A Swiss Tale of Security Critical Analysis of Switzerland’s Federal Council’s Security Narrative
Petra Katrin Jud
Thesis, 30 ECTS (hp) Political Science with a focus on Crisis Management and Security Master’s Programme in Politics and War Autumn 2020 Supervisor: Charlotte Wagnsson Word count: 20.000
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to Charlotte Wagnsson for her supportive and kind- hearted supervision, and Simon Hollis for his valuable feedback at the mid-seminar.
This thesis would not have been possible without the support from my friends and peers Melinda Nilsson and Selma Johansson, and of course Bilbo, the cat.
A heartfelt thank you also goes to my ever-supportive parents, Annika and Marcel Jud, and last but not least to my fiancé Alexander Emerson for sustaining me and my academic aspirations.
Abstract
This paper seeks to explore why the people of Switzerland have preponderantly voted in favour of a strong military defence despite the reality of Swiss security in the 21st century being dependent on international collaboration outside the military arena. The conundrum is answered by determining the Swiss Federal Council’s strategic narrative regarding security, through examination of its explanatory texts in voting booklets between 1978 and 2020, finding that the matter of armed neutrality is a red thread. Either neutrality is used as justification of an act supported by the Federal Council, or that neutrality would be harmed by popular initiatives the Council does not endorse.
Keywords: strategic narratives, narrative analysis, security, Switzerland, direct democracy
Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Research Problem 2 1.2 Aim and Research Question 3 1.3 Delimitations 3 1.4 Thesis Outline 4 2. Background 5 2.1 The Context of Switzerland 5 2.1.1 Switzerland’s political system 6 2.1.2 Neutrality 7 3. Previous Research 9 4. Theory Section 11 4.1 Constructivism 11 4.2 Narratives 12 5. Methodology 14 5.1 Research Design 14 5.2. Method 15 5.2.1 Narrative Analysis 15 5.2.2 Framework 16 5.3 Material 18 5.4 Reflexivity 20 6. Analysis 21 6.1 Empirical Analysis 21 6.2 Discussion 57 6.2.1 Projection and Reception 62 7. Conclusion 63 7.1 Implications for future research 64 8. References 65 8.1 Literature 65 8.2 Empirical Material 67 Appendix: Translation Glossary German – English 69
1. Introduction
European security policy has undergone big changes since the end of the Cold War, with questions of security touching upon issues far beyond the traditional threat to sovereignty over territory. First, the reunification of Europe ended the direct military threat, that had been around for most of the 20th century, resulting in West European states downsizing their armed forces and spending their “peace dividends” on other sectors. The European security agenda was not only broadened to cover non-military threats, but also deepened to include individuals’ security – in addition to state security. Both the reduced national defence capacities and new threat definitions were a fertile breeding ground for enlargement processes of the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) during the 1990s, resulting in most European states having moving away from the idea of national security and thinking in terms of collective security.1
The end of the Cold War also entailed a shift in political science, with the field moving from studies of material realities and hard power to social constructions and soft power. One considerabely prominent area in the study of soft political power is the study of strategic narratives. Political science and International Relations scholars have found several examples of states and non-state actors employing strategic narratives in order to influence others’ behaviours and to have an effect on political outcomes. However, the author has identified a gap in the existing research on strategic narratives. Almost all of it deals with internationally employed narratives – the greater share scrutinising authoritarian regimes’ and rebel groups’ narratives against the West. But the theory of strategic narratives is not confined to the international arena, since it alleges that narratives can be employed by any political actor on any arena, including the domestic one. Strategic narratives are in fact an important tool in democracies to gain legitimacy from voters.2
Meanwhile, even after the Iron Curtain’s fall, the Swiss government has held onto its Sonderweg of armed neutrality, which it has since the Napoleonic era, and claims autonomy from most international organisations. While Geneva is a prominent hub for international organisations, like the United Nations, the World Health Organization (WHO), the Red Cross and Médicins Sans Frontières, the Swiss government has consistently maintained conscription
1 Chappell, Galbreath, and Mawdsley, ‘A Changing Security Architecture’, 2–23. 2 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Forging the World: Strategic Narratives and International Relations, 2–6.
1 for all Swiss able-bodied males aged 18-30, and a strong arms industry. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) ranks Switzerland as the 12th biggest arms exporter 1960-2019 – in absolute terms, not per capita.3
Another feature of Switzerland is that it has a fairly unique form of direct democracy, which allows the general population to have the last word on any issue, even those concerning national security. Yet, the head of the Swiss government – the Federal Council – always hands out a voting recommendation with the voting papers, and they have a cogent success rate of 80%.4 This is an important aspect, since according to constructivist theory, whoever owns a narrative, sets the agenda. Specifically concerning security, the Swiss people have voted in accordance with the Federal Council’s recommendation in 84% of the cases.5 The recommendations are in nearly all cases in favour of the armed forces and a strong national defence sector. 1.1 Research Problem Although the Swiss government espouses the stance of armed neutrality, the reality of Swiss security is that it is not so different from the rest of Europe. The Swiss army has played an active role in several military peacekeeping missions, for instance in Kosovo (KFOR6) and Bosnia-Hercegovina (EUFOR7 Althea). The Swiss company (SWISSCOY) at KFOR amounts to 165 armed military personnel – 195 as of April 2021 – and Switzerland is the lead nation for the Mobile Training Teams in the Althea mission. There has even been a permanent Swiss mission at the NATO headquarters in Brussels since 1997.8 Moreover, Swiss security is highly dependent on international collaboration, and the Swiss defence sector alone is not capable of securing Switzerland. A study in Swiss Political Science Review, where international and national cooperation between security agents was measured, has shown that “threat management has become a complex trans-functional multi-agency practice”9.
3 SIPRI, ‘Top List TIV Tables’. 4 In the years 1978-2020 the Swiss people have voted 365 times and 292 out of those, they followed the Federal Council’s recommendation. Numbers taken from Année Politique Suisse, ‘Votes’. 5 Same years as above, 37 votes concerning security policy, 30 out of those in accordance with the Federal Council’s recommendation. Numbers taken from Année Politique Suisse. 6 Kosovo Force 7 European Union Force 8 Swiss Armed Forces International Command, ‘SWISSINT’; Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport, ‘Partnership for Peace’. 9 Hagmann et al., ‘The Programmatic and Institutional (Re-)Configuration of the Swiss National Security Field’, 231.
2 Why then do the Swiss people still vote in favour of a strong military defence? And why are they less prone to embrace a broader security agenda?
Citizens never vote in a vacuum – they are influenced by narratives employed by political actors.10 One of the most influential narratives in Switzerland is that deployed by the highest political entity: The Federal Council, consisting of seven members from different political parties, which is why this thesis will examine the Swiss Federal Council’s narrative on security over the past 42 years. 1.2 Aim and Research Question This thesis aims to bring clarity to why the Swiss people still subscribe to the idea of a strong military defence and traditionalist worldview despite the reality of Swiss security being dependent on international collaboration outside the military arena. Since the outcomes of votes follow the Federal Council’s recommendation in 80% of cases, it is critical to look closer at the Federal Council’s strategic narrative regarding national security. The Swiss Federal Council’s concept of security will be examined through a narrative analysis of its public statements prior to popular votes on the issue since 1978. The research question is thus:
“How does the Swiss Federal Council’s narrative influence voters on issues of security?”
Apart from the main goal of explaining the specific case of Switzerland, the thesis also aims to contribute to existing theories of strategic narratives and neutral states. 1.3 Delimitations This thesis will only examine the advising texts by the Federal Council in voting booklets, and disregard any other public statements, like speeches and press releases. Further, only booklets between the years 1978 and 2020 will be examined. The reasoning behind the choice of material will be further explained in the methods section.
Since the Swiss constitution is constructed to limit individual party power, this thesis will analyse a narrative that has been employed by a total of 38 different Federal Councillors
10 Bacon, Edwin, ‘Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era’, 768–69.
3 from five different parties over a timespan of over 40 years.11 At times, there have been more than one Councillor from the same party, and it is reasonable to assume that that party’s agenda influenced the narrative more than the voices from the other Councillors.
The booklets are available in French, Italian and German.12 Since the author is fluent in German, only the German booklets are subject to analysis. Seeing as narratives heavily rely on language, potentially important nuances from the French or Italian texts are lost. However, the majority of the Swiss people (62.6%) have German as their first language, and the booklets are usually first drafted in German, before being translated to the other languages, meaning that including Italian and French booklets would not deliver a significant inference.13
Another caveat is gender balance. Firstly, the Federal Council has been male dominated. The first female Federal Councillor was elected in 1984, and 2010 was the first year when the Council consisted of more female than male members.14 Neither the reception side of the narrative – the voting population – was equalised until 1991. All Swiss women did get the right to vote on the federal level in 1971, but there were several cantons who did not let female citizens vote on cantonal and municipal issues until 20 years later. Since this thesis is concerned only with national issues, the cantons’ late adoption of women’s suffrage is not expected to have a great impact on the analysis, but it is not impossible that the lack of voting culture for women in those cantons may have had some sort of influence on the Federal Council’s narrative of security. 1.4 Thesis Outline The thesis will proceed with background information on Switzerland and previous research regarding narrative analysis in political science with a focus on strategic narratives. The theory section deliberates on constructivism and its significance for narratives, followed by a methodology section consisting of research design and framework, including a discussion of both. After brief expositions of the material and the author’s reflexivity, the narrative analysis is first presented in its full glory, followed by a summary and discussion of the findings. Subsequently, a conclusion of the thesis and its implications for further research can be found.
11 The Federal Council, ‘All Federal Councils’. 12 Since 1996, the booklets have also been distributed in Romansh upon request. They are however not available via the Federal Chancellery’s web page. 13 Presence Switzerland, ‘Language – Facts and Figures’. 14 The Federal Council, ‘All Federal Councils’.
4 2. Background
Switzerland’s unique form of direct democracy brings a lack of generalisability with it, which the author believes to be the core reason for lack of research on Swiss (security) politics. Even the Swiss Political Science Review has published more articles on the foreign and security policies of Scandinavian countries than on Switzerland’s.15 Unlike with other states, where the person holding the highest political position is often subject to research, not much light has been shed on Switzerland’s head of government. This is partly due to the fact that the Federal Council consists of seven people from different parties, so their public statements are often rather middle-of-the-road. The other reason is, that according to the constitution, the Swiss people essentially have a veto right, which takes away a considerable amount of deciding power from the Federal Council. All the more, the people’s veto right makes Switzerland a particularly interesting case to study. 2.1 The Context of Switzerland
Switzerland’s modern federal state consisting of 26 cantons was established 1848 after two failed Confederations and was designed to have a weak central leadership, by demand of the Catholic cantons. Overall, religion played a large role in the development of the Swiss nation state, resulting in several bilingual cantons. During the latter half of the 19th century, a project of nation-building began, with nationalist historiography at the forefront. Myths about historic battles against “mighty evil lords from the surrounding empires” depicted an eternal fight for independence, uniting the cantons.16 The narrative of Switzerland’s identity emphasizes the following characteristics: neutrality, federalism and direct democracy. All three characteristics have the main purpose of unifying the different religious and language communities.17 Federalism and direct democracy have allowed communities to live relatively unbothered by each other. While both federalism and direct democracy are fascinating, they will only be outlined marginally. The main focus will lie on neutrality as a nation-building property, since that is most relevant for Swiss security policy.
15 Hagmann et al., ‘The Programmatic and Institutional (Re-)Configuration of the Swiss National Security Field’, 215. 16 Kriesi and Trechsel, The Politics of Switzerland: Continuity and Change in a Consensus Democracy, 1–9. 17 Kriesi and Trechsel, 11–12; DeVore and Stähli, ‘From Armed Neutrality to External Dependence: Swiss Security in the 21st Century’, 3.
5 2.1.1 Switzerland’s political system Switzerland’s parliament, the Federal Assembly, consists of two chambers. The National Council has 200 members according to population size of the different cantons, while the Council of States consists of 46 members – two from each canton.18
Switzerland’s direct democracy gives the Swiss people two main tools of shaping political outcomes: popular initiatives and referenda. Popular initiatives are used to propose new bills, while referenda intervene at the end stage of the Federal Assembly’s decision- making process. An initiative is put to a vote if 100.000 valid signatures are gathered within 18 months, and beyond the majority of voters, a majority of the cantons is needed for it to pass. The referendum is separated into two types: mandatory and optional. The optional referendum occurs when the people disagree with the decision of the Federal Assembly. In that case, 50.000 valid signatures must be collected within 100 days – or eight cantons submit a request – leading to a popular vote on the issue, where a simple majority is needed for the bill to pass. The mandatory referendum comes into play regarding certain laws, as stated in the Federal Constitution:
Art. 140 Mandatory referendum
The following must be put to the vote of the People and the Cantons:
a. amendments to the Federal Constitution;
b. accession to organisations for collective security or to supranational communities;
c. emergency federal acts that are not based on a provision of the Constitution and whose term of validity exceeds one year; such federal acts must be put to the vote within one year of being passed by the Federal Assembly.
The following are submitted to a vote of the People:
a. popular initiatives for a total revision of the Federal Constitution;
b. popular initiatives for a partial revision of the Federal Constitution in the form of a general proposal that have been rejected by the Federal Assembly;
c. the question of whether a total revision of the Federal Constitution should be carried out, in the event that there is disagreement between the two Councils.19
18 The Swiss Authorities Online, ‘Swiss Parliament’. 19 The Federal Council, ‘Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation’.
