the numbers of their own children born within the destination settlement. Since 1961, therefore, the annual inflow of migrants must, on average have increased progressively. However, in the early sixties movement into the town was still on the decline after a peak in the gold-mining boom of the 1930's. Therefore, in the latter part of the decade the upswing in immigration must have been all the more impressive. According to the 1972 data half of the immigrants resident in Matotoka had arrived in the previous five years. To some extent this is a reflection of the rela¬ tively quick turn-over of migrants, but it is also an indication of the upswing in movement into the town. Unfortunately it is impossible to measure the gross annual inflow into i'atotoka, but by con¬ sidering the immigrants resident in 1972 there appears to have been a sudden upturn in in-movement in 1968. By virtue of a progressively increasing rate of immigration there would be a larger number of more recent newcomers and, moreover, earlier immigrants would have had a greater chance to move on. Nevertheless, considering the figures as they

18. stand, there does appear to have been a sharp increase as from that year. In the five years before 1968 an average of twenty-two (of those immigrants resident in 1972 and aged ten years and above) persons arrived per year. In 1968 the num¬ ber increased to fifty-eight and for the period 1968-71 averaged fifty-six persons per year. Had persons under the age of ten years been considered in the questionnaire survey then these figures as a whole would have been considerably larger as many children are technically immigrants when a Matotoka mother, not born in the town, frequently returns to her home settlement to give birth. The increase in male net immigrants was even more impressive than for the population as a whole. For the period 1963-67 an average of nine males arrived each year. From 1968 onwards the average numbers almost tripled to twenty-six. That net migration should rise from an average of twenty- two persons per year to an average of fifty-six persons per year in 1968 appears closely tied with the coming of the new road. This reached Matotoka towards the end of the previous year and for the first time provided a direct link with the diamond area. The role of increased technology as a posi¬ tive factor in migration into Matotoka therefore appears quite important.

Conclusion

This study has attempted to describe the major characteristics of the immigrant population of Matotoka and to determine how far the patterns perceived fit various generalizations of migration theory. As a whole it was seen that the various patterns of migration measured followed closely the various hypotheses considered although there were a few variances from the characteristics anticipated. That migration is selective was clearly seen in such aspects as age, sex and employ¬ ment. With such characteristics as religion or education, however, there appeared to be little difference between the immigrant and indigenous population save that among the immigrants were relatively more people who had at some time attended

19. school- The motive "behind moving was very much related to "bettering oneself" in the case of the males. With females, on the other hand, direct economic motives were not dominant and marriage appears to be the greatest single cause of move¬ ment. The generalization regarding migration and distance was clearly reflected in this study, as by far the largest group of migrants had travelled only short distances. However, in the Matotoka case it would be wrong to state that short-distance immigrants were predominantly women. While both men and women covered predominantly short distances, the few long distance moves had been made mainly by men.

The pattern of migration as a whole to some extent fits into a step pattern but in the case of Matotoka, situated at the end of a new and effici¬ ent routeway, increasing numbers of migrants appear to be passing through rather than settling perm¬ anently in the town. Rather than being purely of replacement character the movement as a whole prob¬ ably fits a more absorptive pattern whereby the town acts as a filter retaining those immigrants that can be absorbed.

That migration increases with increased technology was dramatically seen when considering the coming of the new road. Immigration appears to have rapidly increased in volume within months of the road reaching the town and as a factor in bringing people to the town and leading them to economically more important centres the road is probably the most important single reason for the increased immigration of recent year®.

NOTES

1. Matotoka can hardly be called a town and does not really function as such with almost half of the active male population involved in agri¬ culture. However, as the headquarters of Tane Chiefdom, the settlement is always referred to as a town and, moreover, Harvey (in J. I Clarke ed. Sierra Leone in Maps, (London, 1966), p.48

20. considers settlements in Sierra Leone as urban when their population exceeca 1,000.

2. The Kono Road Project of the Institute of African Studies, University of Sierra Leone.

3. The preliminary results of the 1972 survey have been written up in L. R. Mills, "Matotoka Aspects of Population in a Chiefdom Town in Central Sierra Leone", unpublished paper, University of Sierra Leone.

4. In P. K. Mitchelll, "Matotoka: A Small Temne Town," Jour. Sierra Leone Geog. Soc., 7 & 8, May 1964-, 18-24, and "Matotoka: A Sierra Leone Chiefdom Town," Sierra Leone Studies, NS 17, June 1963, 269-277»

3. People were considered resident in Matotoka if they had resided in the town for at least one month prior to the survey.

6. An exception is J. Gugler, "On the Theory of Rural-Urban Migration: the Case of Subsaharan Africa," Migration, ed. J. A. Jackson, (Cambridge, 1969.), pp. 134-155*

7. E. G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration," Jour. Royal Stat. Soc., 48, 2, June 1885, lê7-227 and "The Laws of Migration," Jour. Royal Stat. Soc., 52, June 1889, 241-301.

8. D. J. Bogue and M. M. Eagood, Subregional Migrations in the United States, 1935-40," 2; Differential Migrations in Corn and Cotton" Belts', (Miami, Ohio, 1953).

9. E. S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," ed. J. A. Jackson, pp. 282-297.

10. Ibid., p.282.

11. Ibid., p.284.

12. Ravenstein (1885), 198-19?»

21. 13» E. Forde and M. Harvey, "Graphical Analysis ! of Migration to Freetown," Sierra Leone Geog Jour., 13, 1969, 26. ' •

14. Ravenstein (1889), 286.

15» Ravenstein (1885), loc. cit.

16. An absentee was defined as a person who had been away from his home for at least one month at the time of interview, who was con-' sidered as part of the household "by the remaining residents and who was expected to return to that household.

17» Mitchell, loc. cit.

22. TABLE 1

Matotoka 1972: Matotoka-born and Immigrant Population Distribution "by Sex and Age Group

Matotoka-born Immigrants Total

T Age M T? T M F T M F Groups T % T % T % T % T % T % T % T % T %

10-19 190 45 136 37 326 41 57 27 100 35 157 32 247 39 236 36 483 38

20-29 89 21 99 27 188 24 63 30 81 28 144 29 152 24 180 28 332 26

80 16 14 186 14 30-39 56 13 50 14 106 13 ! 38 18 42 15 94 15 92

8 4-0-49 38 9 21 6 59 7 27 13 23 8 50 10 65 10 44 7 109

50-59 15 4 20 5 36 4 11 5 15 5 26 5 26 4 35 5 61 5

60-69 22 5 21 6 43 5 11 5 13 5 24 5 33 5 34 5 67 "5

4 70+ 15 4 16 4 31 4-, 1 11 13 5 14 3 16 3 29 4 45

Total 425 v oo 363 100 788 100 208 oo 287 100 495 100 633 oo 650 oo 1283 oo

Percentages given to nearest whole number TABLE 2i

.

i ;

Matotoka 1972: Ap;e at Migration of Resident Immigrants Aged Ten Years and Above

Hale Female Age Total Group No. % No. % No. %

01 56 17 4-3 15 79 16

10-19 56 27 118 4-1 174- 35

20-29 61 29 74- 26 135 27

30-39 28 13 15 5 4-3 9

4-0-4-9 19 9 17 6 36 7

50-59 5 2 17 6 22 4-

60-69 3 1 2 1 5 1

- — 70+ 1 • V-/ 1 (0.2) O, Total 208 100 287 100 4-95 100

Percentages shown correct to .nearest. whole number but decimal place shown in parentheses where this number would otherwise be zero. TABLE 3 -

