AVI CHAI Spend Down 2018
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Relationship Between Harmonic Series and Gematria
De harmonische boventonenreeks in relatie tot gematria Relationship between harmonic series and gematria Mathieu Daniël Polak April 2017 This example demonstrates the first sixteen harmonics on the low C. The first four notes of the harmonic series are built from the intervals octave, fifth and fourth. The sum of these intervals (8+5+4) is 17. In Hebrew, the consonants of the alphabet carry numbers. The tetragrammaton (Name of God) Yud, Heh, Vav, heh, carries the numbers 10/5/6/5. In Hebrew, the 0 does not exist. One could read 10/5/6/5 as: 1+5+6+5 = 17 . The octave, fifth and fourth in the harmonic series is followed by thirds. In the example these are numbered 5, 6, and 7. The sum of 17 +3+3+3 = 26 . If the 0 in the tetragrammaton would be counted as well it would lead to 26 . (10+5+6+5= 26 ). The first twelve harmonics show clearness in structure. The intervals become smaller and smaller. After note 12 suddenly a major second appears. There seems to be a separation between the first twelve notes and the following notes. The Hebrew word Badal means separation and has a worth of 36 . If all intervals of the first twelve notes of the harmonic series are counted, the number 36 appears. (8+5+4+3+3+3+2+2+2+2+2= 36 ). 36 is a special number. 3+6=9. In any multiplication of the number 36 we can see the number 9. 2x36=72. 7+2=9. 3x36=108. -
Labor Movement Co-Operative in Mandatory Palestine
THE TIKVAH CENTER FOR LAW & JEWISH CIVILIZATION Professor J.H.H. Weiler Director of The Tikvah Center Tikvah Working Paper 03/10 Avital Margalit Labor Movement Co-operatives in Mandatory Palestine: Legal Transplants and Cultural Implants NYU School of Law New York, NY 10011 The Tikvah Center Working Paper Series can be found at http://www.nyutikvah.org/publications.html All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. ISSN 2160‐8229 (print) ISSN 2160‐8253 (online) Copy Editor: Danielle Leeds Kim © Avital Margalit 2010 New York University School of Law New York, NY 10011 USA Publications in the Series should be cited as: AUTHOR, TITLE, TIKVAH CENTER WORKING PAPER NO./YEAR [URL] LABOR MOVEMENT CO-OPERATIVES IN MANDATORY PALESTINE: LEGAL TRANSPLANTS AND CULTURAL IMPLANTS By Avital Margalit Abstract The paper tells the story of the formative years of the General Federation of Hebrew Workers in Palestine and the process of shaping the corporate structure of the economic organizations related to it. The main argument made in the paper is that while the formal legal structure of the cooperatives belonging to the labor movement was an outcome of the convergence in time and space of legal transplantation (the British Mandate legislation) and the implant of the culture of Jewish cooperatives in Eastern-Europe, it was the cooperative culture as developed by the Federation that prevailed in constituting the practices and understandings of the cooperatives and their members. Lecturer, Sapir College of Law and Bar Ilan Faculty of Law. I would like to express my gratitude to The Tikvah Center for Law & Jewish Civilization and to its fellows for the opportunity to explore the issues raised in this paper in such welcoming social and academic atmosphere, and to Ron Zweig for his helpful comments. -
The Kibbutz Movement
THE KIBBUTZ MOVEMENT Beginning in 1882, large groups of Jews began arriving in the Land of Israel—then called Palestine. Moving to Israel is known as making aliyah, literally meaning ‘going up’ like an ‘aliyah l’Torah.’ Jews of the First Aliyah were mostly families from Eastern Europe and Yemen looking to settle and work the land. Those who joined the Second Aliyah were largely , secular Jews escaping anti- Semitism in Eastern Europe. In 1909, a group of 12 people who had already proven themselves as determined and hard workers, convinced the Jewish National Fund to purchase some for them, south of Lake Kinneret. They called their new home ‘Degania.’ Despite the harsh conditions, the chalutzim—pioneers were able to make the and create a new way of living: were eaten together, jobs were rotated, and everything about their lifestyle was communal. They called this new way of living a ‘kvutsa.’ As kvutzot became more popular, they were expanded to create a ‘kibbutz’ meaning ‘gathering.’ The main difference between the two was that a kvutsa had 10s of people, while a kibbutz had 100s of people. Kibbutzim are unique to Israel and captured the and of many; even the first Prime Minister of Israel, , retired to Kibbutz Sde Boker in the Negev Desert! Even though kibbutzim have evolved over time, they can still be found all across the country and have played an important role in Israel’s development. Today, most kibbutzim look quite different; as opposed to sharing everything, many people own their own homes, where they eat meals as a family and not with the rest of the community. -
Kibbutz As Utopia: Social Success and Political Failure