6 The Federal Council consists of seven members and is the executive government of Switzerland. There is a magic formula, an unwritten law for dividing the seven executive seats among the largest parties, as to hinder a party majority in the Council. Choosing Councillors is the only political issue where the Federal Assembly has exclusive control and the Swiss people do not get a say. There is a presidency to the Federal Council, but it inhabits representational duties only and is attributed according to a rotation system.20 2.1.2 Neutrality Classical realist scholars have long proclaimed that neutrality is the only viable choice for small states, even if prominent realist Carl Schmitt went so far as to say neutrality was the death of politics, as he viewed the friend/enemy distinction as the core of politics.21 Furthermore, the founding father of realism Hans J. Morgenthau argued in 1939 that even neutral states have the need for a strong defence, due to the anarchic nature of the international system.22
The current Federal Constitution gives the Federal Assembly and the Federal Council competence to maintain Switzerland’s neutrality, although without a definition of what neutrality is. Firstly, it is important to differentiate between neutrality law and neutrality policy. Neutrality law is about the rights and obligations of neutral states in times of war, while neutrality policy refers to foreign policies the neutral state itself imposes. Switzerland’s neutrality policy is permanent and self-imposed. Additionally, Kriesi and Trechsel differentiate three different forms of neutrality: integral, super-integral and differential neutrality. Integrally neutral states must have adequate military forces to defend themselves (armed neutrality), may not enter any military alliance and may not participate in economic sanctions. Super-integral neutrality is integral neutrality plus a principle of not entering any international organisations “with a political vocation potentially impacting on Switzerland’s impartiality”23, while differential neutrality entails armed neutrality and abstention from entering military alliances while allowing participation in economic sanctions. Historically speaking, Swiss neutrality policy has been quite flexible when policymakers were put under pressure or saw trading opportunities.24 Officially, Switzerland was integrally neutral during World War II, but
20 The Federal Council, ‘Federal Presidency’. 21 Agius, ‘Transformed Beyond Recognition? The Politics of Post-Neutrality’, 373. 22 Morgenthau, ‘International Affairs: The Resurrection of Neutrality in Europe’, 482–83. 23 Kriesi and Trechsel, The Politics of Switzerland: Continuity and Change in a Consensus Democracy, 22. 24 Kriesi and Trechsel, 19–23.
7 an independent commission investigated Switzerland’s role during the war by order of the Federal Assembly in 2001 and found that it was not only Switzerland’s armed forces and willingness to trade with the Axis Powers that prevented a military attack on Swiss territory. They also found evidence for a covert military alliance with France.25 In the 1950s, Switzerland adopted super-integral neutrality, but only until it joined the Council of Europe in 1963. Until the end of the Cold War, Switzerland went back to integral neutrality, and has since then pursued a policy of differential neutrality.26 Most scholars, however, agree that Switzerland’s security cannot be upheld by its armed forces alone, but is strongly dependent on cooperation with other states and international organisations. DeVore and Stähli at the University of St. Gallen proclaim that “[a]lthough the Swiss public has remained emotionally attached to the idea of providing for their own security through armed neutrality, Switzerland has, in reality, come to depend on foreign inputs, organizations and agreements for its security.”27 Hagmann et al. demonstrate in a large-N study of Swiss security agencies that “the current Swiss security work is remarkably removed from the country’s traditional concept of self-help.”28
Christine Agius has shown a national identity can shift from neutral to former neutral by example of Finland, Austria and Sweden. All three are still militarily non-aligned,29 but do not define their identities as neutral. According to Agius, they all experienced similar shifts in narratives, starting at 1) neutrality as a security choice for small states during the first half of the 20th century, shifting to 2) neutrality as a diplomatic tool during the Cold War, culminating in 3) neutrality is no longer needed thanks to liberal democracy’s win and is incompatible with European integration.30 Agius claims that 9/11 was what put the nail in neutrality’s coffin, because the Bush narrative on the war on terror was that there could be no neutrals, and that anyone (state or not) would be held accountable for inactivity.31
25 Bergier et al., ‘Die Schweiz, der Nationalsozialismus und der Zweite Weltkrieg [Switzerland, National Socialism and the Second World War]’. 26 Kriesi and Trechsel, The Politics of Switzerland: Continuity and Change in a Consensus Democracy, 22–23. 27 DeVore and Stähli, ‘From Armed Neutrality to External Dependence: Swiss Security in the 21st Century’, 5. 28 Hagmann et al., ‘The Programmatic and Institutional (Re-)Configuration of the Swiss National Security Field’, 236. 29 Agius, ‘Transformed Beyond Recognition? The Politics of Post-Neutrality’, 371. 30 Agius, 374–77. 31 Agius, 381.
8 From a strict perspective of military alliance, Switzerland is about as (non-)neutral as Austria, Finland and Sweden.32 The biggest difference is that Switzerland is not an EU member, but as the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy is non-binding, and all four states have active cooperation with the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)33 and with NATO, for instance by participating in the peacekeeping force Kosovo Force (KFOR)34, the countries are not so different after all.
3. Previous Research
Strategic narratives are a means for political actors to construct a shared meaning of the past, present, and future of international politics to shape the behavior of domestic and international actors.35
The study of strategic narratives stems from the field of International Relations and as such has been almost exclusively centred around internationally employed narratives. Prominent strategic narratives that have been studied thoroughly are Putin’s narrative of “the decaying West”,36 the EU’s use of narratives to encourage compliance with human rights outside of the Union,37 or Al-Qaeda’s story of a “historical global attack on Islam”.38 Relatively little attention has been given to strategic narratives used on the domestic arena to form national identities and consensus regarding international matters, despite democratic leaders constantly employing narratives to seek legitimacy and gain public support from their constituents.
Historically, strategic narratives have to a large extent been used during wartime, in an attempt to delegitimise enemy forces. But narratives are deployed in all realms of politics, be it crisis response, foreign policy, public diplomacy, or international development assistance.39
32 Kriesi and Trechsel, The Politics of Switzerland: Continuity and Change in a Consensus Democracy, 25; Hagmann et al., ‘The Programmatic and Institutional (Re-)Configuration of the Swiss National Security Field’, 215. 33 OSCE, ‘Participating States’. 34 JFC NAPLES Allied Joint Force Command Naples, ‘Contributing Nations’. 35 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order, 2. 36 EEAS European External Action Service, ‘5 Common Pro-Kremlin Disinformation Narratives’. 37 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order, 3. 38 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, 42. 39 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Forging the World: Strategic Narratives and International Relations, 2–6.
9 Laura Roselle, for instance, shows how the Cold War narrative, where both the United States and the Soviet Union / Russian Federation claim to be the great power in a bipolar world order, has persisted to this day. Although the Cold War ended over 40 years ago, the narrative has great effect on the contemporary foreign policy of the two countries. Roselle argues that U.S. military intervention in Iraq 1990-1991 and 2003-2004 and Russian intervention in Chechnya 1994-1996 and 1999-2004 and Crimea 2014 respectively were fostered by the Cold War narrative, inasmuch as both states wanted to reassert “great power” through the use of force. As usual for narratives, it goes both ways. The narrative did not only strengthen political power, but the narrative was also intensified by military advances. The fact that the two “great powers” subscribed to the Cold War narrative undermined the contesting narrative of a “new world order”, promoting international cooperation and shared interest.40
It is against this Cold War narrative that the EU is competing with its own narrative of integration and cooperation. Alister Miskimmon shows the struggles the EU has had with the formation, projection and reception of a coherent narrative, and how these struggles are closely tied to the failure of agreeing on the EU’s identity. The lack of a military force has conditioned the EU to find a different identity from the other “great powers” but the different member states to this day have differing normative claims about what type of role the Union has to play. The inability to form a coherent narrative and identity internally undoubtedly impedes efforts to communicate it externally, which in turn drastically reduces the EU’s normative power outside of the EU. Miskimmon notes that member states often have their own competing narratives of the EU, where the member state at hand and its national interests are still very much at the centre, and the Union is a power tool to reach those interests.41 This internal struggle of EU narratives is also present in Switzerland. Even though it is not a member state, it is surrounded by and heavily dependent on the EU – not least in terms of security. These competing narratives of the EU as a security provider, and the EU as a security threat will be further discussed in the analysis of the Federal Council’s security narrative.
Generally, the rising interest in studying strategic narratives marks an important evolution in political science but the one-sided focus on internationally employed strategic narratives risks to distort the understanding of them. As a scholar of both International Relations and political science, the author wishes to see more collaboration between the two fields and an increased cross-application of theories. Contrary to traditionalist IR theories,
40 Roselle, ‘Strategic Narratives and Great Power Identity’, 56–79. 41 Miskimmon, ‘Finding a Unified Voice?’, 85–91.
10 which define states as international actors, separate from domestic politics, contemporary theories see the interconnectedness of international and national politics. The mechanisms present within the European Union for example are not fundamentally different from a federal state like Switzerland. This thesis stems from a belief that most social science theories are applicable to political science and International Relations, and contributes to shifting a silo mentality into a holistic view of politics.
4. Theory Section
Strategic narratives are closely tied to norms and identities – two concepts that are central in constructivist studies of International Relations.42 The proceeding section will clarify the meaning of norms and identities according to constructivism, followed by an account of their interconnectedness with strategic narratives. 4.1 Constructivism The main theoretical assumption this paper builds on is that the Federal Council exerts normative power by advising citizens on what to vote. This assumption relies on Alexander Wendt’s interpretation of constructivism, which in contrast to classic theories of International Relations does not see the state as an ontologically independent actor, but one that is constructed by social structures.43 Wendt explains the social system as a construct of material conditions, interests, and ideas. These three elements can interact with each other but they each have a distinct role to play in explaining the structures of society. For instance, material realities are given significance by interests. Hence, Wendt claims that: “Without ideas there are no interests, without interests there are no meaningful material conditions, without material conditions there is no reality at all.”44 Narratives consist of shared ideas, or common knowledge, which are kept alive over generations through repetition and rituals.45
Although Wendt mainly theorises about the international system, his theories are very much concerned with the national level, since states are made up of the societies inhabiting them – “no society, no state”46. The state is prescribed agency by “internal structures, that
42 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order, 31. 43 Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics, 199. 44 Wendt, 139. 45 Wendt, 160–63. 46 Wendt, 209.
11 combine a collective idea of the state with rules that institutionalize and authorize collective action by their members”.47 Furthermore, the theories that lie at the base of constructivism are rooted in sociology, which typically considers individuals rather than states to be actors.48 Wendt even proclaims that constructivism is more suitable in a national setting, since norms and social structures are stronger in domestic politics than politics between states,49 thus constructivism is deemed a most appropriate choice of theory for the analysis of a domestically employed narrative. 4.2 Narratives Narrative analysis in political science builds on the importance of language.50 Politics could not exist without language and thus the study of political language is essential to understanding politics. Narrative analysis is about discerning stories – about understanding communication and the beliefs, experiences and motivations that lie behind. On a cultural level, narratives serve the purpose of transmitting beliefs and values. Good narratives are sense- making tools that tie together events into a beginning, middle, and conclusion. They are means of knowing and explaining.51 A strategic narrative contains the additional level of convincing. “The point of strategic narratives is to influence the behavior of others.”52 Miskimmon et al. argue that narratives are a tool for political actors to shape others’ – both abroad and at home – understanding of themselves, the world and where it is and ought to be heading. They link the power of narratives to Joseph S. Nye’s concept of soft power,53 defined as “the ability to obtain desired outcomes through attraction or persuasion rather than coercion or payment.”54 Nye and Welch find that hard and soft power are often interrelated, in that “material success [hard power] makes a culture and ideology [soft power] attractive, and decreases in economic and military success [loss of hard power] lead to self-doubt and crises of identity [loss of soft power]”.55 Soft power is by no means more ethical than hard power, but it is slower and more difficult to establish and maintain. Because soft power takes time and trust to build, it is most
47 Wendt, 243. 48 Wendt, 1. 49 Wendt, 1–2. 50 Fischer, Reframing Public Policy Discursive Politics and Deliberative Practices, 161. 51 Fischer, 161–63. 52 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order, 2. 53 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, 2–3. 54 Nye and Welch, Understanding Global Conflict & Cooperation: Intro to Theory & History, 5. 55 Nye and Welch, 52.
12 prominent in peaceful post-industrial societies.56 Soft power is also more important in democracies than autocracies, and especially so in direct democracies, since the direct democratic constitution limits the government’s hard power. A functioning government can exert hard power over all their citizens through the monopoly on violence, but it can only exert soft power on the citizens who identify themselves with the government. Furthermore, soft power is not only dependent on an intact group identity, it also helps shape the identity.