Matotoka 1972: Place of-Birth of Immigrants by Chiefdom

| Chiefdom of Birth Male % Female % Total %

Tane (Excluding • 41 Matotoka) 77 38 119 196 39 Kholifa 13 6 38 13 51 10

Bonkolenken 16 8 , 22 ' 8 38 8 Bombali Sebora 20 10 15 5 35 7 Wara Wara Yagala 12 6 11 4 23 5 Eunike 7 3 15 5 22 4 Kunike Barina 13 6 7 2 20 4 Kafe Builorn 6 3 10 3 16 3 Eafe Simiaria 6 2 3 7 , 13 3 Kakua 7 3 5 2 12 2 Marampa Masimera 5 2 7 2 12 2 Kholifa Mahang 2 1 6 2 8 2 Yoni 2 1 6 2 8 2 Western Area 1 (0.4) 6 2 7 1

Buya Romendi - - 6 2 6 1 Sanda Loko 3 1 2 1 5 1 Gbense 2 1 1 (0.3) 3 1 Sanda Tenraran 2 1 1 (0.3) 3 1

Kaiyamba 2 1 - — 2 (0.4)

Sando 1 (0.4) - - 1 (0.2)

Bagbo 1 (0.4) - — 1 (0.2)

Kalansogoia 1 (0.4) - - 1 (0.2)

Nongowa - - 1 (0.3) 1 (0.2) Others 9 4 2 (0.6) 11 2

Total 208 100 287 100 495 100

Percentages shown correct to nearest whole number but decimal place shown in parentheses where this number would otherwise be zero. TABLE 4

Matotoka; Place of Birth 1961 and 1972 (Percentage Distribution)

' "

! " m 2\- Males Females j Total Place of All Age - ; o - 14 15-44 45+ 0 14 15-44 45+ Birth ï Groups { 1961 1972 1961 1972 1961 1972 1961 1972 1961 1972 1961 1972 1961 1972

Matotoka 80 79 39 63 40 67 77 69 43 ; 50 36 52 58 61

Tane 13 7 32 16 s 20 12 8 12 12 22 28 21 19 16

22 Other areas ^ 7 14 29 22 40 20 15 21 45 28 36 27 23

Percentages given to nearest whole number TABLE 5

Matotoka 1972: Age at Migration of Resident Immigrants and of Absentees

Aged Ten Years and Above at Time of Move (Percentage Distribution)

Males Females Total Age Group Immigrants Absentees Immigrants Absentees Immigrants Absentees

42 10 - 19 33 33 35 34

O 20 - 29 35 33 00 36 32 35

18 30 - 59 16 16 6 20 10

40 - 4-9 11 10 7 8 9 9

- 50 - 59 3 5 7 5 3

1 1 1 60 - 69 2 1 1

70+ 2 (0.4) - (0.2) 1

Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100

Total No. 208 135 287 100 495 235

Percentages shown correct to nearest whole number but decimal place shown in parentheses where this number would otherwise be zero. A BRIEF HISTORY OF NIMIKORO CHIEFDOM, KONO DISTRICT

Sahr Matturi Chiefdom Speaker Nimikoro Chiefdom

The author has been Chiefdom Speaker, Nimikoro Chiefdom, Kono District, for twenty-one years. He had taken the trouble to write down some years ago the oral history of his people which, as Speaker, would be well-known to him. He readily agreed to the publication of his valuable manuscript in this Bulletin and to the deposition in the Fourah Bay College Library of a photostat of the original type¬ script. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to him.

Speaker Matturi is also the father of the present Principal, Njala University College, University of Sierra Leone.

With only minimal editorial amendments and footnotes furnished by Mr. A. Abraham the manuscript is printed as written. Ed.

*****

The Chiefdom now known as Nimikoro was originally known as Borna. Over this area ruled a Chief known as Borwai, but the extent of the area over which he ruled is not definitely known. From his name "Borwai" (a Kono woid which means "a man who was kind to a fault") we know what sort of man he was. Where he was born is not known, but it cannot have been in a distant area. During this time the area enjoyed peace and prosperity, but later troubles started. The troubles were mainly from our southern neighbours, the Mendes. They started raiding the poor defenceless Konos for slaves. If the Konos had been well armed they would have defended their homes, but these Mende raiders had guns and better swords, supplied to them by white men, who were waiting in the ports to have a supply of slaves to take away to their plantations overseas, or for whatever use they could make of them. These raids

28 continued for so long that only the remainder of_ these people took refuge in the caves of the Nimini Mountains. After living there for some time, they had to go northward, crossing the Sewa River, "but nobody knows exactly the place of their crossing, but it would be a fair guess that the place was Konokandu. This village is still there to this day.

After roaming about for some months, the wanderers finally settled in the Koranko country. After they had stayed there for some years they began to have a longing for their homeland, and also they felt that any further stay with the Korankos would in the end change their children to Korankos, an idea which they disliked, and so they made a plan, and the plan was this - they initiated the Poro Society. The Korankos are not Poro men, so the Konos were safe to discuss their secrets in the Poro Bush, and thus they were able, through their Poro boys, to remove their property secretly. Por, they felt if they did this in open daylight, it would doubtless cause friction between them and their host tribe, which would almost certainly bring about warfare between them. When they felt that the best of their property had been moved away by the Poro boys, one day the rest of the tribe suddenly left Koranko country. They followed the same route back, but stayed for some time in that area now known as the Tama Bush, an extensive valley of the Sewa River, in those days only inhabited by elephants and other wild animals. They founded a town called Konodu. It was a very large town, which can be told from the extensive remains, and finally Borwai with his people came back to their old homes. When or where he was buried nobody knows, but it can be taken for granted that at the time of his death he left his people in a fairly prosperous condition. He was not able to free them entirely from the troublesome neighbours, but he left them in a fair way to defend themselves, albeit in hiding in their former caves.

29.

\ The next Chief to take charge of this area was Kaisowa. The town of Jaiama was founded by a man called Koikomba. This was in the time of Borwai. According to the story» he died and was buried in the centre of the Old Town. How long he lived and when he died, nobody knows, but only the fact that he was buried there. When Kaisowa came over to be the Protector of Borna, the Mende raids were not so frequent as in the days of Borwai. This Kaisowa must have been a warrior. His original home according to some people was somewhere in the Tankoro Chiefdom, but some people regarded him as a Kissi from the Kissi country. Whether that is so or not is immaterial to us. We only appreciate him as an able leader, who stood as a buffer between the Konos and the Mendes. His power was seriously threatened at one time, when a powerful Mende army took his town. He himself barely escaped with a few warriors to the village of Dombadu, now in the chiefdom of Jaiama Sswafe. Nimiyama his town was not burnt. The enemy sat down with their captives to enjoy what they found. Meanwhile Kaisowa sent runners to Bendu (Nimikoro) for a noted warrior, Mbande to come and help him. At this time, this man was the most famous warrior in the area. Arriving at Donbadu he threw off all caution, and he made haste with other warriors to get the Mendes out of the town. Arriving at almost midnight, he left his companions outside the war- fence and rushed in with only his horn-blower'' to the middle of the town. He ordered him to blow his horn, and the awakened Mendes were very fright¬ ened, thinking that the whole army had taken the town. They rushed here and there while this man killed them at his leisure. Meantime his companions entered also and the massacre continued, until the Mendes broke through the war-fence, but they were followed by the. Konos. There is a small stream running on the northern side of Bunabu called "Mendefayi", which means "a stream where Mendes were killed."