Introduction Countercultures Ideologies and Practices Alternative Visions KIBBUTZ AS UTOPIA: SOCIAL SUCCESS AND POLITICAL FAILURE Aviva Halamish The kibbutz, a collective Jewish settlement in pre-state Palestine and then in Israel, is the longest-lasting experiment in building and maintaining a utopian society in modern times. The fi rst kibbutz was founded in Ottoman-ruled Palestine prior to World War I by a handful of young Jewish men and women who had immigrated to the country not too long before. Later on, more and more kibbutzim (the Hebrew plural of kibbutz) were founded, and in the late 1920sthey grouped into three countrywide kibbutz movements affi liated with socialist-Zionist parties and were part of the Jewish Labor Movement in Palestine.1 In 1948, when the State of Israel was founded, about 45,000 people lived in kibbutzim, constituting almost 7.5 percent of 1 A fourth kibbutz move- the young state’s Jewish population. At present (2018)about 171,000 ment centers around a religious way of life and people (around 2 percent of the state’s population) are living in 265 political affi liation and kibbutzim.2 Up to a certain point, and no doubt until the establish- will not be dealt with in this essay, because the ment of Israel, the kibbutz’s share in the Zionist enterprise greatly religious factor requires 3 further elaboration than exceeded its demographic size (in both absolute and relative terms). the present discussion In the last three decades, most kibbutzim have undergone some ma- would allow. For a short jor transformations, falling generally under the term of privatization, discussion of this mat- ter, see Ran Abramitzky, in an eff ort to adapt to changes in the world around them and to fi nd The Mystery of the Kibbutz: answers to undercurrents from within. -
Chai Rollers Initiative to Tackle ‘Suicide Epidemic’
1908 2016 108 years Emery kicks off football season The Texas Gulf Coast’s Jewish Newspaper Since 1908 Page 16 September 1, 2016 - 28 AV 5776 Volume CIX - Number 21 Houston, Texas jhvonline.com $2 Per Copy Houston student takes on administration over anti-Israel incidents By AARON HOWARD | JHV high school level. the effectiveness of student activism at the high What’s also new is that Jewish high school school level. As the fall semester begins on U.S. college students are refusing to be intimidated, even The Jewish Herald-Voice spoke with Terk by campuses, pro-Israel organizations forecast that when high school administrators fail to address phone from Austin, Texas, where he is preparing this year will see new levels of pro-Palestinian acts of bullying, vandalism and offensive conduct to start school at The University of Texas. student initiatives. These initiatives include against Jewish students. everything from resolutions calling for boycott, In November 2015, anti-Israel students at Carnegie incident divestment and sanctions against Israel; to intim- HISD’s Carnegie Vanguard High School covered On Nov. 1, 2015, a student at Carnegie posted idation and posting clearly anti-Semitic messages over Israeli flags during an International Festival at least two messages on social media. One post on social media. Some college campuses have and posted a Twitter message calling for intifada. on Twitter was a cartoon reproduction of a become environments where Jewish students Eliav Terk, then a senior at Carnegie, refused to character with horns and a Star of David lurking feel threatened, particularly if they identify remain silent. -
The Kibbutz Movement | My Jewish Learning
5/14/2018 The Kibbutz Movement | My Jewish Learning e Kibbutz Movement e proud and turbulent history of Israel's experiment in communal living. B Y R A C H A E L G E L F M A N S C H U LT Z The kibbutz — a collectively owned and run community — holds a storied place in Israeli culture, and Jews (and non-Jews) from around the world, including 2016 Democratic presidential contender Bernie Sanders, have volunteered on them. Launched in 1909, with the founding of Degania, Israel’s Õrst kibbutz, this unique movement has changed dramatically over its more-than-100-year history. Degania, in northern Israel, was founded by a group of young Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. ey dreamed of working the land and creating a new kind of community, and a new kind of Jew — stronger, more giving, and more rooted in the land. Kibbutz Degania’s rst building, 1910. (Wikimedia) e community they founded, and the hundreds more kibbutzim (plural of kibbutz) that popped up across the country, aimed to realize the Marxist principle, “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.” In the early years, kibbutz members worked mostly in agriculture. Instead of earning individual incomes for their labor, all money and assets on the kibbutz were managed collectively. In keeping with the ideal of total economic equality, kibbutz members ate together in a https://www.myjewishlearning.com/article/the-kibbutz-movement/ 1/5 5/14/2018 The Kibbutz Movement | My Jewish Learning communal dining hall, wore the same kibbutz clothing (and had them washed at the kibbutz laundry), and shared responsibility for child-rearing, education, cultural programs, and other social services. -