Constructivist accounts of the causal connection between norms, culture, identities and national security policies can further clarify the power of strategic narratives. Katzenstein, Jepperson and Wendt makes the following five arguments:
1. Effects of norms (I). Cultural or institutional elements of states’ environments […] shape the national security interests or (directly) the security policies of states. 2. Effects of norms (II). Cultural or institutional elements of states’ global or domestic environments […] shape state identity. 3. Effects of identity (I). Variation in state identity, or changes in state identity, affect the national security interests or policies of states. 4. Effects of identity (II). Configurations of state identity affect interstate normative structures, such as regimes or security communities. 5. Recursivity. State policies both reproduce and reconstruct cultural and institutional structure.57
The authors define norms as “collective expectations about proper behavior for a given identity” and norms can have either a constitutive (define identities) or regulative effect (proscribe behaviours for already constituted identities).58 Narratives are an effective tool to shape norms; how things are and how they should be. Public political narratives, more specifically, help explain a political actor’s actions and their motivations behind it.59
To conclude: According to constructivist theory, narratives shape norms, norms shape identity, and identity shapes policy. So, the real power of determining security policy is in the
56 Nye and Welch, 52. 57 Jepperson, Wendt, and Katzenstein, ‘Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security’, 52–53. 58 Jepperson, Wendt, and Katzenstein, 54. 59 Bacon, Edwin, ‘Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era’, 769–71.
13 hands of whoever owns the security narrative. In the case of Switzerland, that would be the Federal Council.
5. Methodology
There are many different ways to analyse political texts. The ambition of this thesis is to discern the Swiss Federal Council’s security narrative by examining 36explanatory texts60 regarding popular votes on security policy. This chapter presents and discusses the method of analysis, the chosen framework and the selection of material. 5.1 Research Design The chosen research design is a single case study. Political science scholars are not quite in agreement on what a case study is. There are some who define a case as “a spatially and temporally bounded set of events”61, while others argue it must be “an instance of something else, […] a theoretically defined class of events”62. The most important question, that a researcher must answer when choosing a case, however, is “what is this a case of?”63. The author defines the case analysed in this thesis as a case of strategic narrative in a direct democracy, which is bound temporally (1978-2020) and spatially (Switzerland).
The advantage of single case studies is a high internal validity, meaning one can find trustworthy causal mechanisms concerning that specific case. The downside of single case studies, compared to cross case or quantitative studies, is a relatively low external validity, meaning the results will not be generalisable to other cases. That is not the aim of this thesis, though, since it is a qualitative study seeking to understand the specific case of a Swiss security narrative, and with that contribute to theories on strategic narratives and perhaps be an illustrative example of a strategic narrative deployed in a democratic context.
Since this is an interpretive study, complete objectivity is not possible to attain. What interpretivist researchers can and must do to give their research trustworthiness is to be transparent regarding the interpretation of the analysed text and their own positionality.64
60 There are 37 popular votes regarding security policy in that timeframe but the booklet to the initiative “S.o.S. – Switzerland without snooping police” from the 7 June 1998 is not complete online. The author has reached out to the Federal Chancellery, but it does not have time to fulfill the demand given the current pandemic. 61 Levy, ‘Case Studies: Types, Designs, and Logics of Inference’, 2. 62 Levy, 2. 63 Levy, 2. 64 Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, Interpretive Research Design: Concepts and Processes, 99–102.
14 Chapter 5.2.2 presents the framework used for the analysis and exemplify how the findings will be interpreted. Furthermore, Chapter 5.4 facilitates the author’s reflexivity and stance concerning the material. 5.2. Method 5.2.1 Narrative Analysis Traditionally, narratives are construed through actors and time; usually the timeframe can be divided into beginning, middle, and end; “an initial situation or order, a problem that disrupts that order, and a resolution that reestablishes order”65. The actors can entail both the initiators of a problem and the problem-solvers. While framing and discourse analysis are typically also concerned with actors and events, it is the timeline that is specific to narrative analysis. Narratives embed events in a temporal setting and include cause and effect. Discourses and framing are however crucial to narratives, seeing as “[a]ctors can only form and project a narrative based upon the discourses available to them in their historical situation”66, and that “the various components of a narrative must be framed a certain way”67.68
What separates strategic narratives from other forms of narratives it that there is a clear goal, albeit not always openly stated. Miskimmon et al. argue that strategy is at the core of (democratic) politics, because political actors will always try and influence others in their vote. If a narrative is strategic or not is not dependent on its intended success.69 Analyses of public political narratives have the potential to unveil the motivations and intentions of the narrator(s) by analysing the elements of the story told.70
In order to fully understand a strategic narrative, Miskimmon et al. believe one must understand and analyse the three pillars of a narrative: formation, projection, and reception. Formation concerns the role of the political actor and the institutions and procedures through which the political actor construes and spreads the narrative. Projection focuses on the medium distributing a narrative and the environment this medium operates in. Reception concentrates
65 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order, 5. 66 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, 7. 67 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, 7. 68 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, 5–7. 69 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, 13. 70 Bacon, Edwin, ‘Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era’, 770–71.
15 on how a narrative is interpreted and processed by the audience.71 These three aspects will be addressed in chapter 5.3 Material, and projection and reception will be part of the analysis. 5.2.2 Framework As stated above, most analyses of strategic narratives aid in uncovering a political actor’s intentions and goals, but seeing as the Federal Council openly states their intentions in the voting booklets, the focus of this thesis lies on a narrative of Swiss security identity. Edwin Bacon’s research is predominantly dedicated to deducing identity, policy stances, and priorities by analysing narratives told by regimes, which is why his framework is deemed most appropriate for the task at hand. The analysis will be founded on Edwin Bacon’s framework of a qualitative narrative analysis, which is concerned with five core elements: central motifs, temporalities, symbols, agency, and plots/subplots. A sixth element of referent object will be added, explained further down in this chapter.
Central motifs
Bacon defines central motifs as “the priorities to which other elements take second place”72, and with which a narrative’s agent should identify itself. According to Bacon’s research, for example, Russia’s narrative of Putinism holds national unity and long-term stability as central motifs, which trump “lesser” motifs, such as democracy. As long as the Putinism narrative is the dominant narrative in Russia, political agents benefit from identifying themselves with it.73
Temporalities
Temporalities ask about the timeline of a narrative: When does it start? When does it end? Which events are included or omitted in a narrative?74 For the chosen material, it will be interesting to see shifts in temporalities between the different votes. How much history is included, for instance will World War II be mentioned? How long is the Cold War referred to? How far ahead in the future does the Federal Council plan? Does the horizon depend on the issue up for vote?
71 Miskimmon, O´Loughlin, and Roselle, Forging the World: Strategic Narratives and International Relations, 9–10. 72 Bacon, Edwin, ‘Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era’, 775. 73 Bacon, Edwin, 775–76. 74 Bacon, Edwin, 776.
16 Symbols
Symbols are a powerful narrative technique and can enhance its effect. They can be of visual or metaphorical nature and analysing symbols can contribute to a holistic understanding of the narrator. Flags and national holidays are typical symbols used to enhance an identity narrative.75 The Swiss national day is a commemoration of the first day in August 1291 when three men from the cantons Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden swore alliance to protect each other from the Habsburgs on the Rütli meadow near Lake Lucerne. This legend is often used by political actors to plead for neutrality and independence from great powers. The Swiss flag, with its white cross on red backdrop is a reverse image of the Red Cross logo – a similarity that is often used to invoke Christian and humanitarian values as Swiss values. Other interpretations of the Swiss flag are that the four arms of the cross symbolise the four language groups. How factual symbols are does not matter in narratives. All that matters is that the story is bought.
Agency
Agents are the cornerstone of a narrative. Agency examines who is a main character in a narrative, who is a side character and who is omitted. Further, how are the agents portrayed? Who is good, who is evil? How abstract the actors are in public political narratives depends a lot on the political system. Liberal democracies tend to use agents, who are not a single person but rather a regime or a system. The Putin regime and other authoritarian administrations with an inclination for cult of personality prefer personal agents, such as war heroes or President Putin on horseback.76
Plots/subplots
Embedding a subplot into the main plot of a public political narrative can be a useful tool to impede counternarratives. It gives the narrator “the developmental flexibility essential to its usefulness and longevity”. In a subplot one can address anticipated criticism against the main plot and possibly disarm one’s political enemies. Further, “[s]ubplots serve a narrative by widening its appeal and keeping potential political pathways open”.77 So by having a subplot, the Swiss government could potentially hold several doors open – neutrality and protectionism one day, international cooperation and integration on the next.
75 Bacon, Edwin, 778–79. 76 Bacon, Edwin, 779–80. 77 Bacon, Edwin, 780–81.
17 To clarify, only subplots which are taken up by the Federal Council in the booklet are included in the analysis, not any from the opposing side’s text.
Referent object
One important question is omitted in Bacon’s framework, which will be included in this thesis’ framework – the issue of the referent object of security.78 A central question in constructivist security studies is “whose security?”. Who or what is threatened and needs to be protected? The referent object tells us if the narrator has a traditionalist or a widened security agenda. Typical traditionalist referent objects are territorial integrity or sovereignty – always with the state at the centre – while wider ones include the environment or economic security.79 In this last element of the framework, the answers can also vary in their level of abstraction – anything from values like sovereignty or neutrality over economic resources to human lives. 5.3 Material The Swiss population gets to cast their vote four times a year on several issues on the local, regional and national level. Since 1978, together with the ballot papers, every citizen receives an explanatory booklet, where the Federal Council advises on how to vote. These booklets (in German) make up the main material for the thesis.
For reasons of relevance and feasibility, only votes concerning security are included in the analysis. The selection rests on Swissvotes, an information platform run by Année Politique Suisse at the Institute of Political Science of the University of Bern. Swissvotes has categorised all popular votes according to policy area, and it is this categorisation the selection rests upon; all votes in the category security policy (Sicherheitspolitik) since 1978 are included in the analysis. Since 1978, the Swiss people have voted on security policy a total of 37 times. 18 of those were popular initiatives, 13 optional referenda and only six mandatory referenda.80
The rather long timeline 1978-2020 was chosen because, firstly, narratives are strengthened through repetition, and secondly, because narratives remain relevant by reacting to daily life.81 By analysing over 40 years of Switzerland’s security narrative, the author is
78 Coined by the Copenhagen School in Buzan, Wæver, and de Wilde, Security: A New Framefork for Analysis. 79 Buzan and Hansen, The Evolution of International Security Studies, 187–89. 80 Année Politique Suisse, ‘Votes’. 81 Bacon, Edwin, ‘Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era’, 772.
18 hoping to answer questions of how the Swiss government has managed to hold on to their traditional security agenda and convince voters to do the same.
The formation process of the booklets starts about six months prior to a popular vote, shortly before the Federal Assembly votes on the issues at hand. Officials from the appropriate Federal Office(s), together with a communication specialist and translators, compose a preliminary draft. Once a third version has been drafted, the head of the applicable department will look it over, and after that, the whole Federal Council discusses and revises the text together. Since 1996, the initiative or referendum committee has been given space in the booklets to present their arguments directly. While the initiative or referendum committee must condense their arguments on one and a half A5 page, the explanatory text of the Federal Council had no limits concerning its length until 2018. Since then, the initiative or referendum committee and the Federal Council get the same amount of space to make their arguments. The Federal Council’s text must, however, be objective and based on facts and the authors attach importance to writing in clear and comprehensible language, without bureaucratic jargon. Only once so far, in 2011, has the Federal Supreme Court condemned the explanatory text for being incomplete and unobjective.82
The chosen material is considered relevant firstly because of its projection – its consistent availability to the voter – and secondly because of its strong normative and strategic character. Just because a text is available, does not mean, of course, that everyone actually reads it. One could believe that voters are more influenced through their daily media intake, especially in modern times, when it is easier and more convenient to watch a television segment or a quick video clip online than to read a rather dry written political text. While that may be true, the voting booklet has been consistently around for the timeframe examined, and Swiss television holds a very small share of the market due to the different languages spoken and the versatile range available from neighbouring countries. There are indeed news shows in all four official languages, but most television consumption stems from channels abroad. Less than 30% of hours watched in Switzerland are Swiss television channels.83 In fact, a survey regarding the popular vote in September 2020 found that 91% of voters used the voting booklet as their primary source of information, while social media was the least consulted information
82 The Federal Chancellery, ‘Abstimmungsbüchlein: Design 2018 und Rückblick [Voting Booklet: Design 2018 and Review]’; Forster, ‘Der Bestseller Aus Der Bundesverwaltung [Bestseller by the Federal Chancellery]’. 83 Bundesamt für Statisktik, ‘Fernsehnutzung nach Sendern [Television Use by Stations]’.
19 channel with 36%.84 These numbers, together with the success rate of the Federal Council regarding the outcomes of popular votes, speak for an exceptional reception.
As to the normative and strategic character, political texts always inhabit elements of normative nature, according to Norman and Isabela Fairclough, since they are concerned with decision making about what ought to be and how to reach the desired state.85 The normative elements can be implicit or explicit. The material examined in this thesis inhabits a very explicit voting recommendation (Yes/No), which is accompanied by an explanatory text, containing more implicit, between-the-lines, deliberations. The pronounced recommendation makes it indisputable that the voting booklet is a strategy to influence voters.
Finally, the credibility and reliability of the material is ensured by accessing it directly from the Federal Chancellery’s online archive. 5.4 Reflexivity Construction of reality and meaning is the epicentre of interpretivist social sciences. At the same time, the scientists exploring the construction are part of exactly this construction. For reasons of authenticity and credibility of the study, reflection on one’s own partiality and identity are of utmost importance.86
The author of this thesis was born 1991 and grew up in Switzerland, meaning she spent her formative years in a Europe of peace and cooperation. She was first schooled in traditionalist approaches at Zurich University but has spent the last five years in Stockholm, where a more constructivist and widened approach – to both security and politics in general – is encouraged and discussions on norms and normative power are more prevalent. She has both Swiss (non-EU) and Swedish (EU) citizenship, making her more inclined to support a Swiss EU integration than the average Swiss. For full disclosure, it should be mentioned that she has voted in several of the analysed votes.