30. At this point, we will not follow the career of this noted warrior, Mbande, as we may return later to write something about him and what he did. At present we wish only to follow the reign of Kaisowa over these areas. After this first bitter experience, he prepared himself and his people not to be taken unawares again by the Mendes. It was in his day that a defensive mud wall, remains of which still stand, was built partly round the town as a defensive measure. He was both ruler and Judge over his people, and was no doubt more powerful than Borwai. After his death his body was taken down to the village of EaJidama where was he buried. This village, Bandama, is now in Nimikoro chiefdom, and his grave can still be shown to visitors, though not much care has been taken over the resting place of such a man.

After Kaisowa's death the next big man to come on the scene was Fato. This man was not much of a warrior, nor did any of his children show any liking for fighting. He was a very successful rice farmer, by which he acquired much power through the sale of rice to fighters, who were raiding for slaves. They would sell their slaves and other property to this great farmer in exchange for food. The slaves so acquired were in turn employed in helping him on his farms.

At one time, a powerful warrior chief, Nyagua of Panguma, a Mende born of a Kono mother, approached Fatò to help him in his war against Ndawa of Wunde, in the Mende country. Nyagua and Ndawa, both famous warriors, were bitter enemies, each trying to get the mastery over the other. Nyagua came as far as the town now known as Kangama, the chiefdom headquarters of Gorama Kono. A large gathering was summoned and at this meeting he asked Fato for his help. Nyagua had in mind a man named Hotagua to be at the head of the Kono warriors for this Wunde war. This Hotagua was a handsome,man, who could speak Mende well, but not much of a fighter, and Fato*s choice a for captain for the Konos fell on the late P.C. Matturi. This Nyagua felt was a trick, and that Fato was deceiving him. But to

31. assure Nyagua that he was in earnest, he showed him a sign which finally settled all doubt on the part of the doubting Nyagua. The sign was this: Fato slapped his own side, and the sign was answered by thunder, which convinced Nyagua. As a protective measure Fato handed over to Matturi his witch- gown to wear during the campaign. This gown had the power to make the wearer bullet-proof, as shown later when the Konos had their first encounter with the Mendes at Wunde.

The Kono army that was taken to wu.nde by Matturi was a fairly large one, consisting of the best warriors from various parts of the country at that time. Nyagua's base camp for the war was in the village of Koama, a few miles 6&st of Wunde. Before the Konos arrived, his Mende army kept up a con¬ stant series of battles in their endeavour to take Wunde, but all in vain. The Konos arrived at the camp and were well received by Nyagua and his tired army. The following day Matturi asked Nyagua to give him the leadership of all fighting forces that day. The town was so well defended that it was hard for anybody to get near the war-fence. Arriving at the town, Matturi bbldly led a few of his Kono followers up to the war-fence under fire from the defenders. He himself was fired at at point-blank range, but he put his hand into the pocket of his gown and drew out the bullets which he displayed in the presence of everybody. Another shot was aimed at his face. The bullet split a bit of his teeth, and made a scratch on his forehead. These marks he bore to the end of his days. That day the Konos impressed the Mendes that they were better fighters, and even Nyagua was also very much impressed. They returned to Koama and Nyagua's morimen (iiviners) told him that, before he could take Wunde, a stick of the war-fence of the town should be brought to them to work charms on it. Matturi volunteered to bring the required stick, and so again they went back to Wunde, and he as before went up to the war- fence, and while removing a stick under fire his hand was caught by one of the enemy through a gap in the fence, but before any harm could be don? to his hand one of his followers carrying a gun shot

32 the enemy. He was able to remove the stick which they carried hack to Koama. It was handed over to the morimen, who worked their charm, and then the stick was taken hack secretly to the outskirts of Wunde, to an open place, which was often used as a gathering place hy the Wunde warriors. After this the whole army advanced again, and this time the plan followed was this: most of the hest fighters were placed in ambush, and Matturi, again with only one follower, went up to the war-fence, cut open the gates and entered the town. Their hest warrior soon rushed out to fight him, and Matturi started retreating while being followed hy this man, and kept on doing this till he was on a level with the main army, which was in ambush. His main work that day was done, and it was then left to the men of the main army, which was in ambush,to do the rest. This Wunde warrior was a great fighter. He succeeded in killing some of his enemies, but at last he was over-powered and taken captive. They wanted to take him alive to Nyagua, but he became so abusive they could do nothing but kill him. His head and hands were taken back to Koama. Nyagua was overjoyed, and that evening there was a big war- dance, Nyagua himself dancing like a child.

Ndawa himself was not in Wunde. lighting another war in Ndama Chiefdom, near Kenema, he heard the news of the death of his best warriors, and he made plans for a hasty journey before anything worse could befall Wunde. He was betrayed by a woman, who carried news of his plans to his enemy. His plan was this: while the larger part of his army were to take one route, he himself with a few followers and a few women were to take a short cut, and get into Wunde before the main body of his army. His enemy, when he got this news, went ovep-night and lay in ambush for him. Following his plans, he took this fateful route where he was killed^.

Now that the best defender of Wunde was killed, likewise Ndawa, the whole town was left at the mercy of Nyagua and his warriors, who marched in without opposition and took Wunde. The people were taken as slaves, and their property as the price

33. of war. After this Nyagua openly handed over the ownership of Kono to Matturi, and vowed that as long as he lived he would not allow any enemies to enter Kono from the south.

This promise we shall see later was kept, hut Nyagua was a tricky customer. This may be shown by subsequent events, but our history has not much to do with Lis character. We are only concerned with what actually had effect on the history of Nimikoro.

Fato was now getting old, though he still had much wealth and a bit of influence. His power gradually dwindled, as that of Matturi steadily increased. He was at this time, and even before the Wunde war, living in the village of Gondama, around which a strong war-fence was built. Cotton trees that grew out of this fence are still standing to this day. These trees, not only in the case of Gondama, but all over the country,-are a permanent land-inark, often marking or showing the remains of villages and war fences.

Now from this time, the history of the area became entirely the story of Matturi. He was able, on the strength of Nyagua's promise, to persuade other big men to get their people out of hiding and get settled as in former years. From this Gondama the greater part of the people obtained their seed- rice for farming, which had been neglected for so long, and had caused constant famine among the people. He made an alliance with Fonjia of Momorie, a town in the heart of the Mende country, and another alliance with Lai Londo of Kailahun, a Kissi by tribe. He also took advantage of a quarrel between Nyagua and the Vangahuns of Hangha. He easily obtained their friendship, and promised them help should they be attacked by any enemy.