A Small Youth Movement in a Sea of History. the Hashomer Hatzair Antwerp (1920-1948)
Master thesis History Department University of Ghent 2012-2013 Be Strong and Brave! A small youth movement in a sea of history. The Hashomer Hatzair Antwerp (1920-1948) Janiv Stamberger Promotor: Prof. Dr. R. Van Doorslaer Acknowledgements There are lots of people without whose help and support this thesis could not possibly have been written and while each of them should be accorded a bit of space or a kind line I have had to restrict myself to a select group of people. I express my sincere apologies to the people I forgot to mention, but I rest assured that they know that no spite or harm was intended and that they know that their help and assistance was and is warmly appreciated. First and foremost I would like to thank my promoter Prof. Doc. Rudi Van Doorslaer who first introduced me to this wonderful subject and whose patient guidance and advice helped shape the contents and outline of this thesis. I also would like to thank Pascale Falek and Gertjan Desmet for their help in introducing me to the various archives in Belgium where information regarding the movement is kept. In Israel I would like to thank the staff of Yad Ya’ari in Givat Haviva for their kind help and the wonderful soup that was each time offered to me kindly. I would also like to thank Daniela of the Moreshet archive, also in Givat Haviva, for her help. In Jerusalem I would like to thank the staff of the Central Zionist Archives and the staff of the Hebrew University Oral History department. -
Kibbutz Fiction and Yishuv Society on the Eve of Statehood: the Ma'agalot
The Journal of Israeli History Vol. 31, No. 1, March 2012, 147–165 Kibbutz fiction and Yishuv society on the eve of statehood: The Ma’agalot (Circles) affair of 19451 Shula Keshet* The novel Circles (1945) by David Maletz, a founding member of Kibbutz Ein Harod, created a furor both in kibbutz society and among its readers in the Yishuv. The angry responses raise numerous questions about the status of kibbutz society at the time and the position of the writer in it. This article examines the reasons for the special interest in Maletz’s book and considers its literary qualities. On the basis of the numerous responses to the book, it analyzes how kibbutz society was viewed in that period, both by its own members and by the Yishuv in general, and addresses the special dynamics of the work’s reception in a totally ideological society. The case of Circles sheds light on the ways in which kibbutz literature participated in the ideological construction of the new society, while at the same time criticizing its most basic assumptions from within. Keywords: David Maletz; Berl Katznelson; kibbutz; Hebrew literature; kibbutz literature; Yishuv society; readers’ response; ideological dissent Introduction The novel Circles by David Maletz, a founding member of Kibbutz Ein Harod, created a furor both within and outside kibbutz society upon its publication in 1945, in many ways marking the start of an internal crisis in kibbutz society that erupted in full force only some forty years later, in the late 1980s. Reading this novel in historical perspective provides insight into the roots of this crisis. -
Hebrew for What April 2017
Hebrew for What? Hebrew at the Heart of Jewish Day Schools Alex Pomson Jack Wertheimer Adar 5777 March 2017 Hebrew for What? Hebrew at the Heart of Jewish Day Schools Alex Pomson Jack Wertheimer A Report of The AVI CHAI Foundation In Cooperation with Rosov Consulting Acknowledgements The authors are grateful for the continuing support and encouragement of Mem D. Bernstein and Arthur Fried, current Chair and Past Chair of The AVI CHAI Foundation, as well as the Trustees who have taken a keen interest in this project since its inception. Discussions with the principals of the Foundation considerably enriched our thinking. As he has in the past, Yossi Prager, Executive Director of AVI CHAI in North America, has served as our most attentive and meticulous reader. His many comments on successive drafts have helped us shape and improve this report. At various stages, staff members of The AVI CHAI Foundation have served as sounding boards and careful readers. Susan Kardos, in particular, offered valuable feedback on several drafts of this study. Her thoughtful suggestions spurred us to revise and improve. Deborah Fishman with the assistance of Michael Trapunsky provided editorial oversight and smoothly ushered the report through its design and production stages. Deena Fuchs played a critically important role in planning for the release of this report. To all of them, our sincere thank you. This report is the outcome of a productive partnership not only between the two authors, but also between The AVI CHAI Foundation and Rosov Consulting. From the early stages of conceptualizing the research design through the actual data gathering and finally into production, this project has been a team effort. -