84 Milic, Feller, and Kübler, ‘VOTO-Studie zur eidgenössischen Volksabstimmung vom 27. September 2020 [VOTO-study concerning the federal popular vote of the 27 September 2020]’. 85 Fairclough and Fairclough, ‘Textual Analysis’, 188. 86 Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, Interpretive Research Design: Concepts and Processes, 99–102.
20 6. Analysis
This chapter is structured in the way that the first subchapter contains the entire empirical analysis of the 36 explanatory texts by the Federal Council structured in tables, followed by a discussion of the findings. 6.1 Empirical Analysis Table 6.1: Narrative Analysis of “Customs Tariff Act” Date 28 May 1978
Title Zolltarifgesetz (Brotpreis)
Title in English Customs Tariff Act (bread price)
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary The Federal Council wants to raise the tax on imported grain. The Swiss state reimburses Swiss grain farmers according to the difference between local and imported grains, and since the price of imported grain has dropped, the cost for the Swiss state has increased. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 54.81% Yes
Central motifs Cut government spending Maintain food sovereignty Temporalities Since July 1976 the price of bread grain abroad has steadily sunk. On 12 June 1977 the Swiss voters and the cantons voted no on a new value- added tax (VAT). Subsequently the Federal Council interpreted that as a mandate to cut government spending. In autumn 1977 the Federal Council increased the import tax on grain. In order for it to stay like that in the future, the public needs to agree. Symbols -
Agency Swiss voters and cantons said no to an increased VAT and are as such the reason why the central government needs to cut government spending. The central government compensates Swiss farmers so that the Swiss farmers can compete on the market with imported grain. The central government secures food sovereignty. A regular Swiss man consumes 29 kg bread a year, meaning he will have to pay around 3 CHF more a year, while the central government can save up to 100 million CHF. Plot The Federal Council has tried to cut spending through other measures, which were dismissed, so this is a new attempt to keep subsidising Swiss farmers while saving money in the state treasury. Subplot The Social Democratic Party accuses the Federal Council of violating the constitution and of saving costs by putting extra costs on consumers, which is unfair to employees and in favour of employers, but the Federal Council deems the heightened costs small enough to be fair and constitutional. Referent object Food sovereignty
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 28 May 1978.
21 Table 6.2: Narrative Analysis of “Security Police Act” Date 3 December 1978
Title Sicherheitspolizeigesetz
Title in English Security Police Act
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary New law proposing a national police force. The cantons shall provide officers to protect national matters such as state offices, state visits and international conferences and Swiss air space. The Federal Council decides upon contingencies per canton and appoints a commander. The state bears all costs. Recommendation Accept Result Rejected 44.02% Yes
Central motifs A more predictable and stable security force Less double administration Temporalities The current police system was constructed last century, but in the past couple of years international terrorism has grown. In the near future, attacks and violence can affect Switzerland. Symbols There is a picture of an airport with a Swissair aircraft in the back- and a Swiss policeman on a motorbike in the foreground. Swissair is a strong symbol for Swiss diplomacy, because it used to be the first and sometimes only Western airline allowed to fly to several states in Africa and the Middle East thanks to Switzerland’s neutral status. Agency Emphasis on continued agency by the cantons even though the central government’s agency increases. Terror attacks, outrages hostage-taking and kidnapping are mentioned but the actors behind are not defined. Plot Switzerland has held important diplomatic engagements and been a natural choice for international conferences in the past and wishes to keep that status. There are threats to diplomatic missions and conferences, which shall be tackled with a stronger central police force. Subplot The central state does not want to disrupt federalism and suppress strikes and demonstrations. Cantons’ police sovereignty will be respected and demonstrations will only be tackled with the central police force if the cantonal one cannot handle the situation and if there are serious acts of violence. Referent object Diplomatic missions Consular centres International organisations International conferences è Status as diplomatic actor Airports and aircrafts Government buildings and agencies Public order Swiss lives Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 3 December 1978.
22 Table 6.3: Narrative Analysis of “Restructuring of National Supply” Date 2 March 1980
Title Neuordnung der Landesversorgung
Title in English Restructuring of national supply
Legal form Mandatory referendum
Summary Change in the constitution to give the Federal Council power to take “necessary measures”, such as food rationing or control over private transport companies, regarding food and energy supply, not only in times of war but also in times of peace. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 86.05% Yes
Central motifs Cut government spending Maintain food sovereignty Temporalities The text starts with reminders of the oil crisis 1973/1974, sugar and rice hoardings a few years ago and warns of similar situations in the future. Symbols The oil crisis is used several times as a symbol of crises outside of war.
Agency Each citizen has a responsibility to have a personal food supply in case of emergency. The central government shall get more power and more agency through the new law and private transport companies are expected to cooperate. Actions that can lead to food supply emergencies are wars, boycotts, strikes, civil unrests and political means of pressure but the actors behind are not specified. Plot The international system is unstable, and Switzerland is dependent on import of several resources, such as oil, iron, chemicals, rice and sugar. Subplot -
Referent object Resource sovereignty
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 2 March 1980.
23 Table 6.4: Narrative Analysis of “Revision of Regulation of Bread Grain” Date 30 November 1980
Title Revision der Brotgetreideordnung
Title in English Revision of regulation of bread grain
Legal form Mandatory referendum
Summary As a part of a larger austerity package “Sparmassnahmen 1980”, the federal state shall stop subsidising Swiss grain farmers. The price of flour and bread will increase by -.29 CHF respectively -.22 CHF per kilogram. Recommendation Accept
Result Accepted 63.54% Yes
Central motifs Cut government spending
Temporalities Since the 1960s, state expenses have increased but the intake has decreased. In 1971 the deficit was 300 million CHF, 1979 1.7 billion CHF. The average consumption of bread has decreased from 90 kg in 1929 to 25 kg in 1979. Today is a better time to start saving money than a couple years ago, since the overall economy is good, and unemployment is low. The deficit in the state budget shall be reduced by 700 million CHF yearly by 1983. Symbols It is emphasised that 2/3 of grain subsidies go to pastry goods, to symbolise unnecessary luxury. The state pays more in debt interest than in disability insurance or health insurance. Agency Other saving measures are listed to show how much the Federal Council has acted already. The average Swiss citizen now has the agency to buy more expensive bread and to take responsibility for Swiss agriculture. Plot The Federal Council must reduce state deficit, and this is one part in a much larger austerity package. There is a sense of urgency. Subplot -
Referent object State budget Economy CHF Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 30 November 1980.
24 Table 6.5: Narrative Analysis of “Revision of Criminal Law” Date 6 June 1982
Title Revision des Strafgesetzes (Gewaltverbrechen)
Title in English Revision of criminal law (Violent offenses)
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary Tougher punishments for “violent offenses”, such as kidnapping, hostage- taking and armed robberies. Preparations for or incitement of such offenses shall become punishable. Recommendation Accept
Result Accepted 63.71% Yes
Central motifs Law and order
Temporalities Crime has changed over the last years and criminal law today is not well- equipped enough for today’s crimes. Crimes will be committed in the future. Symbols Regulars’ table, associations, unions and sports clubs as places where the typical Swiss would utter their opinion. There is one fictional example of a young man, who commits robbery for the first time without using a weapon, who could still get probation even after the revision. Agency Perpetrators, who commit violent crimes. “Hostage-takers do not respect state borders.” Swiss citizens can still use their freedom of speech. Plot The Federal Council wants to protect Swiss citizens from violent crimes and punish those who commit them. Subplot The central government does not want to supress free speech.
Referent object Swiss lives
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 6 June 1982.
25 Table 6.6: Narrative Analysis of “Civil Service Initiative” Date 26 February 1984
Title Zivildienst-Initiative
Title in English Civil service initiative
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary Introduction of a civil service as replacement of military conscription for those who wish. The civil service shall be 1,5x the length of military service and shall “promote peace”. Recommendation Reject
Result Rejected 36.17% Yes
Central motifs Continued conscription
Temporalities This initiative is more extreme than the one rejected in 1977.
Symbols -
Agency A predominant majority of Swiss men fulfil their conscription duties. Approximately hundred Swiss men yearly, who refuse military service. Federal Assembly and Federal Council are actively trying to find an alternative to military conscription but have not found a viable solution yet. Other states have moral conflict as a requirement to do civil service instead of military service. Plot Free choice between military and civil service is not compatible with the conscription as it is defined in the constitution. Subplot Military conscription is good for the state budget. There is already a peaceful alternative to the regular military service: a weapons-free military service. Civil service is not needed to promote peace – the army already does that. Referent object Peace Independence Sovereignty Liberty Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 26 February 1984.
26 Table 6.7: Narrative Analysis of “Repeal of Subsidy of Self-Sufficiency of Bread Grain” Date 9 June 1985
Title Aufhebung der Unterstützung für die Selbstversorgung mit Brotgetreide
Title in English Repeal of subsidy of self-sufficiency of bread grain
Legal form Mandatory referendum
Summary All farmers, who supply the state with grain used to get subsidies to mill a portion of their grain to use for themselves. This shall now be abolished, leading to valley farmers losing 50 CHF and mountain farmers 200 CHF yearly. The state will save 600,000 CHF in administrational costs. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 57.04% Yes
Central motifs Cut government spending
Temporalities Today farmers get subsidies. In the future they will lose a negligible amount yearly. Symbols -
Agency Farmers, who sell their grain to the state. Bakers, who choose to buy imported grain. The central state takes a fiscally smart decision. Plot The milling subvention is unnecessary and too expensive.
Subplot Parliament fears food shortages during wartime.
Referent object State economy
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 9 June 1985.
27 Table 6.8: Narrative Analysis of “Initiative for the People’s Say in Military Expenditure (armament referendum)” Date 5 April 1987
Title Initiative “für die Mitsprache des Volkes bei Militärausgaben (Rüstungsreferendum)“ Title in English Initiative “for the people’s say in military expenditure (armament referendum)” Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative demands the possibility of an optional referendum regarding the procurement of armaments, and the construction of buildings or acquisition of land by the military department. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 40.56% Yes
Central motifs Parliamentary sovereignty regarding state budget
Temporalities 1956 the public voted no to a popular veto regarding state budget. Putting just one state department’s budget up for popular votes today does not make sense. In the future the military defence could be jeopardised. Symbols The Federal Assembly is used as a symbol of democracy, since “no other parliament is as involved in military budgets as Switzerland’s”. Agency The Federal Assembly should keep their agency. The people should not get any agency. Plot The Federal Assembly has taken care of state budget well in the past and should continue to do so. Only putting the military budget, out of all state budgets, up for a referendum is unfair and unconstitutional. Subplot Military defence could be in jeopardy because the people do not know what is best. Referent object State budget Territorial integrity Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 5 April 1987.
28 Table 6.9: Narrative Analysis of “For the Protection of Moors – Rothenthurm- Initiative” Date 6 December 1987
Title Initiative “zum Schutz der Moore – Rothenthurm-Initiative”
Title in English Initiative “for the protection of moors – Rothenthurm-Initiative”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The Swiss government had plans of constructing a military training facility in the moor area of Rothenturm. The initiative proposes that moors and moorlands “of particular beauty” be protected and all construction on such sites be banned. Recommendation Reject Result Accepted 57.76% Yes
Central motifs Protect nature without restricting military defence
Temporalities 1976 - 1983 farming on moor landscapes has increased by 21% Since over 20 years the area has been used for military training of cyclists and reconnaissance soldier Symbols “The military training area will be a puffer zone between farming land and nature reserve.” è Swiss army as protector of nature Agency Cantons Schwyz and Zug, where Rothenturm is located, and the Federal Assembly have approved of the military training facility. Plot The Federal Council actually wants to protect nature even more than the initiative committee. Subplot The training facility in Rothenturm is necessary for Switzerland’s military defence. Referent object Nature Territorial integrity Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 6 December 1987.
29 Table 6.10: Narrative Analysis of “For a Switzerland without an Army and for Overarching Peace Policies” Date 26 November 1989
Title Initiative “für eine Schweiz ohne Armee und für eine umfassende Friedenspolitik“ Title in English Initiative “for a Switzerland without an army and for overarching peace policies” Legal form Popular initiative
Summary Initiative proposing the dissolution of the Swiss army within the next ten years, the prevention of a new army after that, and the development of a wide- ranging peace policy. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 35.59% Yes
Central motifs Maintain armed neutrality
Temporalities The initiative disregards historical events (not specified but probably World Wars I and II, when Switzerland was officially not invaded thanks to its armed neutrality, and the Napoleonic invasion of Switzerland, when Switzerland did not have an army). Insecurity in the future. Symbols Alpine passes make Switzerland a key player in European security politics
Agency Undefined future belligerent states. Switzerland would have no agency in the international system without its army. Plot Switzerland rests on three pillars: liberal justice system internally, peace- promoting foreign policies, and armed neutrality. A truly neutral state must be armed in order to be independent. Subplot Globally, the number of wars has decreased, and states are disarming, but times of change are always times of uncertainty. Switzerland owes it to other states to protect its “strategical key territory”. Referent object Peace Liberty International security balance Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 26 November 1989.