While these arrangements were going on, the first and greatest threat to Kono freedom came from the northeast. The Sofas, who were fighting against the French power in French Guinea, took into their heads to invade Kono for slaves. They were great

34- fighters, better armed, and well-mounted. This was indeed the first time the Konos had had to fight against horse-soldiers. We have only to make a record of what the Konos did and what happened to this branch of that invading army. A fuller account of the Sofa war has still to be written. As these Sofas entered this part of Kono they took the town of Tekuyama. The town was not burnt as they had to make it their resting place. The headman of the town was luckily away with a good number of his people, working on their farms. His name was Nyandemokwi, a contemporary of Matturi, and also himself a noted warrior. After the taking of Tekuyama the Sofas sent scouts to get a good knowledge of their surroundings. Oné of these scouts was killed by the Konos in the town of Levuma. His head and hands were sent to Matturi so as to report the great danger that was threatening the whole area. Matturi wasted no time in gathering . his warriors to fight the Sofas, but before leaving Gondama, he had to send the women and children out of the town to hide away several mile south-west of Gondama in a place called Torkor. The Konos camped in the town of Levuma in the Tankoro chief- dom, and their first engagement was on a clear morning when the Konos were able to beat them off and chase them right to the outskirts of Tekuyama, where their camp was. One or two horses were killed at a stream near Levuma, and this stream bears the name 'Sofayi" to this day, to mark the place where the horses were killed. The bodies of these horses were cut up, some sent to the women and the balance left with the men and eaten by them. According to some there was no differenosbetween horse meat and deer meat.

Subsequent engagements kept on until one tedious one during which the Sofas suffered their worst defeat. A company of French soldiers, who were still looking for these slave hunters, suddenly came upon them at their base camp. The Sofas at first thought that the newcomers were Konos and less well armed. This they soon discovered was a sad mistake and the French, who were armed with rifles and machine guns, wasted no time over the

35 attack,, A lot of the Sofas were killed. Those who escaped were but few, who fled from the town in a body. We will now leave the Sofas alone with the French in pursuit of them, as mention has already been made in this narrative that they may appear again under the records of the Sofa War. During the time of this fighting Nyagua, in remem¬ brance of what the Konos had done to help him, was their main supplier of guns and gun-powder. His mon would not help as fighters, being very much afraid of fighting horse-men. In fact it was the intention of the ^ofas to get to grips with Nyagua and destroy his power. They asked for a free passage, but this the Konos would not allow, as they feared that the fall of Nyagua would surely be the end of their own freedom. These troubles having been solved for the time being, the Konos returned to their villages and settled down to their former farming.

This Sofa War greatly increased Matturi's power and influence, and made him the undisputed leader of a large part of the country. As Gondama was on the edge of the chiefdom and near Kangoma, now full of Mende-speaking Konos whom he distrusted, he decided to form a central town, so he thought of Jaiama. Even when things were fairly peaceful they moved very cautiously along the valley, build¬ ing a number of small villages along their route, some of which are still inhabited. When they reached Jaiama they settled down. At this time the British Government had taken entire control of the coastal region of Sierra Leone, and declared a Protectorate over the hinterland in 1896. There were no chiefdoms as they are now termed. Great warriors had ownership over extensive areas. But after the 1898 rebellion the British Government thought it best to split up these areas into Chief¬ doms, thus ultimately creating a lot of Chiefs. This plan, they thought, would finally weaken the powers of any individual chief, as it indirectly planted disunity in the country. Matturi became the first chief to have a Staff in Nimikoro. Much of the area he had protected was dismembered and formed into a lot of chiefdoms. But this did not

36. decrease his influence among the Konos, who could still remember that he had fought for their freedom. During his reign came the rebellion. He naver joined others to fight the English but instead assisted them whenever he was needed, not exactly side by side with the British soldiers, but they were employed as a mopping up force against Nyagua's Mendes. In revenge for the past trouble the tribe had suffered they quickly over-ran the Sewa-Valley, bringing back a lot of captives, thinking that"the white man's war was like the black man's war - fighting for captives. They were ordered to set these people free, which they did.

Matturi was now firmly established, and in 1910 he was chosen as one of the three Protectorate Chiefs to go to Freetown to welcome the Duke of Connaught, who was then on his way back from South Africa to England. The other two Chiefs were the late P.C. Madam Humonya of Nongowa Chiefdom, and the late P.C. Kutubu of Pendembu, Upper Bambara Chiefdom. In spite of the dismembered state of Boma, Matturi still had great power and much influence over the Mende Chiefs, and he was very much respected even beyond the borders of Boma. In the twenties as a result of his great age he was less active than before, and so a regency was necessary. His eldest son, the late P.C. Bona, was then appointed Regent, but even then the old man was very much jealous of power, and would hardly give Bona a free hand in the government of the chiefdom. In 1932, for his past services, he was awarded the King's African Medal for Chiefs, the first Kono Chief to haye been so honoured. In 1931, the Mining Company arrived and he was their host, but even then he called the other chiefs to have a meeting to discuss the best conditions on which the miners would be permitted to stay, but many of them turned a deaf ear, so the miners should not be blamed for whatever they then did. The Chiefs, who declared then that it was not their business as there were no diamonds in their chiefdoms, are now the very people who are reaping the benefit of the whole show.

37. Before he died, P.Co Matturi built the motor-road from the Chiefdom headquarters town of Jaiama to Sefadu, the District Headquarters. In 1936, in July of that year, after a short illness lasting barely txtfo days, he died at the village of Njala. While the body was being brought to Jaiama, messengers were sent right through the District, and many chiefs came, and those who could not come at the tine sent their big men to be present at the funeral. He was mourned by the whole District, and even by friends outside the District in coun¬ tries like Mendeland and the Koranko country, where he had friends who had fought side by side with him in their war days, and who also sent presents and their big men to represent them. During the big funeral ceremony, which took place a month later, every chief in the District came. It was the biggest and most well-attended funeral ceremony for a Chief that had ever taken place in Kono. This no doubt shows that the Kono people were still mindful of his services to the tribe. And thus ended with him the last powerful Chief of Borna, though now very much reduced in area, which is now known as Nimikoro and no longer as Borna. So we can stop here, as I may later have to write the life history of this remarkable man, who was an outstand¬ ing character", both as a leader and a capable ruler.

The Kono tribe, now living in what is called Konoland, were not natives of this area. It is said that they came from the east about 300 years ago, almost at the time of the fall of the Mali Empire3. Possibly they were not the only tribe that was moving from the east at that time, as there was a general slow migration at that period. They came in stages, moving slowly, and one can reasonably guess that they encountered no difficulties from hostile tribes during their travels; for they were an agricultural people and not fighters,. The first wave of wanderers settled along the Meli valley and remained there, then others went ahead of them and settled there, and still others went ahead again until the present land of Kono was finally occupied. Whether the land was inhabited before they got there is not exactly known, but they seem to have met with no

38. opposition. Soon the tribe was divided into families and clans. Next they started to build towns where groups of families and clans settled down. What were the causes of internal wars is not exactly known, but most likely petty jealousies and the desire to acquire women were the chief ones. While these internal troubles were going on, the Mendes took advantage of the situation and started raiding the Konos. The various clans never really formed a proper confederation. The most powerful men among them carved out huge areas, over which they ruled as is seen in the case of Borwai over Boma. Even in those days they had certain laws. Their ruler was also their judge, . and he could easily pronounce a death sentence over any criminal for murder or theft. Even for woman- palaver, the guilty party was sold intc slavery or in rare cases killed. These Mende raids taught the Konos to be fighters, and we shall see in the end how well they were able to defend their homes, and even defeat their former teachers in many an open battle. Most of the towns built were for defensive purposes, some on the tops of inaccessible hills, and others built near caves, in which the people could take refuge in time of danger. Today many euch towns have long been deserted, others still remain with a few inhabitants, but as such towns have outlived their usefulness, and now no-one cares whether they do exist or not, and as no attempt is made to improve their primitive condi¬ tion, so they become deserted in time, and only their cotton-trees remain as land marks of the past.