DAYID BEN-GURION Born 1886 DAVID BEN -G URI 0 N Was Born As David Green in Plonsk, Po Land, in 1886
DAYID BEN-GURION born 1886 DAVID BEN -G URI 0 N was born as David Green in Plonsk, Po land, in 1886. He became active in Zionism very early in his life; as a youngster of seventeen, in 1903, he was already one of the cofounders of an early Labor-Zionist group, the Poale Zion of Poland, and two years later he was part of the Jewish self-defense that was organized there and in Russia in the wake of the Kishinev pogrom of 1903 and under the threat of the convulsions which attended the unsuccessful Russian revolution of 1905. Ben-Gurian left for Palestine in the next year, to work as a farm hand, along with others we have already men tioned (e.g., Gordon and Brenner) who were laying the foundations of a Jewish labor movement in the state they hoped they were creating. Thongh Ben-Gurian began in Palestine by doing simple physical labor, he soon achieved some organizational and political prominence. He was chairman of the conference which organized its Poale Zion party in 1907 and wrote considerably in the press of this small (not more than hundreds at the time) but very important gronp. By 1913 he was a delegate of his party to the Eleventh World Zionist Congress, and he has played an ever more prominent role since then at the successive meetings of that body. Ben-Gurian was among the many new Zionist settlers in Palestine who were exiled by the Tnrkish com mand in 1915, and he made his way to the United States. -
On Jewish Parties and Youth Movements
ON JEWISH PARTIES AND YOUTH MOVEMENTS A gamut of ideologies emerged in Jewish society in Eastern Europe from the end of the nineteenth century, resulting in several political parties, active in Jewish political life in Poland in the interwar period. There were also many youth movements, some affiliated with parties, others not. Since these movements were such a vital part of the resistance organ- izations in the ghettoes, we present here a brief outline of the spectrum, moving from left to right: 1. The illegal Communist Party. 2. The Bund—short for "General Jewish Workers' Union." A strong Jewish socialist-democratic party, founded in 1897, which advo- cated Yiddish language and culture and secular Jewish national- ism in the Diaspora (Doyigkeyt—"Hereness"); opposed to Zionism. 3. Po'alei Zion Left—a small left-Marxist Zionist party, sympathizing with the Soviet Union, but not accepted by the Communist Party. Supported the Yiddish language, even in Eretz Israel. 4. He-Halutz—an umbrella organization which included the follow- ing Zionist youth movements (along with several smaller ones) which aimed at personal realization through building kibbutzim in Israel: A. Ha-Shomer Ha-Tza'ir—"Young Guard." A Marxist-Freudian Zionist youth movement, demanding personal realization at the age of eighteen by immigration to a kibbutz in Eretz Israel; hence it had no political party. It attracted members from the upper economic strata and the intellectual youth; was oriented to Polish and Hebrew, not Yiddish. xvii xviii ON JEWISH PARTIES AND YOUTH MOVEMENTS B. He-Halutz Ha-Tza'ir—"Young Pioneer." Frayhayt (Dror)—"Freedom." Zionist-socialist youth movements affiliated with the so- cial-democratic Zionist Party Po'alei Zion (Z.S.) and Ha- Kibbutz Ha-Meuchad kibbutz movement in Israel. -
Jewish Mourning Traditions
JEWISH MOURNING TRADITIONS Shmira / The Vigil (From Chevra Kadisha) When a person dies, the soul or neshama hovers around the body. This neshama is the essence of the person, the consciousness and totality, the thoughts, deeds, experiences and relationships. The body was its container and the neshama, now on the way to the Eternal World, refuses to leave until the body is buried. In effect, the totality of the person who died continues to exist for a while in the vicinity of the body. Jewish mourning ritual is therefore most concerned with the feelings of the deceased, not only the feelings of the mourners. How we treat the body and how we behave around the body must reflect how we would act around the very person himself. IMMEDIATELY AFTER DEATH Jacob is promised that when he dies, “Joseph’s hand shall close your eyes.” (Genesis 46:4). The 16th century “Code of Jewish Law” dictated that the eyes should be closed, arms and hands extended and brought close to the body and the lower jaw closed and bound. The body was placed on the floor, with the feet towards the door. The body was covered with a sheet and a lit candle placed near the head. The Midrash states that on Shabbat one does not close the eyes, bind the jaw or light a candle. Some Jewish communities would place potsherds on the eyes; Russians placed coins. Ancient superstitions in many cultures held that if the eyes were opened, the ghost of the deceased would return to fetch away another of the household.