30 Table 6.11: Narrative Analysis of “Military Law” Date 2 June 1991
Title Militärstrafgesetz
Title in English Military law
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary Abolishment of imprisonment for conscientious objectors (for religious or ethical reasons). They shall instead be sanctioned to “perform work that is in the public interest”, such as environmental protection, health care and mountain rescue service. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 55.68% Yes
Central motifs Modernise military service without abolishing conscription
Temporalities Conscription is part of the constitution (1848). Similar initiatives have been rejected in 1977 and 1984. It will take several years for years for the Federal Assembly to decide upon a civil service model, so this is a good solution in the meantime. The future lives of conscientious objectors will be made easier by not having a criminal record. Conscription will remain in the future. Symbols Religion and ethical reasons are valued higher than other reasons for refusing military service. They are the only “real” reasons. Non-conscientious objectors are lazy. Agency Judges will still decide who has a valid reason for objecting military service.
Plot Modern times need new solutions, and this is a temporary one.
Subplot Conscription is not dead.
Referent object Swiss army
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 2 June 1991.
31 Table 6.12: Narrative Analysis of “Instalment of a Civil Service” Date 17 May 1992
Title Einführung eines Zivildiensts
Title in English Instalment of a civil service
Legal form Mandatory referendum
Summary The Federal Council proposes the instalment of a civil service for conscripts “under certain circumstances”, such as for religious or ethical reasons. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 82.52% Yes
Central motifs Have a contemporary conscription
Temporalities The first petition for the instalment of a civil service was submitted in 1903. After years of discussion, a civil service shall now be installed. Similar revisions have failed on the popular vote in 1977 and 1984. Conscientious objection was decriminalised on 2 June 1991. Today, the time is ripe to instal a civil service. Symbols Other west European states, who already have a civil service, are defined as the norm. Agency Other west European states, who already have a civil service. All young men do explicitly not have agency, as the Federal Council stresses that this does not mean they have a free choice between military and civil service. The Federal Council will decide exactly how civil service will be formed. Plot Conscription is needed but it is more useful and economically sound for the nation to give objectors civil duties instead of imprisonment. Subplot Civil service is not a threat to the military service.
Referent object Conscientious objectors Military service Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 17 May 1992.
32 Table 6.13: Narrative Analysis of “For a Switzerland without New Fighter Jets” Date 6 June 1993
Title Initiative “für eine Schweiz ohne neue Kampfflugzeuge“
Title in English Initiative “for a Switzerland without new fighter jets”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative wants to halt the planned procurement of 34 “Hornet F/A-18” and any other fighter jets until the year 2000. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 42.81% Yes
Central motifs Strong military air defence
Temporalities The current fighter jets are from 1958. 1989 was the year of hope for peace. Now we are sober and know peace was an illusion. Between 1992 and 1996 the state budget increased by 3% but the military budget has sunk by 2% including the procurement of new fighter jets. The future is uncertain. Symbols A cartoon showing a woman, child and dog together with a Swiss soldier holding a large umbrella to protect from the rain. In the umbrella, there is a Switzerland-shaped hole. The text below reads: “Considering the internationally bad climate, Switzerland needs a reliable air umbrella to protect civilians. The holes in the air umbrella need to be plugged.” The rain symbolises war and the hole in the umbrella symbolises a weak military defence. The “Goggo-Mobil” and Fiat 500 are as old as the current fighter jets. Agency The initiative committee “GSoA” has failed once before in 1989 with its initiative to abolish the army. All of Europe has armies and they are not thinking of abolishing them. USA (the producer of the F/A-18) will let Switzerland be part of high-tech projects. Canada, Finland, Spain, Kuwait and Australia have also bought the F/A- 18. Plot The international security situation in unstable and we need to be prepared for war. Subplot The army is not only needed in times of war, but also in natural disasters and in keeping peace. GSoA is trying to abolish the army. Taxes will not be increased, and pensions not cut. New jobs for Swiss citizens will be created. Referent object Modern territorial defence è Territorial integrity Swiss society Swiss troops Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 6 June 1993.
33 Table 6.14: Narrative Analysis of “40 Military Training Facilities Are Enough – Environmental Protection Concerns the Army, Too” Date 6 June 1993
Title Initiative “40 Waffenplätze sind genug – Umweltschutz auch beim Militär”
Title in English Initiative “40 military training facilities are enough – environmental protection concerns the army, too” Legal form Popular initiative
Summary No new military training facilities shall be built, nor shall the existing 40 facilities be expanded. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 44.71% Yes
Central motifs Strong military defence
Temporalities 1989 was the year of hope for peace. Now we are sober and know peace was an illusion. The future is uncertain. Symbols A cartoon showing a woman, child and dog together with a Swiss soldier holding a large umbrella to protect from the rain. In the umbrella, there is a Switzerland-shaped hole. The text below reads: “Considering the internationally bad climate, Switzerland needs a reliable air umbrella to protect civilians. The holes in the air umbrella need to be plugged.” The rain symbolises war and the hole in the umbrella symbolises a weak military defence. Agency Swiss soldiers deserve modern training facilities. Other states, that might attack Switzerland. Plot The international security situation in unstable and we need to be prepared for war. Subplot The army is not only needed in times of war, but also in natural disasters and in keeping peace. The Swiss army is already more environmentally friendly than the rest of society. Referent object Modern territorial defence è Territorial integrity Military education è Military defence Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 6 June 1993.
34 Table 6.15: Narrative Analysis of “UN Blue Helmets” Date 12 June 1994
Title UNO-Blauhelme
Title in English UN blue helmets
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary The Federal Council wants to send Swiss military personnel to UN peacekeeping operations on a voluntary basis. Recommendation Accept Result Rejected 42.77% Yes
Central motifs International stability and security
Temporalities It is in Switzerland’s tradition to offer good services. If we do not send blue helmets, future security is uncertain. Switzerland will not join the UN in the future. Symbols Namibia and Cambodia as examples of successful UN peacekeeping missions. Finland, Austria and Sweden as other neutral states who send peacekeeping troops. Agency Swiss soldiers may choose if they want to go on a peacekeeping mission. No one can be forced. Blue helmets actively prevent violence. The Federal Council decides which missions are suitable. Plot International instability affects Swiss security, so we must do ours.
Subplot Switzerland will not join the UN.87 Swiss troops are especially suitable for peacekeeping thanks to Switzerland’s neutrality. Referent object Global peace and security è By extension Swiss peace and security Civilian victims of war abroad Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 12 June 1994.
87 Switzerland did become a full member of the United Nations in 2002.
35 Table 6.16: Narrative Analysis of “Responsibility of Personal Military Equipment” Date 10 March 1996
Title Zuständigkeit im Bereich der persönlichen militärischen Ausrüstung
Title in English Responsibility of personal military equipment
Legal form Mandatory referendum
Summary The Federal Council wants to centralise the procurement of personal military equipment, such as uniforms and luggage. The current system is that every canton procures the equipment and gets reimbursed by the federal state. Recommendation Accept
Result Rejected 43.70% Yes
Central motifs Decrease government spending
Temporalities The current system of procurement is from the 19th century. The state budget has had a deficit since 1991 and public debt has doubled since 1990. Symbols -
Agency The cantons’ agency is not threatened.
Plot We need to revitalise Swiss economy and decrease government spending. This is an easy way to do it with the least number of victims. Subplot This is not a way to increase the central government’s power and is no threat to federalism. Referent object Economy
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 10 March 1996.
36 Table 6.17: Narrative Analysis of “Removal of Gunpowder Reserve” Date 8 June 1997
Title Aufhebung des Pulverregals
Title in English Removal of gunpowder reserve
Legal form Mandatory referendum
Summary The national gunpowder reserve, which is under state control, shall be removed. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 82.18% Yes
Central motifs Free market for arms manufacturers è Strong arms industry Temporalities This law is in the constitution from 1848. The state will still control the quality of pyrotechnical items, such as fireworks and airbags in the future. Symbols -
Agency The current law is in the way for arms manufacturers’ agency.
Plot Gunpowder is not used anymore and thus this law is redundant.
Subplot -
Referent object -
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 8 June 1997.
37 Table 6.18: Narrative Analysis of “For a Ban on the Export of Ordnance” Date 8 June 1997
Title Initiative “für ein Verbot der Kriegsmaterialausfuhr”
Title in English Initiative “for a ban on the export of ordnance”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative demands a total stop of any export, transit and intermediation of ordnance, including dual-use equipment. Further, Switzerland shall make greater efforts internationally in preventing arms trade. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 22.50% Yes
Central motifs Keep exporting ordnance
Temporalities Since 1972, Switzerland has been very strict on the export of ordnance. The Federal Assembly decided in 1996 to have even stricter controls, which will commence in 1998. Symbols No other neutral state has such an extreme export ban.
Agency Any state has the right to defend itself from an external attack, and to buy the means to do so. Plot The initiative harms Switzerland’s self-defence.
Subplot It does not matter what Switzerland does internationally, because we only stand for 0.5-1% of the global export of ordnance. The initiative harms Swiss jobs. The initiative is obsolete. Referent object Territorial integrity Economy Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 8 June 1997.
38 Table 6.19: Narrative Analysis of “Cut Military and Total Defence Spending – for More Peace and Future-Oriented Jobs (Redistribution Initiative)” Date 26 November 2000
Title “Sparen beim Militär und der Gesamtverteidigung – für mehr Frieden und zukunftsgerichtete Arbeitsplätze (Umverteilungsinitiative)” Title in English “Cut military and total defence spending – for more peace and future-oriented jobs (Redistribution initiative)” Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative wants to halve the military budget within the next ten years. Every four years, the Federal Assembly shall decide on how to spend the saved expenses, whereby a third shall be used for “international peace policies” (i.e. development aid, environmental protection, conflict prevention, peacekeeping, disarmament and collective security). One billion CHF shall be used for finding employments for those affected by the budget cutback. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 37.62% Yes
Central motifs Maintain sovereignty over military budget Have a strong military defence Temporalities Military threats have decreased since the end of the Cold War. But the future is uncertain. Symbols Bosnia-Hercegovina and Kosovo as symbols for an unstable surrounding. Swiss military peacekeeping in those areas, plus election monitoring abroad as symbols for Swiss humanitarian action. Agency The initiative would severely reduce the parliament’s and the Federal Council’s agency. Plot The international system is too dangerous and unstable, and it would be irresponsible of Switzerland not to have a strong military defence. Subplot The initiative is superfluous, since the Federal Council already is very cost- conscious regarding military spending. Referent object Territorial integrity
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 26 November 2000.
39 Table 6.20: Narrative Analysis of “Military Law: Armament” Date 10 June 2001
Title Militärgesetz: Bewaffnung
Title in English Military Law: armament
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary Only select Swiss peacekeepers abroad are allowed to carry weapons. The new law allows all peacekeepers to be armed if the security situation of a mission requires heightened armament. Recommendation Accept
Result Accepted 50.99% Yes
Central motifs Participation in military peacekeeping missions
Temporalities Swiss security policy has been successful in the past. Switzerland will absolutely not join the NATO in the future. Symbols Solidarity as the guiding principle of Swiss foreign policy. Korea and Bosnia-Hercegovina as symbols of Swiss humanitarian action abroad. Other neutral states regard military peacekeeping as natural. Austria, as one of the troops safeguarding Swiss military peacekeepers in Kosovo. Agency The new law would increase Swiss peacekeepers’ agency. But a lot of the arguments speak for a continued diplomatic agency of the Swiss government. Plot Military means are needed for civilian aid abroad, and international peacekeeping is in the interest of Switzerland. Subplot Swiss neutrality and sovereignty are not threatened.
Referent object International security Swiss peacekeepers’ lives Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 10 June 2001.
40 Table 6.21: Narrative Analysis of “Military Law: Cooperation in Education” Date 10 June 2001
Title Militärgesetz: Ausbildungszusammenarbeit
Title in English Military Law: cooperation in education
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary New law to easier facilitate joint military exercises with “friendly” armies from other states. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 51.14% Yes
Central motifs Strong military defence
Temporalities The Swiss army has had military training cooperation with other armies in the past and needs to continue to do so in the future. Since the end of the Cold War, international cooperation in Europe has become the norm. Symbols Other west European states, who have joint military training, as the norm.
Agency The Swiss army’s agency is restricted due to Switzerland’s small landmass generally, and civil air traffic, ban on night flights and supersonic flights specifically. Other armies have special training facilities, which gives them the upper hand. Plot Since the end of the Cold War, international cooperation in Europe has become the norm. We need to keep up with the rest of Europe. Subplot Swiss neutrality is not threatened.
Referent object Strength of the army è Territorial integrity Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 10 June 2001.
41 Table 6.22: Narrative Analysis of “Solidarity Makes Security: For a Voluntary Civil Peace Service” Date 2 December 2001
Title Initiative “Solidarität schafft Sicherheit: Für einen freiwilligen Zivilen Friedensdienst” Title in English Initiative “Solidarity makes security: For a voluntary civil peace service” Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative wants the Swiss state to offer peace work education to volunteers. All persons living in Switzerland would be applicable to volunteer. Those volunteers shall then work for peace domestically and abroad. The missions would be unarmed and could be under the control of non-governmental organisations, governmental institutions and international organisations. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 23.21% Yes
Central motifs Maintain sovereignty over peacekeeping missions
Temporalities -
Symbols -
Agency The initiative threatens to undermine the Federal Council’s agency in peacekeeping. Plot Peace work is important, but not like this.