While the tribe was moving down to Kono a branch broke off and moved south-eastwards, promising the main body that they would return later. They waited, and from this word "WAIT" or "WAIT-FOR-ME" the tribe got their name "KONO"; and the other branch are now the Vai tribe, partly in Sierra Leone within two chiefdoms, Solo and Bema around Sulima, once a prosperous trading port. The two chiefdoms have recently been amalgamated, and the larger portion of this Vai tribe now live in the Republic of Liberia, with only the boundary river Mano

59. separating them. They have the same customs and the same way-of-life. It is known that these Vai people came down to the sea coast for salt, which among the Kono people was highly prised. In dialect the Konos and the Vais speak almost the same language, with a few variations. The Korankos and the Mandingos too speak dialects very much akin to the Konos, and, if we can take a language as a clue to the origin of a tribe, it seems that these peoples all have sprung from a common origin. After the Konos had finally settled down they waited, and waited in vain for the return of their kinsmen, and even today the Kono man is still waiting, but it is beyond all doubt that the Vai men will never return. Still following the Vai people, after they had settled down they took to trade and soon became owners of slaves, who were employed in all branches of their masters' domestic duties, and this as a result made these people very lazy, spending much of the time in hammocks on their verandahs, and so when the Colonial Government freed all slaves in Sierra Leone between 1925 and the Vai man 192e1" was really hit hard, and very soon the tables were turned, the servant becoming master and the master becoming servant. As a whole the Vai feels that he is socially above other tribes in the country, and although they are very much enlightened I cannot agree with them on their ascendency above others socially.

The Konos also took to raiding, especially the Korankos, and today there are still some well-to-do families among them with a Koranko background. What actually weakened them in many of their wars with the Mendes was this. Some of their leading men, through jealousy of each other, would often betray their country to the Mende men. Some of the fighting men were at times recruited by these dis¬ contented Konos leading raids against their very brothers, and even today traces of such feelings do still exist among them, in a very much reduced form.

40. In the latter part of 1909, the United Brethren in Christ Mission visited Kono and called upon some of the chiefs, asking their permission to allow them to settle among the people. This request was met with a refusal on the part of some of the Chiefs, hut when they got as far as Jaiama, the late P.C. Matturi readily welcomed them, giving them a place to settle. This was great far¬ sightedness on the part of this old gentleman. Their coming and their work among the people has greatly contributed to the social uplift of the District as a whole. From their headquarters, they have established feeder schools all over the country, and some of the students, who attended some of these mission schools, have found their way to universities in both America and the United Kingdom, and although at the time when these people were welcomed by P.C. Matturi some of his people might have been rather shy of the strangers, it can now be seen clearly today that that was really the turning point in the history of the Konos.

In 19^9, the Roman Catholics also came and first settled in Yengema in this chiefdom. Nimikoro seems to be a lucky chiefdom in welcoming useful guests. The U.B.C. people were rather sceptical about these newcomers, but today they seem to have come to a common understanding, and their schools scattered all over the country seem to be working amicably together. Whether these U.B.C. people were afraid of competition is their own business, but whoever comes with the object of helping the District is always welcome. Already these two denominations are gaining many converts, and it is almost certain that before the end of the century Kono will be a Christian country. Before the coming of the mission aries there were a few Mohammedans, mostly Mandingos in most of the big towns. They found it hard to get converts among the people. They could only marry Kono women and their few offshoots followed the religion of their fathers, but even up to today the faith of the Prophet has not had a strong hold upon the people. The Kono man is a keen observer, and these so-called Mohammedans in their way-of- life have in many ways forgotten the teaching of

41. the Prophet, and are in many way causers of dis¬ unity among the Konos wherever they settle. One may hope that they will change for the better as time goes on, because as education advances in the District the former Morimen, working charms for the illiterate, will have no place among the educated youth. Their days are numbered for they will soon have no market for their doubtful goods. These people in the years following the end of the inter-tribal wars had much power, and almost all the liquid wealth of the people was in their hands. Some of them are now sending their children to Christian schools and as years go on we hope that the two tribes will live side by side as good neighbours. But even today the Mandingos would not willingly give their women to Kono men in marriage. These people are a proud race, but soon their pride will wear out. Their wealth is now passing into the hands of the K-onos through the diamond industry.

We should here have a few words to say about the S.L.P.T. Ltd. /Sierra Leone Selection Trust Ltd^T Their arrival among the people has entirely changed the standard of living of ordinary Kono men. They now live in better houses, and the most ambitious ones now own cars, radios, and gramaphones, things which were not even thought of in the twenties. Through the company's help, the Kono man has learnt and is still learning many useful trades. The industry has brought a lot of wealth, but money like many other good things is always followed by a train of sins. The dregs of society are invading the District to seize their share of the diamond industry, whether in a proper way or not. This is really sad, because these mixed tribes are corrupt¬ ing the Kono tribe, teaching them to rob with violence and even commit murders, things which were quite unknown to the Konoman's nature. The Kono man is slow to absorb new ideas, but once he gets well in he becomes a master. These undesir¬ able outside influences will have a far-reaching effect in the District in years to come, and that will surely be a rad day for Kono. We must be on our guard for its coming.

42. EDITOR'S NOTES

1. This "hornblower" was a trumpeter.

2. Ndawa was killed in July 1888 in Dama Chiefdom on the banks of the Moa River, and this helps to date more precisely some of the events in this history of Nimikoro. See Governor's Despatches to the Secretary of State, 187ï 1888, Sierra Leone Government Archives.

3. The Mali Empire in fact fell some 450 years ago in the late 15th Century.

4. So-called "domestic slavery" was abolished in Sierra Leone on 1st January 1928. See the Legal Status of Slavery (Abolition) Ordinance, 1927 (No.24 of 1927).

N.B. For an earlier version of this history as narrated by the author's father, late Paramount Chief Matturi, see Langley, E. R. "A Tale of Nimi Koro Chiefdom, Kono District" in Sierra Leone Studies No. XV December, 1929.

43. RESEARCH NOTE

MENEE INFLUENCE ON KONO

Arthur Abraham Department of Modern History Fourah Bay College

At the time of the opening of the colonial period, Kono was roughly divided into two '. The southern half, south of the river Bafi, was under Nyagua of Panguma. This king had succeeded his father Faba of Dodo, and extended his dominion by conquering several territories and also establishing settle¬ ments. About a decade or two before 1890, Nyagua already had a reputation as a great warrior. He led his warriors against the Kono, who escaped and hid in Koranko country. Although some regrouped under chief Borwie of Nimikoro, and hid in the fastnesses of the Nimi hills for nearly a decade, the invasion of Nyagua put the southern half of Kono effectively under the Mende.

Nyagua took over full reins of power when his father died in 1889, and he installed Matturi as chief of Nimikoro. Matturi was- a great warrior and trusted by Nyagua. In fact, in the hinterland of Sierra Leone, before the Protectorate was declared, Nyagua had the largest territorial authority.

The northern half of Kono was under the strong influence of Suluku of Kayima, and here, inter¬ course and interaction was more with the Koranko. All other chieftains were subordinate rulers.

In the Gorama region in particular, there was con¬ siderable cultural intermixture, and Gorama itself today, is divided into Gorama Mende, and Gorama Kono. But both these units were one under Nyagua.

