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THE “CREATIVE CLASS” IN THE UK: AN INITIAL ANALYSIS THE “CREATIVE CLASS” IN THE UK: AN INITIAL ANALYSIS by Nick Clifton CLIFTON, N. (2008): ‘The “creative class” in the UK: an initial In a knowledge-based economy, the ability to at- analysis’, Geogr. Ann. B 90 (1): 63–82. tract and retain highly skilled labour is therefore perceived as crucial to the current and future pros- ABSTRACT. Richard Florida argues that regional economic out- comes are tied to the underlying conditions that facilitate creativ- perity of regions as well as entire nations. For ex- ity and diversity. Thus the Creative Class thesis suggests that the ample, Florida (2000) has argued that in the know- ability to attract creativity and to be open to diverse groups of peo- ledge economy, regions develop advantage based ple of different ethnic, racial and lifestyle groups provides distinct on their ability to quickly mobilize the best people, advantages to regions in generating innovations, growing and at- tracting high-technology industries, and spurring economic resources and capabilities required to turn innova- growth. In this paper we investigate the extent to which there tions into new business ideas and commercial prod- might be similar processes concerning the relationship between ucts. In particular, the ability to attract creative peo- creativity, human capital, and high-technology industries at work ple in arts and culture fields and to be open to di- in the UK as in North America. The approach taken is broadly sympathetic to the Creative Class thesis; critical perspectives and verse groups of people of different ethnic, racial reservations from the literature are introduced as appropriate re- and lifestyle groups provides distinct advantages to search is focused around the three principal research questions: regions in generating innovations, growing and at- Where is the creative class located in the UK? What is the impact tracting high-technology industries, and spurring of quality of place upon this dispersion? What is the connection between the location of the creative class and inequalities in tech- economic growth (Gertler et al. 2002). nical and economic outcomes within the UK? To this end, the cre- This research demonstrates that quality of place ative class and its subgroups are defined and identified. We then must be understood in broader terms than we have construct quality of place indicators relating to tolerance, diver- traditionally been accustomed to: while the attrac- sity, creativity and cultural opportunity. To these are added meas- ures of public provision and social cohesion. Data are analysed by tiveness and condition of the natural environment means of correlations and regression. In general we find that, al- and built form are certainly important, so too is the though the distribution of the creative class is uneven and com- presence of a rich cultural scene and a high concen- plex, our results are consistent with the findings of the North tration of people working in cultural occupations American research with the notable exception of technology- based employment growth. Finally, priorities for further research (most specifically the “bohemians”). According to are discussed. The need to further investigate causality, variations the results from Florida et al.’s research the under- within the creative class itself, and the potential role of qualitative lying hypothesis is that the presence and concentra- data in this are highlighted, as is the potential fate of “non-crea- tion of bohemians in an area creates an environment tive” workers and places. or milieu that attracts other types of talented or high Key words: Creative Class, spatial analysis, economic dynamism, human capital individuals. The presence of such hu- implications – policy and further research man capital in turn attracts and generates innovative, technology-based industries (Florida 2002b). Introduction However, given the interest Florida’s writings Much of the recent interest in the development of have received from academics, policy-makers and creativity has drawn upon Richard Florida’s the media alike, it is no surprise that they have been (2002b) book The Rise of the Creative Class. the object of a high degree of critical examination. Whereas in the Industrial Age classical and neo- This critique has centred most notably around the classical economic theory told us that ‘people fol- apparent fuzziness of some of the concepts, defini- lowed jobs’, in the modern knowledge economy tions and causal logic Florida employs, the seem- Florida describes how ‘jobs follow talented peo- ingly convenient appeal of his ideas to the agendas ple’. That is, places that display “creative class” of a multitude of urban actors and policy-makers, characteristics, meaning a high presence of profes- and conversely the minimal attention paid to diffi- sionals, technologists and bohemians, performed cult issues such as the potential inequalities and best economically in recent years. negative externalities implied by a creative class © The author 2008 Journal compilation © 2008 Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography 63 NICK CLIFTON model of regional development. More fundamen- play the lead role in knowledge-intensive produc- tally, a number of authors question the very concept tion and innovation – who provide the ideas, know- of a “new economy” that can deliver prosperity in how, creativity and imagination so crucial to eco- tandem with greater levels of self-determination to nomic success. The idea that growth-based devel- an ever-expanding body of knowledge workers. opment agendas can be actively pursed at the city Brown and Lauder (2006), for example, envisage a level is however not a new one – see, for example, future scenario of diminishing returns to human the “urban entrepreneurialism” documented by capital investments, with all the various discontents Leitner (1990). If we accept that the value creation this entails. Moreover, we also need to be aware in many sectors of the economy rests increasingly that “Culture” is now positioned at the centre of on non-tangible assets, the locational constraints of many urban policies. It has become a delivery ve- earlier eras – for example, the access to good nat- hicle for all manner of outcomes including social ural harbours or proximity to raw materials and cohesion, sustainability, economic growth, civic cheap energy sources – no longer exert the same pride, mental and physical well-being, social inclu- pull they once did. Instead, what Florida and his as- sion, and an ever-increasing array of other social, sociates assert matters most now are those at- economic and environmental goals. This trend is tributes and characteristics of particular places that highlighted by a recent report by the Department of make them attractive to potentially mobile, much Culture, Media and Sport which states: ‘Culture sought-after talent. A key reason for believing that drives regeneration in many ways, from inspiring a significant shift has occurred taking us into a landmark buildings through to reviving the decay- knowledge economy is that data suggest this to be ing centres of market towns to bringing a commu- true. Thus the book value of intangible assets com- nity together around an arts event’ (DCMS 2004, p. pared to raw materials has shifted from 20:80 in the 6). In this climate we need to guard against the Cre- 1950s to 70:30 in the 1990s (Cooke and De Lau- ative Class and the Creative and Cultural Industries rentis 2002). Consequently, the distribution of tal- becoming the latest policy panacea. ent, or human capital, is an important factor in eco- This paper essentially seeks to apply Florida’s nomic geography, as talent is a key intermediate models systematically in the UK context,1 using variable in attracting high-technology industries comprehensive datasets, for the first time (to the and generating higher regional incomes. This best of the author’s knowledge). The approach tak- makes it an important research task to explore fac- en is broadly sympathetic to the Creative Class the- tors that attract talent and its effects on high-tech- sis, although we are of course mindful of the critical nology industry and regional incomes (Florida perspectives and reservations noted above. The 2002c). structure of the paper is therefore as follows: the The replacement of raw materials or natural har- theoretical basis of the Creative Class approach is bours with human capital and creativity as the cru- outlined in more detail below, with significant res- cial wellspring of economic growth means that in ervations and criticisms from the literature intro- order to be successful in the emerging creative age duced as appropriate. Data sources and methodol- of the knowledge economy, regions must develop, ogies are then described in some detail, with the attract and retain talented and creative people who consequent results presented. These are focused generate innovations, develop technology-inten- around the three principal research questions: sive industries and power economic growth. Such Where is the creative class located in the UK? What talented people are not spread equally across na- is the impact of quality of place upon this disper- tions or places, but tend to concentrate within par- sion? What is the connection between the location ticular city-regions. According to Florida, the most of the creative class and inequalities in technical successful city-regions are the ones that have a so- and economic outcomes within the UK? Finally, cial environment which is open to creativity and di- conclusions are drawn and implications for future versity of all sorts. The ability to attract creative research considered in the light of these questions. people in arts and culture fields and to be open to diverse groups of people of different ethnic, racial and lifestyle groups provides distinct advantages to The creative class: review of theoretical regions in generating innovations, growing and at- perspectives tracting high-technology industries, and spurring A distinct advantage of city-regions is their ability economic growth.

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