Subplot The initiative underestimates the complexity of peace work and threatens existing peace missions. Referent object Existing peace missions
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 2 December 2001.
42 Table 6.23: Narrative Analysis of “For a Credible Security Policy and a Switzerland without an Army” Date 2 December 2001
Title Initiative “für eine glaubwürdige Sicherheitspolitik und eine Schweiz ohne Armee” Title in English Initiative “for a credible security policy and a Switzerland without an army”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative wants to dissolve the Swiss army within 10 years. Military facilities and instruments shall be either destroyed or used for civilian purposes. Armed peacekeeping missions abroad shall not be impossible in the future but must be subject to a popular vote. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 21.90%
Central motifs Maintain a strong military defence
Temporalities Twelve years ago (1989), a similar initiative was rejected. In 1993, an initiative trying to hinder the procurement of fighter jets was also rejected. One year ago (2000), the redistribution initiative was rejected. The future is uncertain. Symbols Swiss peacekeeping missions in Kosovo as a symbol of Switzerland’s solidarity abroad. Agency The initiative would undermine Switzerland’s agency, because it would become dependent on military alliances. Plot Switzerland needs a strong military defence because the international system is unstable. Subplot The Swiss army does not stand in the way of peace, rather it promotes peace through peacekeeping missions abroad. Referent object Sovereignty Territorial integrity Civilian lives Peace Freedom Neutrality and independence from other states Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 2 December 2001.
43 Table 6.24: Narrative Analysis of “Civil Defence Law” Date 18 May 2003
Title Gesetz über den Zivilschutz
Title in English Civil defence law
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary Reorganisation of civil defence, where police, fire brigades, health care, tech industry and civil defence shall have more clearly defined areas of responsibility. The construction of shelters shall be reduced, but already existing shelters shall be maintained. Compulsory civil service (for those not deemed fit for military service and those retired from military service) shall end at 40 instead of 50, whereas basic civil defence training is extended from one to a maximum of three weeks. The focus of civil defence shall no more be on armed conflicts, but natural disasters. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 80.56%
Central motifs Flexibility and coordination in disaster control
Temporalities In the past decades, Swiss citizens were required to have personal security plans. This shall remain in the future. The reform ensures long-term security. Symbols Storm “Lothar”, floodings and avalanches as peaceful functions of the army. Agency The Federal state, cantons and municipalities do not have the financial means to actively counter terrorists and natural disasters. Plot The current system is costly, outdated and inefficient. The reform saves costs and increases efficiency. Subplot The uncertainty of international security requires flexibility.
Referent object Swiss lives and livelihoods Cultural goods Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 18 May 2003.
44 Table 6.25: Narrative Analysis of “Army XXI” Date 18 May 2003
Title Armee XXI
Title in English Army XXI
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary Army reform by which conscription ends earlier than before, for soldiers around 30 years. This will cut the number of military personnel by a third (350,000 before, 220,000 after). Recruit school (basic training) will be elongated, from 15 to 18/21 weeks, depending on type of corps. After basic training, the recurring advanced training is cut down from 10 à 19 days to 6/7 à 19 days. Other changes are that the structure of the army is simplified, that women are allowed to do recruit school, and that 15% of recruits each year can do their basic and advanced training at once during 300 days and will not have to do any recurring training. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 76.04% Yes
Central motifs Have a contemporary army Maintain armed neutrality Temporalities The world has changed dramatically during the 15 most recent years. Switzerland will not join NATO in the future. Symbols -
Agency Parliament’s agency will increase, the Federal Council’s decrease.
Plot Technological advancement requires a reform to have a smaller but better educated army. Subplot The reform takes into consideration economic needs and smaller budgets. Switzerland will not join NATO. Referent object Neutrality Swiss economy Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 2 December 2001.
45 Table 6.26: Narrative Analysis of “Lifetime Custody of Non-Treatable, Extremely Dangerous Sexual and Violent Offenders” Date 8 February 2004
Title Initiative “lebenslange Verwahrung für nicht therapierbare, extrem gefährliche Sexual- und Gewaltstraftäter” Title in English Initiative “lifetime custody of non-treatable, extremely dangerous sexual and violent offenders” Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The Federal Assembly decided on stricter punishment for “dangerous offenders” in 2002, which makes it easier to keep them in custody for a lifetime. The initiative committee demands a special form of lifetime custody for sexual offenders. Recommendation Reject Result Accepted 56.19%
Central motifs Maintain sovereignty in law-making
Temporalities Some grave criminal cases around ten years ago. The Federal Assembly started working on a stricter criminal law before the initiative committee. Lifetime custody. Symbols An old and sick offender, who is no longer dangerous
Agency The text argues a lot from what the Federal Assembly has already done to protect citizens from violent offenders. The initiative wants to give psychologists more agency and take it away from judges. Plot The Federal Assembly has already passed a stricter criminal law, which is better than the initiative. Subplot The initiative would make administration more complicated.
Referent object The public Victims and their families Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 8 February 2004.
46 Table 6.27: Narrative Analysis of “Against Fighter Jet Noise in Tourist Regions” Date 24 February 2008
Title Initiative “Gegen Kampfjetlärm in Tourismusgebieten”
Title in English Initiative “Against fighter jet noise in tourist regions”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative committee wants to ban fighter jets from flying over alpine recreational areas. The Swiss air force does daily training flights over three such areas: the eastern alps, Bernese Oberland-Valais and the Jura mountains over the French-Swiss border. The ban would only apply for training flights in peacetime, and not emergency interventions. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 31.92% Yes
Central motifs Maintain training areas for the Swiss air force è Have a strong military defence Temporalities The Swiss air force has diminished from over 400 jets in the 1980s to 87 now. Other measures have been taken over the past years to protect citizens from noise. Air force flights are only permitted on weekdays between 8:30 – 12:00 and 13:30 – 17:00. Symbols The air force is the air equivalent to traffic police in the streets. It can help aircrafts in need. Agency The initiative would diminish the Swiss air force’s agency. Civil air traffic routes cannot be changed because the Federal Council’s hands are tied by international contracts. Plot The Swiss air force needs to train, and the only possible training areas are over the alps. Subplot Noise is a serious issue and the Swiss air force takes as much consideration to the public as possible. Referent object Territorial sovereignty Air space security The Swiss public (from noise) The Swiss public (from military attacks) Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 24 February 2008.
47 Table 6.28: Narrative Analysis of “For a Ban on the Export of Ordnance” Date 29 November 2009
Title Initiative “Für ein Verbot von Kriegsmaterial-Exporten”
Title in English Initiative “For a ban on the export of ordnance”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative committee demands a complete ban on the export and transit of ordnance. That includes defence systems, simulators, intellectual property and know-how. The initiative also tasks the Federal Council with efforts in international disarmament and arms control. At the time, there is already a ban on ordnance export to warring parties and states that systematically violate human rights, plus “the least developed developing countries”. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 31.77% Yes
Central motifs Maintain a strong domestic arms industry è Maintain armed neutrality Temporalities Switzerland traditionally has an important arms industry. This spring (2009), the Federal Council refused requests of export to the Middle East and Asia. Symbols Compared to other European states (peaceful), Switzerland is very restrictive on exporting ordnance to Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Central and South America (hostile). Over 75% percent of Swiss ordnance export goes to states, who share Switzerland’s values, like Australia, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Finland, Austria, Sweden and the USA. Agency The initiative would remove agency from the Federal Council. Not having a domestic arms industry makes the Swiss army dependent on other states, which diminishes its agency. Plot The initiative would harm an important industrial sector and several thousand jobs would be lost. Subplot Not having an own arms industry hurts military defence and is not compatible with neutrality. Referent object Territorial integrity Sovereignty Neutrality Jobs and the economy Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 29 November 2009.
48 Table 6.29: Narrative Analysis of “For the Protection from Armed Violence” Date 13 February 2011
Title Initiative “Für den Schutz vor Waffengewalt”
Title in English Initiative “For the protection from armed violence”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary It is common for members of the Swiss army to keep their army rifle at home. They can choose to store it at their local armoury. This initiative wants to make armoury storage mandatory. Furthermore, it wants the state instead of the cantons to register firearms plus that handling a firearm requires certificates of proficiency and need. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 43.70% Yes
Central motifs Maintain the number of firearms in the Swiss population
Temporalities That members of the Swiss army keep their rifle at home has to do with Switzerland’s history. The initiative cannot guarantee that there will be no misuse of rifles in the future. Symbols Sports marksmen, hunters and collectors as examples of responsible weapons users. Agency The Federal Council wants to maintain the agency of members of the Swiss army. Plots The initiative does not efficiently reduce misuse of firearms, because more guns does not equal more danger. Subplot The initiative is unnecessary and creates double administration.
Referent object Swiss citizens
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 13 February 2011.
49 Table 6.30: Narrative Analysis of “Initiative for the Abolition of Conscription” Date 22 September 2013
Title Initiative zur Aufhebung der Wehrpflicht
Title in English Initiative for the abolition of conscription
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary There is military conscription for all male Swiss citizens. Those who ethically cannot do military service, must do a civil service. Those who are unable to do either, must pay yearly fees. Female citizens are allowed to do military service if they want to, but not civil service. The initiative wants to abolish military conscription and instead have an army of voluntary male and female soldiers. Civil service shall be open to women, too, and fees for unfit conscripts shall be abolished. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 26.79% Yes
Central motifs Maintain military conscription
Temporalities Abolition of conscription would result in a loss of about 100 million CHF in fees from the unfit yearly. The international security situation can change abruptly in the future. Symbols No other state’s security is based on a volunteer militia. Other European states have not abolished, but only paused conscription. Agency The initiative threatens Switzerland’s security by impairing Switzerland’s agency. Plot Conscription is needed to secure Swiss territory and lives.
Subplot Having a volunteer militia instead of conscription would be very expensive. Military service is a “school for life”, where men learn to live and collaborate with people from all religions, language groups and social backgrounds. Referent object Territorial integrity Swiss citizens Democracy National unity Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 22 September 2013.
50 Table 6.31: Narrative Analysis of “Fund for the Procurement of the Fighter Jet [Saab JAS-39] Gripen” Date 18 May 2014
Title Fonds zur Beschaffung des Kampfflugzeugs Gripen
Title in English Fund for the procurement of the fighter jet [Saab JAS-39] Gripen
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary The Swiss air force has 54 F-5 Tiger and 32 F/A-18. The Tigers have been in use for over 30 years and cannot be used much longer. Their radars are inefficient, so they can only fly during clear weather and daytime. The Federal Council plans to retire all Tigers 2016 and to buy 22 JAS-39 Gripen E in 2018. For the time between 2016 and 2018, the army shall rent 11 Gripen C/D from the Swedish air force. The costs of procuring 22 Gripen E is estimated at 3,126 billion CHF. Saab will be obliged to subcontract Swiss companies for 2.5 billion CHF. Recommendation Accept
Result Rejected 46.59% Yes
Central motifs Procure new fighter jets è Maintain a strong military defence Temporalities The Tigers have been in use for over 30 years and have to be retired soon. The procurement of the Gripen will be spread over the next eleven years. The Gripen has a lot of future potential and shall be used for at least the 30 coming years. Symbols -
Agency Parliament has created the fund and in case it is rejected by the public, parliament and the Federal Council will decide on how the fund will be used. è Marks that the public does not actually have agency to decide over the fund’s use Plot The procurement of the Gripen fighter jets is crucial for Swiss security and territorial integrity. Subplot The deal is good for Swiss economy.
Referent object Territorial integrity Sovereignty Independence Neutrality International conferences Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 18 May 2014.
51 Table 6.32: Narrative Analaysis of “Intelligence Service Law” Date 25 September 2016
Title Nachrichtendienstgesetz
Title in English Intelligence service law
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary The Federal Council wants to update the Swiss intelligence service’s competence to include monitoring mail, phone calls, and internet activity domestically, if suspicions of a terror attack, violent extremism or espionage exist. For each case, the intelligence service must get warrants from the Federal Administrative Court, the head of the Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport (who must consult the heads of the Federal Department of Justice and Police and Home Affairs). The Federal Council estimates the number of potential cases to ten a year. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 65.51% Yes
Central motifs National security
Temporalities Attacks might happen in the future.
Symbols -
Agency The intelligence service’s agency shall be increased. Terrorism, espionage, nuclear, biological and chemical attacks, violent extremism and attacks on infrastructure are listed as threats but the actors behind them are not defined. The intelligence service must get warrants from the Federal Administrative Court, the head of the Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport (who must consult the heads of the Federal Department of Justice and Police and Home Affairs). Plot Threats are becoming more complex and quicker. The current intelligence service law is outdated and hinders efficiency. Subplot The Federal Council respects the individual’s freedom, and this will not lead to a surveillance state. Referent object Swiss citizens (Cyber) Infrastructure Swiss economy The international community Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 25 September 2016.