When the Protectorate was declared, these terri¬ torial states in the hinterland were broken up to facilitate the establishment of colonial rule.

44. Units within the large polities were recognised as independent chiefdoras, and all rulers of these 'independent' units were styled 'Paramount Chiefs' - a colonial invention. Those kings who survived this policy of fragmentation, were limited in their authority to the nuclear unit from which they previ¬ ously ruled. In Upper Mende country, there were four recognizable polities before colonial rule, based respectively on their capitals - Tikonko under Makavoray, Gaura under Ilendegla who was succeeded in 1890 by Gbatekaka, Kailahun under Kai Londo, and Panguma under Nyagua.

Por instance, when Kai Londo died in 1895? his successor, Fa Bundeh, was only recognised by Governor Cardew on the condition that he gave up claims to the more distant parts of his predecessor' state, and limited his actual jurisdiction to two units, Luawa proper from which the state had expanded, and Kpombai. Nyagua escaped this fragment ation policy since his state was remote from direct British influence. But after his exile in 1899 for alleged participation in the 1898 war, his state was fragmented.

After the war of 1898, a period of fluidity set in. Those who had been loyal to the British were instal¬ led in chiefly positions whether or not they quali¬ fied for it by pre-colonial practice. This latter was an achievement-oriented system among the Mende, which was converted to an ascriptive system by the enumeration of 'ruling houses'. While these may have existed in the northern parts of Sierra Leone, they were embryonic in Mendeland, and were only institutionalized by colonial rule. Thus descent from a previous ruler became one of the most import¬ ant criteria for candidacy to traditional authority, whose legitimacy was now transferred to the colonial state.

As the colonial period progressed, the fragmentation policy was intensified. Large chiefdoms were still further broken into smaller units. Ambitious aspirants to leaderhsip fermented revolts, and as long as they collaborated with the colonial authori¬ ties, succeeded in several instances in carving out paramount chieftaincies for themselves. The records

45 of the 194-0's are full of references which make the point clear that in many areas, several chiefdoms then belonged in pre-colonial days to one polity. This was an argument used in favour of the amalga¬ mation policy after 1937, because 'Native Adminis¬ tration' on Nigerian lines was introduced, and needed viable units to make the plan a success. So, having de-amalgamated in the early phase of colonial rule, the authorities were by the 194-O's amalgamating chiefdoms again in order to create more viable units for 'local government' as they conceived it.

Kono in general was quite remote from several direct influences of the colonial administration. The house-tax which had been the lynch-pin of the resist¬ ance movement of 1898, was not paid in Kono till much later. In 1913, the Kono refused to pay taxes, because Nyagua's family were claiming them as 'slaves' until the colonial administration intervened.

Mende influence did not change the Kono language - languages are resistant to hybridization - but influenced their culture. One lasting testimony of Mende hegemony is that nearly every Kono (especially in the southern half)speaks hoth Kono and Mende. This accounts for the survival of such typical Mende names like Nyandebo, Ngongou, Nyandemoh and Gombu Gboli. But there remain vital institutions in Kono that were not affected by Mende influence such as the system of land tenure, which is quite different from that of the Mende. Among the Mende, land belongs to individual families, and the Paramount Chief is simply a custodian but not the owner. In Kono, land does not belong to individual families, but is supposed to belong to the Paramount Chief who therefore has a vested interest in the land.

NOTE

1. This paper has been specially prepared at the request of a colleague, Mr. J. Sorie Gonteh, a social anthropologist currently working on the Kono.

4-6, NEWS ITEMS

RESEARCH REPORT ON CUSTOMARY FAMILY LAW PROJECT

The research phase of the family law project spon¬ sored hy the Afrika-Studiecentrum, Leiden, Holland, will he completed in June, 1973» when Drs. J. Rynsdorp leaves Sierra Leone. The writing up of the materials collected will continue over the next two years. The research project was described previously in Volume I, No.4- of the Africana Research Bulletin. This project will briefly summarize the original aims of the research and make some general and preliminary comments on the relative adequacy of the data collected to achieve them. It will be recalled that the overall aim of the research was to submit to the Government of Sierra Leone a report of the findings which could provide the basis for the reform of family law, should the Government choose to use it in this way.

The research, as originally designed, was to be conducted by two persons and limited to a socio- legal study of Mende customary law in Bo. As a result of several considerations, the scope of the investigation was enlarged to encompass a wider geographical area, thus involving a team of four persons. Subsequent experience showèd this expansion to be in order. The primary emphasis of the research was that it should have practical relevance. Because of the amount of movement with¬ in the country, urban, and even many village,popu¬ lations are heterogeneous as regards tribal affil¬ iation. A study conducted in only one area would not have provided a broad enough basis of inform¬ ation for general legal reform. Moreover, from the outset, government support was dependent on the investigation avoiding any geographical or tribal bias. Moreover, if there ever was a period when customary law could be 'codified' on the basis of tribe, it is long past. In Sierra Leone, as Rouveroy van Niewaal^ also found in his study in Togo, the differences between indigenous law

^7 systems are now less pronounced than those "between the statutory law and customary law. At the same time, the problem of tribal differences in custom¬ ary procedures does impose itself at a number of points in the analysis and understanding of the data collected. Although the project's coverage of customary law for all of Sierra Leone was in¬ complete, it is felt that the data collected in three urban centres (Freetown, Makeni, Bo), are sufficient to shed considerable light on this problem.

One important aim of the research was to examine in a systematic way the influence of Islamic law on the practice of customary law in Sierra Leone. This aim was not achieved. It became clear very early in the research period that the interests and background of the person responsible for this task were in other areas and to have insisted on his concentrating only on this topic would have led to considerable frustration. Moreover, early observations suggested that the influence of Islamic law, while certainly one of the factors leading to the general uniformity of customary law practice, hardly seemed to be the primary one. For example, the administration of the local courts by the Ministry of Interior through district Officers, the activities of the judicial advisers and the legislation defining their jurisdiction have all had much more impact. An amusing illus¬ tration of this direct influence came out of one panel discussion held in Kabala, a fairly remote town in the north. Paramount chiefs are regarded as experts of the customary law of their tribe. During the discussion Dr. Harrell - Bond directed a question about widow inheritance to one Limba paramount chief. He responded that he really did not know the answer but related what the Judicial Adviser (a Mende from the Puj.ehun district in the south) had told him the law was on this matter! Although this aspect of the focus of the research was modified it will still be possible to contribute some -valuable material to the discussion of the matter of the influence of Islamic law.

48 An obvious aim of the investigation was to deter¬ mine the content of family law. One of the very difficult problems facing the analysis will be to separate out the kinds of data collected; i.e. to maintain a distinction between the practice of law as recorded in courts and other forums of dispute settlement and the other kinds of data collected. These include opinions about the law given by both 'experts' and laymen, historical models of customary law, statistical records of court cases, and personal observations of family behaviour. There is also the complicated problem of explaining deviations from the model presented by the 'experts' and historical records. There are many cases in which every 'principle' of customary law has been turned on its head. It is necessary to attempt to understand whether these decisions result from actual sociological changes, which demand legal adjustment, or from various kinds of manipulations of the court. Court decisions are often influenced through the use of bribes, the manipulation of power by the court president or other influential persons, and through the use of the belief in the efficacy of medicines, swears and threats of supernatural sanctions.