52 Table 6.33: Narrative Analysis of “For Food Sovereignty. Agriculture Concerns Us All” Date 23 September 2018
Title Initiative “Für Ernährungssouveränität. Die Landwirtschaft betrifft uns alle”
Title in English Initiative “For food sovereignty. Agriculture concerns us all”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary The initiative proposes an increase of people working in the agricultural sector and stricter controls of imported produce. 2017 approximately 150,000 people worked in the agricultural sector, in contrast to five million working in the industrial and service sectors. Instead of cantonal regulations concerning working conditions, the initiative wants the same rules and regulations for the whole country. Swiss working and environmental regulations shall also be applied to imported produce. Furthermore, all genetically modified organisms shall be banned from Swiss farming. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 31.62% Yes
Central motifs Have a contemporary and competitive economy
Temporalities The term “food sovereignty” was formed back in 1996. The initiative wants to go back to agricultural policies from the 1990s. Swiss agriculture needs to be future-oriented. Symbols The World Trade Organization as a propagator of good values. We do not need to do it ourselves. Agency International trade policies already regulate produce.
Plot The initiative costs too much and harms the Swiss economy.
Subplot Turning the international community one’s back is more dangerous than being dependent on imported produce. Referent object State budget Swiss economy Jobs Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 23 September 2018.
53 Table 6.34: Narrative Analysis of “Implementation of the EU Weapons Directive (Advancement of Schengen)” Date 19 May 2019
Title Umsetzung der EU-Waffenrichtlinie (Weiterentwicklung von Schengen)
Title in English Implementation of the EU Weapons directive (Advancement of Schengen)
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary The EU’s weapons directive from 2017 includes a ban on semi-automatic weapons with large magazines and administrative changes. Semi-automatic rifles will still be allowed in shooting sports with the correct permits and soldiers can still keep their rifles at home after military service, no permit needed. Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 63.74% Yes
Central motifs Continued cooperation with the EU
Temporalities Since 1993, the Swiss constitution says that Switzerland’s inhabitants shall be protected from the misuse of weapons. Symbols Recent terror attacks in Paris, Brussels and Copenhagen as examples of where the new directive would have prevented deaths. “Eidgenössisches Schützenfest”, “Zürcher Knabenschiessen”, “Grand Tir des Abbayes Vaudoises”, “Tiro Storico San Gottardo”, symbols of Swiss shooting traditions, are not threatened by the new directive. Showing Switzerland is still Switzerland and will not be “europeanised”. Agency Emphasis that Switzerland’s agency is not curbed by the EU.
Plot The new directive is needed to protect Swiss citizens from terrorists.
Subplot If Switzerland does not implement the EU directive, it could be excluded from Schengen/Dublin, which would cost billions of CHF yearly. Referent object International connections
Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 19 May 2019.
54 Table 6.35: Narrative Analysis of “Procurement of New Fighter Jets” Date 27 September 2020
Title Beschaffung neuer Kampfflugzeuge
Title in English Procurement of new fighter jets
Legal form Optional referendum
Summary After the failed procurement of 22 JAS-39 Gripen in 2014, the Swiss air force still needs new fighter jets to replace the 26 F-5 Tiger. The Tigers are now merely used for training and the 30 F/A-18 need to be retired around 2030. This time the Federal Council does not ask for a specific jet but a budget of 6 billion francs. Maintenance shall be covered by the regular army budget, which will be increased by 1.4% yearly during “the coming years”. The contracted producer has to subcontract Swiss manufacturers for 60% of the price (of which 65% in the German-speaking, 30% in the French-speaking and 5% in the Italian-speaking part). Recommendation Accept Result Accepted 50.14% Yes
Central motifs Have a strong military defence
Temporalities The world has become more insecure over the past years. The future is uncertain. The current F/A-18 were introduced in the 1990s and will have to be retired by 2030. New fighter jets need to be procured today to ensure tomorrow’s security. Symbols World Economic Forum in Davos and UN headquarters in Geneva as symbols for the importance of Switzerland as a diplomatic actor. Agency The Federal Council will choose the type of fighter jet, but parliament will have to approve of it. Plot The world is a dangerous place and new fighter jets are needed to protect Switzerland. Subplot Procuring new fighter jets is good for the Swiss economy and will create jobs. It does not harm the state budget. Referent object Territorial integrity Ground troops International conferences Neutrality Independence from other states Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 27 September 2020.
55 Table 6.36: Narrative Analysis of “War Business Initiative” Date 29 November 2020
Title “Kriegsgeschäfte-Initiative”
Title in English “War business initiative”
Legal form Popular initiative
Summary Producing and financing nuclear, biological or chemical weapons as well as mines and cluster ammunition is forbidden in Switzerland. But there is a loophole, which allows Swiss banks and pension funds to invest in international funds, where stocks from such arms producers are included. The initiative wants to forbid the Swiss national bank and pension funds and foundations from investing in all kinds of arms producers, both domestically and internationally. The initiative also asks the Federal Council to get banks and insurances, at home and abroad, to stop investing in arms producers. Recommendation Reject Result Rejected 42.55% Yes
Central motifs Maintain a strong arms industry è Maintain armed neutrality Temporalities Switzerland only stood for approximately 1% of the global arms trade 2015 – 2019. Symbols Rolls Royce as a “peaceful” producer, who also produces engines for civil and military aircrafts. Agency Most states, who buy ordnance from Switzerland, are European states.
Plot The initiative would have big negative impacts on the financial well-being of Swiss citizens. Subplot If Switzerland does not sell arms to other states, they will buy if from someone else. Switzerland is too small to make a difference globally. A domestic arms industry is needed to protect neutrality. Referent object Switzerland as a finance hub Economy Industry è Emphasis on small and medium-sized enterprises Jobs Independence Neutrality Source: Author’s analysis of voting booklet for 29 November 2020.
56 6.2 Discussion Although this analysis is not about counting specific words, it is striking how many times the end of the Cold War is mentioned in the voting booklets. The Federal Council either says that “yes, the Cold War is over, but that does not mean it is the end of wars”, or it says that international cooperation is the new norm since the end of the Cold War, to which Switzerland, too shall adhere. Neutrality, too, is mentioned in almost all explanatory texts. Either it is used as a referent object, or the subplot is that neutrality is not threatened by the stance of the Federal Council. Below, the narratives will be discussed as per the framework established in the methodology section.
Central motifs
Between 1978 and 1987, an overwhelming majority of the Federal Council’s central motifs are to cut government spending. In 1987, however, there was a popular initiative about cutting military spending, with which the Federal Council’s central motif shifted from saving money to keeping a high military budget and maintaining parliamentary sovereignty over the state budget. From 1987 forward, a majority of the central motifs are connected to the Swiss army and Switzerland’s armed neutrality. They are either about maintaining military conscription, a strong arms industry or a powerful military defence. In extension, the importance of those central motifs is further warranted with the argument of armed neutrality. The chain of arguments can be summarised as follows: In order to maintain armed neutrality, we must have a strong domestic arms industry, so that we are not dependent on other states in case of war. In order to have a strong arms industry, we must have a strong army with a big budget to purchase goods from domestic arms suppliers. In order to have a strong army with a big budget, we need conscription. Why armed neutrality is the guiding star, which stands above all else, is not explained, though.
Temporalities
The temporalities used in the voting booklets are rather vague. Terms like “our history”, “the future”, and “in the past” are often recurring. One sentence, which is particularly often stated is: “The future is uncertain.”. While that is factual, the author does not deem that statement informative – a criterion not stated in the rules, but something one could argue should be axiomatic given the title “Explanations by the Federal Council”. It rather sounds like
57 fearmongering. Sometimes – but not often – temporalities are used to impart a sense of urgency: “New fighter jets need to be procured today to ensure the security of tomorrow.”88
Political texts generally quite frequently remind of past disasters to mobilise voters, but the Federal Council only uses this technique once. Regarding the restructuring of national supply, the reader is reminded of the oil crisis 1973/1974.89
When explaining popular initiatives, the Federal Council has an inclination to mentioning similar initiatives having been rejected earlier: “Similar initiatives have been rejected in 1977 and 1984.”90 or “Twelve years ago, a similar initiative was rejected.”91. Particularly when it comes to initiatives wanting to change the military service in any way. Vis-à-vis those initiatives, the explanatory text repeatedly argues that military conscription is in the constitution and that the constitution shall be respected: “Conscription is part of the constitution.”92. On the other side, when there is a mandatory referendum, the explanatory text recurrently mentions the age of the constitution to underline that the law in question is outdated: “The current system of procurement is from the 19th century.”93, or “The current police system was constructed last century.”94, emphasising that the referendum is merely a formality – that it is not an actual question whether or not the current law should be changed. And it seems to work quite well; of the six mandatory referenda, only one was rejected and three even had over 80% votes in favour of the referendum.
The end of the Cold War is first mentioned in the voting booklet from 6 June 1993. The Federal Council illuminates the voter that “1989 was the year of hope for peace […] but now we are sober and know peace was an illusion.”95 Seven years later, in November 2000, the Federal Council makes a contrasting statement regarding an initiative to cut military spending: “Military threats have decreased since the end of the Cold War […] but the future is
88 See Table 6.35. 89 See Table 6.3. 90 See Table 6.11. 91 See Table 6.23. 92 See Table 6.11. 93 See Table 6.16. 94 See Table 6.2. 95 See Table 6.13.
58 uncertain.”96 One year later, in 2001, it is said that international cooperation has become the norm since the end of the Cold War – a norm to which Switzerland, too, shall adhere.97
Finally, the Federal Council’s statements about the future are for the most part that it is uncertain and full of threats,98 but one thing is for certain: Switzerland will never join NATO or the UN.99 A promise, which the Federal Council did not keep. In 2002, Switzerland did become a full member of the United Nations.
Symbols
The use of symbols varies a lot over time. In several booklets, no symbols could be identified, while others even included cartoons to accentuate the Federal Council’s arguments. One illustrative example is the cartoon below concerning the two initiatives “40 military training facilities are enough – environmental protection concerns the army, too” and “for a Switzerland without new fighter jets”:
Source: Voting booklet for 6 June 1993.
96 See Table 6.19. 97 See Table 6.21. 98 See Tables 6.2, 6.3, 6.5, 6.8, 6.10, 6.13, 6.14, 6.15, 6.19, 6.23, 6.29, 6.30, 6.32, and 6.35. 99 See Tables 6.15, 6.20, and 6.25.
59
The text below the cartoon says: “Considering the internationally bad climate, Switzerland needs a reliable air umbrella to protect civilians. The holes in the air umbrella need to be plugged.” The rain symbolises a military attack or war, and the hole in the umbrella symbolises a weak military (air) defence. Stereotypically, the soldier is a man and the civilians are a woman and a child.
For the most part, however, policies by other states are taken up to symbolise the norm. Typically, they are either neighbouring or other neutral states. In a few booklets, symbols for Switzerland’s diplomatic status were identified. For instance the World Economic Forum in Davos or the UN headquarters in Geneva,100 or Swissair,101 which is a strong symbol for Swiss diplomacy, because it used to be the first and sometimes only Western airline allowed to fly to several states in Africa and the Middle East thanks to Switzerland’s neutral status.
In comparison to existing research on strategic narratives, the Federal Council is rather prudent in its use of symbols. Considering the number of recipients and their heterogeneity, the use of symbols may be difficult, as they must be interpreted by each recipient and those interpretations are not always easy to anticipate.
Agency
There is no clear threat agency. Whenever a prospective threat is listed, such as a terror attack, a military attack from another state, kidnappings and hostage-takings, the respective actor behind the crime is not defined. That vagueness is rather unusual for strategic narratives, but amplifies Federal Council’s credibility and objectivity.
Most of the analysed votes would give the Federal Council and the central state increased power and by implication an increased agency. Nonetheless, many of the explanatory texts stress that it is not the Federal Council’s goal to dismantle federalism, with emphasis on the cantons’ remaining agency. Another agency, which is accentuated repeatedly, is Switzerland’s agency in the international system. Sometimes, it refers to the Swiss army’s agency, other times the Swiss government’s, but it is astonishing how often they are used interchangeably. In one text, the Federal Council goes so far as to say that Switzerland would
100 See Table 6.35. 101 See Table 6.2.
60 have no agency in the international system without its army,102 which is a very bold statement rooted in utterly traditionalist notions of security.
Plots/subplots
A subplot could not always be identified. When there was one, though, it usually addressed and countered opposing arguments. The Federal Council has a vast advantage here, because it has access to the initiative/referendum committee’s argumentative text and deliberations in the Federal Assembly beforehand.
The main plot over the whole 42 years analysed concerns insecurity and uncertainty; the international system is anarchic, and Switzerland needs to protect itself from potential threats. The way to protect differs, not over time, but depending on the question. Especially after the millennium, the Federal Council jumps back and forth from saying armed neutrality is the only way to keep Switzerland safe, to saying international cooperation is essential to Switzerland’s security. Money also quite often finds its way into the voting booklets. In the most recent explanatory text, from 29 November 2020 on the “War business initiative”, the main plot is that the initiative would have a negative impact on the financial well-being of Swiss citizens, and one of the subplots is that a domestic arms industry is needed to protect neutrality.103 In conclusion, the plots and subplots usually include three core concerns: money, armed neutrality, and international cooperation. But because they do not always go well together – buying fighter jets costs money, neutrality and cooperation are mutually exclusive et cetera – the importance of the three concerns are weighted very differently depending on the question.
Referent object
The referent objects identified in the booklets tie into the core concerns found in the plots. The vast majority of explanatory texts – both old and new – have territorial integrity and sovereignty as referent object. With an increasing European integration, though, the international community and international cooperation are added to the referent objects, without dropping the old values. In several cases, the referent objects listed in the voting booklets are contradictory in nature. To take the most recent vote as an example again: The Federal Council claims that the initiative both threatens Switzerland as a finance hub and the
102 See Table 6.10. 103 See Table 6.36.
61 Swiss economy, and Switzerland’s independence and neutrality.104 While the Swiss economy and banking system builds on international cooperation, the military defence is founded on a self-help system. According to traditional IR theories, small states have two viable security choices: armed neutrality or international cooperation. But the Federal Council clearly wants to both have its cake and eat it, too. 6.2.1 Projection and Reception Time has affected the projection and reception of the explanatory texts surprisingly little. Seeing how the media landscape has changed since the 1970s – from slow and formal to quick and informal – the language in the booklets has stayed mostly the same. In 2016, the Federal Council started uploading videos explaining the matters to be voted on, but they are far from the quick clips social media is known for, essentially consisting of the text read aloud slowly with cartoons in the background. While one of the goals with the videos may be to reach a younger generation, who “cannot be asked to read long texts”, it is probably a question of accessibility for the visually impaired, since there are also accompanying versions of all videos with sign language. However, the design of the booklet has changed over the years, to now include all recommendations by the Federal Council on the title page – in an exceptionally large font as seen in the image below.
Source: Voting booklets for 28 May 1978 and 27 September 2020.
104 See Table 6.36.
62
As to the reception, only seven of the analysed 36 votes did not turn out in accordance with the Federal Council. However, in several of those votes, the Federal Council used the tools of strategic narratives exceptionally well. The explanatory text on the “Security police act” from 1978 for example, the usual temporalities and strong symbols were used, and opposing arguments were addressed in the subplot.105 Of course, there might be other reasons why the people voted no, but from a narrative analysis point of view, the only mistake the Federal Council made, was to focus too little on Swiss citizens as a referent object. A large part of the text focuses on how diplomatic missions, consular centres, international conferences and public order are threatened, while Swiss lives are only mentioned in a sub-clause. This applies to some, but not all, votes that did not go as the Federal Council had wished. No strong correlation could be found between the strategic narrative strength of the explanatory texts and their success.
7. Conclusion
The Federal Council’s strategic narrative is all but consistent, not only over time but it can also shift completely from one question to another within the same voting booklet. The only constant is insecurity. The author believes exactly this flexibility to be the strength of the narrative analysed. That it can adapt to public sentiment and opponents’ arguments. While it brings up questions about how democratic the Swiss direct democratic system really is, the Federal Council’s strategy seems to work well from a perspective of unity. One must also keep in mind that strategic narratives covered in existing research generally are directed at homogenous groups of people, while the Federal Council cannot tweak its narrative depending on the recipient.
To answer the actual research question of how the Federal Council’s narrative influences the Swiss people to vote in favour of a traditionalist security agenda, we must circle back to Switzerland’s neutrality. Armed neutrality is addressed consistently over the whole time-period covered in the analysis. Either in a way of justifying an act supported by the Council, or to say that a popular initiative would harm neutrality. More recent votes, where the Federal Council has supported increased international cooperation, have at least included
105 See Table 6.2.
63 neutrality in the subplot, claiming it is not threatened by cooperation. How long armed neutrality can survive in the subplot, however, is a question for the future. 7.1 Implications for future research There are several ways future research could build on this thesis, seeing as it covers a vast amount of material over the time-period of 42 years. One could for instance compare Switzerland’s neutrality narrative to other (former) neutrals, or study how the Federal Council’s explanatory texts on security differ from those concerning other policy areas.
More comparative research between strategic narratives in democracies versus in authoritarian states – respectively domestically versus internationally deployed strategic narratives would without doubt be beneficial to the science of political narratives.
Finally, there is the question of direct democracy, and whether it is in fact more democratic than systems of representative democracy.
64 8. References
8.1 Literature Agius, Christine. ‘Transformed Beyond Recognition? The Politics of Post-Neutrality’. Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 3 (2011): 370–95. Année Politique Suisse. ‘Votes’. Swissvotes. Accessed 19 November 2020. https://swissvotes.ch/votes. Bacon, Edwin. ‘Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era’. Political Studies 60, no. 4 (22 February 2012): 768–86. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00939.x. Bergier, Jean-François, Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, Saul Friedländer, Harold James, Helen B. Junz, Georg Kreis, Sybil Milton, et al. ‘Die Schweiz, der Nationalsozialismus und der Zweite Weltkrieg [Switzerland, National Socialism and the Second World War]’, 2002. https://www.uek.ch/de/schlussbericht/synthese/uekd.pdf. Bundesamt für Statisktik. ‘Fernsehnutzung nach Sendern [Television Use by Stations]’. Bundesamt für Statistik. Accessed 2 December 2020. https://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/de/home/statistiken/kultur-medien- informationsgesellschaft-sport/medien/medienangebot- nutzung/fernsehen/fernsehnutzung-sender.html. Buzan, Barry, and Lene Hansen. The Evolution of International Security Studies. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=e000xww&AN=304838&site =ehost-live. Buzan, Barry, Ole Wæver, and Jaap de Wilde. Security: A New Framefork for Analysis. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner, 1998. Chappell, Laura, David J. Galbreath, and Jocelyn Mawdsley. ‘A Changing Security Architecture’. In Contemporary European Security, edited by David J. Galbreath, Jocelyn Mawdsley, and Laura Chappell. Routledge, 2019. DeVore, Marc R., and Armin Stähli. ‘From Armed Neutrality to External Dependence: Swiss Security in the 21st Century’. Swiss Political Science Review 17, no. 1 (2011): 1–26. EEAS European External Action Service. ‘5 Common Pro-Kremlin Disinformation Narratives’. EUvsDisinfo, 2 April 2019. https://euvsdisinfo.eu/5-common-pro- kremlin-disinformation-narratives/. Fairclough, Norman, and Isabela Fairclough. ‘Textual Analysis’. In Routledge Handbook of Interpretive Political Science, edited by Mark Bevir and R. A. W. Rhodes, 186–98. Abingdon, United Kingdom: Routledge, 2016. Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport. ‘Partnership for Peace’. Federal Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport. Accessed 7 November 2020. https://www.pfp.admin.ch/en/partner.html. Federal Statistical Office. ‘Trust in the Federal Council’. Accessed 28 September 2020. https://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/en/home/statistics/sustainable-development/monet- 2030/all-indicators/16-paix-justice-institutions/trust-federal- council.assetdetail.10188755.html. Fischer, Frank. Reframing Public Policy Discursive Politics and Deliberative Practices. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.
65 Forster, Christof. ‘Der Bestseller Aus Der Bundesverwaltung [Bestseller by the Federal Chancellery]’. Neue Zürcher Zeitung. 12 November 2014. https://www.nzz.ch/schweiz/der-rote-bestseller-aus-der-bundesverwaltung- 1.18423118. Hagmann, Jonas, Stephan Davidshofer, Amal Tawfik, Andreas Wenger, and Lisa Wildi. ‘The Programmatic and Institutional (Re-)Configuration of the Swiss National Security Field’. Swiss Political Science Review 24, no. 3 (2018): 315–245. Jepperson, Ronald L., Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. Katzenstein. ‘Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security’. In The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics, edited by Peter J. Katzenstein, 33–75, n.d. JFC NAPLES Allied Joint Force Command Naples. ‘Contributing Nations’. Kosovo Force KFOR. Accessed 7 November 2020. https://jfcnaples.nato.int/kfor/about-us/welcome- to-kfor/contributing-nations. Kriesi, Hanspeter, and Alexandre H. Trechsel. The Politics of Switzerland: Continuity and Change in a Consensus Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Levy, Jack S. ‘Case Studies: Types, Designs, and Logics of Inference’. Conflict Management and Peace Science 25, no. 1 (1 March 2008): 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/07388940701860318. Milic, Thomas, Alessandro Feller, and Daniel Kübler. ‘VOTO-Studie zur eidgenössischen Volksabstimmung vom 27. September 2020 [VOTO-study concerning the federal popular vote of the 27 September 2020]’, 2020. https://www.voto.swiss/wp- content/uploads/2020/11/VOTO_Bericht_27.09.2020_DE.pdf. Miskimmon, Alister. ‘Finding a Unified Voice?’ In Forging the World – Strategic Narratives and International Relations, edited by Alister Miskimmon, Ben O´Loughlin, and Laura Roselle, 85–109. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 2017. Miskimmon, Alister, Ben O´Loughlin, and Laura Roselle, eds. Forging the World: Strategic Narratives and International Relations. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 2017. ———. Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order. New York: Routledge, 2013. Morgenthau, Hans J. ‘International Affairs: The Resurrection of Neutrality in Europe’. The American Political Science Review 33, no. 3 (June 1939): 473–86. Nye, Joseph S., and David A. Welch. Understanding Global Conflict & Cooperation: Intro to Theory & History. Essex: Pearson Education Limited, 2014. OSCE. ‘Participating States’. OSCE Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Accessed 4 November 2020. https://www.osce.org/participating-states. Presence Switzerland. ‘Language – Facts and Figures’. Discover Switzerland. Accessed 16 November 2020. https://www.eda.admin.ch/aboutswitzerland/en/home/gesellschaft/sprachen/die- sprachen---fakten-und-zahlen.html. Roselle, Laura. ‘Strategic Narratives and Great Power Identity’. In Forging the World – Strategic Narratives and International Relations, edited by Alister Miskimmon, Ben O´Loughlin, and Laura Roselle, 56–84. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 2017. Schwartz-Shea, Peregrine, and Dvora Yanow. Interpretive Research Design: Concepts and Processes. New York: Routledge, 2012.
66 Sciarini, Pascal, and Anke Tresch. ‘A Two-Level Analysis of the Determinants of Direct Democratic Choices in European Immigration and Foreign Policy in Switzerland’. European Union Politics 10, no. 4 (2009): 456–81. SIPRI, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. ‘Top List TIV Tables’. Accessed 14 September 2020. https://armstrade.sipri.org/armstrade/page/toplist.php. Swiss Armed Forces International Command. ‘SWISSINT’. SWISSINT Missions. Accessed 7 November 2020. https://www.peace-support.ch/en/. The Federal Chancellery. ‘Abstimmungsbüchlein: Design 2018 Und Rückblick [Voting Booklet: Design 2018 and Review]’. Bundeskanzlei BK. Accessed 26 December 2020. https://www.bk.admin.ch/bk/de/home/dokumentation/neues-design- abstimmungsbuchlein.html. The Federal Council. ‘All Federal Councils’. The Federal Council: The portal of the Swiss Government. Accessed 13 October 2020. https://www.admin.ch/gov/en/start/federal- council/history-of-the-federal-council/federal-council-elections-since-1848/alle- bundesraete-liste.html. ———. ‘Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation’. The Federal Council: The portal of the Swiss Government. Accessed 19 November 2020. https://www.admin.ch/opc/en/classified-compilation/19995395/index.html#a140. ———. ‘Federal Presidency’. The Federal Council: The Portal of the Swiss Government. Accessed 12 October 2020. https://www.admin.ch/gov/en/start/federal- presidency.html. The Swiss Authorities Online. ‘Swiss Parliament’. Democracy: The Swiss Political System. Accessed 12 October 2020. www.ch.ch/en/demokratie/swiss-parliament/composition- of-the-swiss-parliament/. Wendt, Alexander. Social Theory of International Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
8.2 Empirical Material The Federal Chancellery. ‘Sammlung der Abstimmungsbüchlein seit 1978’ [Compilation of Voting Booklets since 1978]. Accessed 18 November 2020. https://www.bk.admin.ch/bk/de/home/dokumentation/abstimmungsbuechlein.html - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (28.05.1978) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (03.12.1978) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (02.03.1980) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (30.11.1980) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (06.06.1982) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (26.02.1984) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (09.06.1985) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (05.04.1987) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (06.12.1987) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (26.11.1989) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (02.06.1991)
67 - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (17.05.1992) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (06.06.1993) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (12.06.1994) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (10.03.1996) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (08.06.1997) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (26.11.2000) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (10.06.2001) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (02.12.2001) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (18.05.2003) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (08.02.2004) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (24.02.2008) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (29.11.2009) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (13.02.2011) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (22.09.2013) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (18.05.2014) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (25.09.2016) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (23.09.2018) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (19.05.2019) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (27.09.2020) - Erläuterungen des Bundesrates (29.11.2020)
68 Appendix: Translation Glossary German – English
Abstimmungsbüchlein Voting booklet Bundesamt Federal Office Bundesamt für Statistik Federal Statistical Office Bundesgericht Federal Supreme Court Bundeskanzlei Federal Chancellery Bundesrat Federal Council Bundesversammlung Federal Assembly / Parliament CHF Swiss Franc Erläuterungen des Bundesrates Explanations by the Federal Council Fakultatives Referendum Optional referendum Nationalrat National Council Obligatorisches Referendum Mandatory referendum Sicherheitspolitik Security policy Sonderweg Special path Ständerat Council of States Volksabstimmung Popular vote Volksinitiative Popular initiative
69