Associated with the question of the content of the law, are the matters of the frequency and import¬ ance of cases in relation to normative family behaviour. In addition to the tabulated case materials from courts and other forums of dispute settlement, the analysis of these issues will depend heavily on the information gathered in the follow-up of cases and observations of families not involved in disputes. Quite understandably, most of the intensive studies made by the team were of families involved in some case.

Another of the aims of the research was to invest¬ igate all the forums of dispute settlement. It was discovered that some cases are settled within the society bush rendering them inaccessible to observations by the research team. However, some information relating to this matter has been obtained. Dispute settlement is an expensive

4-9. business, and even in the most informal setting money changes hands. Local courts in the provinces jealously guard their prerogative to hear cases. Frequently, a court president puts a 'swear' on any person who hears a case out of court. This has effectively reduced the number of cases ohser- vable outside the formal institution: and, incidentally, it has tended to eliminate one of the very positive functions of customary proced¬ ures by discouraging the immediate disposition of cases in the context where the disputes arose.

In Freetown, because of the absence of recognized courts practising customary law, forums of dispute settlement have proliferated. Even the police get involved in family cases and, in many instances, adjudicate according to customary procedures. In the provinces, if such cases did come to the atten¬ tion of the police, they would be directed to the local court.

The role of social welfare officers in the under¬ standing of the practice of customary law cannot be overestimated. Their training leads them to arbitrate in a fashion which is having a dramatic effect on traditional family structure. This influence is being extended across the country as the Ministry of Social Welfare opens offices in more and more towns, with family caseworkers avail¬ able to their populations. Fortunately, through the employment of many Fourah Bay College students who supplemented the work in this field a good deal of material from all three centres has oeen gathered on this phenomenon.

One further purpose of the research was to assess the disparity between social practice and the con¬ tent of the law, and the disparity between both of these and social attitudes. It was expected that the discussion of this matter would he based on all the various case materials collected and the results of an attitude survey. Early in the field- work it was decided to abandon the survey, and to concentrate more heavily on intensive interviews and observations. These latter type of data, plus

50. the results of panel discussions, together with Dr. Harrell-Bond's previous research on the family provide considerable insight into this matter'. Moreover, while these data may be more limited in coverage than the results of a large survey might have appeared, they are derived more closely from actual family behaviour than are statements expressing attitudes.

Finally, the research aimed to explore the relationship between customary law and the statu¬ tory law. Here the research was not only concerned with conflicts between the several legal systems but with the views of judges and legislators towards them. The researchers looked for all of the ways in which the principles of western law were being deliberately imposed by legislation and administrative effort. A growing emphasis on 'decisions' in local courts was observed, together with a steady movement away from the traditional emphasis on reconciliation of the disputants. The general acceptance of the superiority of western law is reflected in court decisions and in the attempts to reorganize the institutions of law. Perhaps the area of most obvious 'tampering' with customary law is in the settling of inheritance cases. Here case material has been collected through recording from the files of the Administrator General. His interviews with clients were tape-recorded. Interviews with legal practitioners produced explicit statements on this topic, and the files examined were filled with policy statements regarding the direction of change towards western law which is being actively sought. These practices, policies, decisions, and attitudes are not only an expression of Creole leadership, which might be anticipated to reveal a bias towards western notions of the family in view of their long association with these values, but result from the thinking of most educated provincials as well. Therefore, the need arises to discover those aspects of the traditional system which have proved inconvenient, or inadequate to serve the interests of at least this elite group, and perhaps even those of the majority

51 of the population. Traditional rules regarding inheritance cases, the question of women's rights over property, the control of the family over marriage are obvious areas where one may observe general acceptance for the necessity of change. Further analysis will doubtless reveal many others.

It is planned that the government report will be completed early in 1974-. One of the distinguish¬ ing features of this project will undoubtedly be the scope and character of the data which it provides. Some publications, in addition to the government report, are being planned. The publi¬ cation of a book of customary family cases is being discussed. This case-book would have prac¬ tical use for lawyers, district officers and students in Sierra Leone. Tentatively, the research team have selected as the theme, those cases which illustrate conflicts between customary and statutory law. Two members of the team will be writing a paper on the topic of the changing role of women in Sierra Leone and the emergence of civil marriage in traditional society. A histor¬ ical and anthropological study of tribal headmen and the administration of provincial people in the western area is also being planned. Ultimately, copies of cases collected and other research data will be lodged in the library of Fourah Bay College as a resource for further research.

Barbara E. Harrell-Bond2

NOTES

1. Personal, communication, 1971. Van Niewaal is a staff member at the Afrika-Studiecentrum, Leiden, Holland.

2. Correspondence with Dr. Harrell-Bond may be addressed to her in care of St. Antony's College, Oxford, England.

52. NOTES FOR THE GUIDANCE OF VISITING RESEARCH SCHOLARS

The following notes are intended for the guidance of post-graduate scholars considering undertaking research within the broad field of African Studies in Sierra Leone. While care has been taken to ensure that the information contained in these notes is as accurate as possible no responsibility is taken by the Institute of African Studies, University of Sierra Leone for any error of fact that may be incorporated. Conditions are con¬ stantly changing and intending visiting research scholars are advised to write well in advance of their intended arrival to the Secretary of the Institute of African Studies.

1• Introduction

The Institute of African Studies was founded in the early 1960's as an inter-disciplinary research institute, and since the mid 1960's has welcomed researchers from many countries to Sierra Leone as Visiting Research Scholars. In this way bona fide post-graduate scholars from other universities can be closely associated with Fourah Bay College. Thus while duplication of research can be control¬ led, at the same time the College can render assis¬ tance to the visiting scholar in the setting up of his research.

2. Application for Visiting Research Status

(a) Applicants should apply on the appropriate form(in duplicate), available from the Secretary, Institute of African Studies, University of Sierra Leone, Mount Aureol, Freetown, Sierra Leone.

(b) Application should be accompanied by a copy of the scholar's curriculum vitae and by a letter of support from the relevant research supervisor in the scholar's home institution.

(c) A draft research proposal should also be submitted at the same time.

53. (d) The status will be granted at the discretion of the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Sierra Leone, the application having been forwarded to him with the approval of the Director of the Institute. The applicant will be informed by letter of the outcome of his application.

3. Visa and Travel Papers

(a) The granting of visiting research status does not mean that the University of Sierra Leone takes responsibility for the issue of a Sierra Leone entry visa, for which the intending scholar is him¬ self responsible and should therefore approach the Sierra Leone Embassy in his country in good time. Production of the letter of approval will faci¬ litate the acquisition of a visa.

(b) Valid smallpox, yellow fever and cho]ara cards are necessary. It is also advisable to start taking any normal malarial specific at least two weeks before coming to West Africa.

4. Fees

A fee of Le40.00 (Lel.00 =: £0.3O = approximately U.S. $1.25) is due per session or part of session from the date of arrival of the scholar in the country. These fees are to be paid in advance: i.e. at the time of the granting of the status (cheques payable to Fourah Bay College).

5« Accommodation

The University is under no obligation to offer accommodation for visiting research scholars, and because of a rapidly expanding staff, it is in¬ creasingly unlikely that there will be any space available for visitors. Thus the Institute of African Studies will assist visiting scholars to make contact with persons in Freetown who may have accommodation to rent. In addition, on request, reservation of College housing will be attempted, but availability of accommodation is 'usually unlikely . Rates are currently as follows:

54. College Guest House

Self-contained 2-bedroom flat -

Le5.00 per day

LeIOO.OO per month

Single "bedsitter - Le2.50 per day (excluding meals) Le50.00 per month (excluding meals)

Meals

Breakfast Lel.00

Lunch Le1„30

Dinner Le1.50 The flats and bedsitters are fully furnished and the flats have kitchens with cookers, refrigerators, etc. They are often available for shorter stays of, say, up to one month.

Student Hostel

Single room - Le1.50 per day including student meals.

College Staff Housing Various partly furnished housing units (no soft furnishings) around Le75.00 per month (at the Bursar's discretion) - applications considered only in the long vacation (June-October) or for a full session (October-June).

6. Transport Vehicles are readily available in Sierra Leone, both new and second-hand, and it is probably advisable to buy a vehicle in this country rather than to bring one from overseas, since shipping charges, harbour dues and customs duty are all considerable. Duty for an average family car is of the order of 45%.

55. 7. Mail, Customs and Currency

(a) Mail may be addressed to the Institute of African Studies. It is not advisable to have parcels sent in advance of arrival as customs clearance raises problems.

(b) I general, customs duty is not high on personal effects imported at the time of first arrival, but new electrical goods and sound equip¬ ment are heavily dutiable. Personal photographic equipment in limited quantities is normally duty free.

(c) If heavy baggage is following by sea, the necessary customs clearance form should be filled in on arrival.

(d) There are three main banks in the country, Barclays (S.L.) Ltd., Siaka Stevens Street, Freetown Standard Bank of Sierra Leone Ltd., Wallace Johnson Street, Freetown and Sierra Leone Commercial Bank Ltd., Walpole Street, Freetown.

(e) Credit is not available for Visiting Research Scholars at the College Guest House, the Petrol Station or any other College facility. Under no circumstances should visiting research scholars sign credit chits at the College.

8. Library and Archives (a) The Institute provides visiting scholars with letters of introduction to allow them use of the College Library on a reference basis, and on deposit of Le5.00 (2 books) or LeIO.OO (4 books), borrowing is also possible.

(b) Materials from the National Archives can be made available on request of scholars at the dis¬ cretion of the Honorary Archivist, to whom an introduction will be supplied.

(c) The Institute of African Studies will furnish its visiting scholars with letters of introduction to government departments, district officials, and

56 in general render whatever assistance is possible in the conduct of the visitor's project.

9. Office Accommodation

(a) Office space in the Institute building is severely limited. The Institute therefore can¬ not guarantee provision of office accommodation. However, if space is available and the visitor's research is closely related to an Institute pro¬ ject, allocation of office accommodation will be made.

(b) Duplicating and similar office facilities can be provided to the visiting scholar on con¬ dition that he supplies his own materials.

10. Conditions (a) It is expected of each visiting scholar that he will deposit with the University any relevant research notes resulting from the work undertaken during his tenure and also any publications in¬ cluding theses subsequently arising from it. This enables the Institute and Fourah Bay College Library to make available to future researchers, Sierra Leonean materials already completed. Closed access rules can be applied for a period at the request of the visiting scholar. (b) Acknowledgement of assistance rendered by the Institute and University in resulting publi¬ cations, is appreciated. (c) The visiting scholar is expected to parti¬ cipate in campus academic activities, such as seminars and colloquia. When appropriate the visiting scholar may be invited to give a seminar paper in the Institute Seminar Series.

(d) Visiting research scholars should not use the Institute or the College's name or stationery without the permission of the Director. (e) Visiting research scholars should correspond with College and University officials through the Institute Secretary and not directly.

57. CURRENT RESEARCH AT FOURAH BAY COLLEGE

Abraham, Arthur, B.A.(Hons), M.À. ; Ph.D. Candidate, Centre of Nest African Studies, Birmingham. (History)

"Mende Government and Politics under Colonial Rule, 1890-1937"

The research examines the impact of colonialism in terms of change and transformation on the traditional socio-political institutions in the southern half of the country.

Fyle, Cecil îlagbaily, B. A. (Hons), Dip. Ed.; Ph.D. Candidate, Northwestern University, Illinois. (African Studies)

"Solimana and its Neighbours: A pre-Colonial History of the Solima Yalunka of North-Eastern Sierra Leone to 1896"

This study is a political history embracing Solima Yalunka both in North-Eastern Sierra Leone and. the adjacent regions in the Republic of Guniea, since the former Solima kingdom was split up with the establishment of the Sierra Leone-Guinea border.

Though a political history, it involves the social structure, commercial and military relations between Solimana and the neighbouring Koranko, Sankaran and Fulani of i'uta Jallon, especially in so far as these aspects impinge on political authority. For example, trade, both internal and external, in Solimana in the nineteenth century was centrally controlled because the Solima king was opposed to individual accumulation which would threaten political authority. Thus the dynamics of the colima polity, especially in the 19th century for which sources are relatively more adequate, and the reasons for the apparent dis¬ integration of that kingdom in the latter part of that century, would be explored.

58. Skinner, David E., B.A., M.A., Ph.D.(Calif.) Professor, Department of History, The University of Santa Clara, California.

"An Examination of Relations Between the Kingdom of Moriah in Guinea and Neighbouring Kingdoms during the 18th and 19th Centuries"

This research topic is an outgrowth of doctoral studies. Eor the past three summers, the following Archives have been used in order to supplement the work done in Sierra Leone: Public Record Office, London, British Museum, London; Church Missionary Society, London; Archives Nationales, Section Outre-Mer, Paris. It is hoped that a monograph will be produced on the relations of the Kingdom of Moriah with neighbouring Susu and Temne Kingdoms, and the role that Muslims from this Kingdom played in the spread of Islam in the area of the Kolente (Great Scarcies) River.

59

AFRICANA PUBLICATIONS FROM FOURAH BAY COLLEGE

All the undernoted publications are available from the Manager, Fourah Bay Collefe Bookshop, Freetown, Sierra Leone. 1. Published for Fourah Bay College by Oxford University Press. W. T. Harris and Harry Sawyerr, THE SPRINGS OF MENDE BELIEF AND CONDUCT 1969. Le3.50

Christopher Fyfe and Eldred Jones, eds., FREETOWN. A SYMPOSIUM 1968. Le4.20 H. L. Van Der Laan, THE SIERRA LEONE DIAMONDS, 1965 Le2.75. 2. SIERRA LEONE GEOGRAPHICAL JOURNAL, M.B. Gleave ed., annually at Le2.50. (overseas) per copy. 3. THE SIERRA LEONE BULLETIN OF RELIGION, P. E. S. Thompson, ed., annually at Lei.50 (overseas) per copy. 4. SIERRA LEONE STUDIES, J. E. Peterson, ed., half yearly at Lel.50 (overseas) per copy. 5. SIERRA LEONE GEOGRAPHICAL ASSOCIATION Occasional Paper No. 2. A selection of papers from Vols. 1-9 of the Bulletin of the Association at 90 cents per copy. 6. G. D. Field, BIRDS OF THE FREETOWN AREA, LeO 75 BIRDS OF THE FREETOWN PENINSULA shortly to be published 7. A. Ijagbemi, GBANKA OF YONI shortly to be published 8. J. S. T. Thompson, SIERRA LEONE'S PAST— Books, Periodicals, Pamphlets and Microfilms in the F. B. C. Library Le0.75

THE MARY KINGSLEY BUILDING, FOURAH BAY COLLEGE

Michael Maurice Printing Works 0300.1.74