DOCUMENT RESUME

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AUTHOR Butler, Johnnella; Namable, Manning TITLE The New Negro and the IdeologicalOrigins of the 2ntegrationist Movement. PUB DATE 25 Oct 74 NOTE 14p.; Paper presented at the AnnualConvention of the Association for the Study of Afro -American. Life and History (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,October 1974)

EDRS PRICE MF-$O.75 HC-$1.50 PLUS POSTAGE DESCRIPTORS Acculturation; *Activism; African AmericanStudies; Civil Rights; *Literary Criticism;'*Literary History; Negro History; *Negro Literature;Negro Organizations; Political Issues; *RacialIdtegration; Racism; Twentieth Century Literature

ABSTRACT The literature of the NegroRenaissance needs to be re-examined frol the purview of the pervasiveness of theconflicts apparent in such literary,themes as the tragic mulatto, theglorified and idealistic Africanpasi, the alienation from American culture, and an impliedi, and at times overt,self-hatred. The Renaissance literature reflects the reality of theNegro as he indeed perceived himself regardless of color- -thereality of the psycifological mulatto. Histroically, black scholarsmust re-evaluate the originsof the integrationist-movement. Even nowmost refuse to askthemselves if it was relevant to theAfrj.can-American working class laborers and farmers whether or not a -few Negroesgot *equal opportunity" to become part of white America.Literary and other cultural aspectsof the black American experiende mistbe employed in the historiography of analyzing such questions as:Who really wanted this strugglefor total assimilation in whiteculture and economics? Why is itthat the Negro intellectuals, untilrecently, refused to be associatedwith anything *black** "revolutionary," or"African?" Unfortunately, present-day New Negroes, building onthe faulty foundations of the 1920os, retard advancement of the race anddeny the establishment of a legitimateblack historical' tradition andblack literary tradition. (Author/JM)

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THE NEW NEGRO AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ORIGINS

OF THE INTEGRATIONIST MOVEMENT

JOHNNELLA BUTLER, INSTRUCTOR, AFRO-AMERICANLITERATURE

DEPA4TMENT OF AFRO- AMERICAN STUDIES

SMITH COLLEGE, NORTHAMPTON, MASSACHUSETTS

MANNING MARABLE, LECTURER, AFRO-AMERICANHISTORY

DEPARTMENT OF AFRO-AMERICAN'SUTDIES

SMITH COLLEGE, NORTHAMPTON, MASSACHUSETTS

PAPER PRESENTED AT THE, ASSOCIATION FOR THE

STUDY OF AFRO-AMERICAN LIFE AND HISTORY CONVENTION

25 OCTOBER, 1974, PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA I.

seek A

integration

of %

negroes

with

black people. Don L. Lee, "pew Antegrationists" 2

The Negro Renaissance literature and the ideology of militant int-gra-

tionists of the 1920s formed the basis of the first organized,large-scale

movement for. assimilation. The Negro intellectuals in literature and politics

mutually reinforced each other; they were proud of being Negroes, yet they

desperately sought a role within American society.Their philosophy produced d contradictions and denials of their African heritage and theirquasi-African

culture.The integration movement of the 1920s and the subsequent Civil Rights

movement of the 1960s, as a result of.the inherent contradictions anddenials,

served as a cathartic release, thereby negating thepotentiaLfor forging a

meaningful political, economic, and artistic existence for theAfrican-American.

The black people who survived the rigors of Southern slavery were more

African than Anglo-Saxon.Parents and grandparents, by recalling stories and

images of Africa, fostered a worldview grounded in a communalspirit, which

the system of slavery did not obliterate.Blacks retained stable extended

family relations that existed with great difficulty on theplantations:The

agrarian skills of planting, cattleraising, and fishing whichblacks as.slaves 2 had instructed their masters remained with African4mericans. Black agricul-

turalists united in political andeconomic movements after Reconstruction to 2

.;

oppose rising racism and to gainself-sufficiency.Black peasants of the 1890s

who farmed in Dixie's cotton belt dreamed ofowning their own land and of con-

trolling their own-political systems as theirgrandparents had inAfrica.3 The v. wide support for Pap Singleton's andHenry McNeal Turner's black nationalist 4 propdsals is an indication of the Africaness ofblack people.

The ascendance of a capitalist political-economy,racial repression,

and the influence of urban society upon Americanlife did not destroy the

African ideals and spirit ofblack people. In increasing numbers, blacks I ) worked in miningand transportation industriesin the South's new industrial

communities. Black men and women sold their labor power to a newbusiness 5 elite who desired maximized profits under the mostbrutal conditions. In the

urban North, whites aggressively forcedAfrican-Americans into ghettos, nullified 6 their civil rights and extended "Jim.Crow" t oschools and public accommodations.

The "Southern Way" of race relations rapidly becamethe "American Way."7Unlike

other immigrant working-class minorities, theAfrican-American did not lose his

rural to urban life and labor. - culture during the immediate transition from

Some social institutions, like the black caurch, wereless influential within Ns urban communities than they had been in theSouth; however, in many Northern

working class areas, despite harsh economic andracial pressures, the black

family did not disintegrate. Work habits, family patterns, music, and other

elements of culture retained the Africancontinuum.Black laborers clung to

precapitalist attitudes and concepts, rejectingthe lifestyle of the modern 8 white worker.

African aspects of black culture and white racistrestrictions en- 4 couraged many African-Americans to advocateself-help and nationalistic ideol-

ogies. Behind the rhetoric of black accommodationand political moderation,

Booker Washington sought to create independentblack social and economic BEST CerY 117!LACIY 3

institutions.Thl supporters of his Negro Business League were not wedded to

the white community asjthe free Negroes ofFrederick Dougiass's era had been.

Blackcapitalism, grounded in African-American self-help efforts, was a logical,

Cy although ultimately self-destructive, program ofconservative'proteat in a 9 bourgeois society. In a similar but more militant fashion, theAfiican- . American supporters of Marcu; Gervey'urged blackd to associatethemselves ti spiritually with Africa. Like the Negro Business League, Garvey's Negro

Factories Corpora' lon served to support bla l.petty bourgeois efforts of self- 10 sUfficiency. Both Garlkey and Washington wt: proud of their blackness; both \ men were able to generateAfrican prpest !ements in this country and in, .

Africa itself.ParticipatiOn in American society was secondary. Their primary 11 efforts were geared to the immediate needs of theAfrican-American community.

Leading critics of Washington and Garvey repudiated thetactics of

self-help and the principles of domesticblack nationalism and voluntary segre-

gation.In 1903, W.E.B. DuBois observed thatWashington's program waa opposed

to the "ideal of ultimate freedom andassimilation" which Frederick Douglass

had chaMpioned. His Souls of Black Folk stated persuasively thatblacks owed.

as much to whiteAmerica as they did to their motherland; however, hefurther

stated that blacks should "not AfricanizeAmerica, for America has too much to

teach the world and Africa." America, according to DuBois, had given the

world a new man, the Negro, who was neither black norwhite. "One ever feels

his two-nesst" DuBois stated, "an American, aNegro; two souls, two thoughts,

two unreconciled strivings; two warringideals in orie dark body. . . ." Beyond

his call for academic education and a"talented-tenth," DuBois urged blacks to

work for "the greater ideals of the American Republic. We fought their

battles, shared their sorrow,Emil mingled our blood with theirs. . . ."

Arguing that the Negro should be proud of hisAfrican past, but should also

determinedly seek integration as a meansto ultimate freedom, DuBois asked, 4. "Would America have been AmeriCa'without her Negropeople?" To DuBois, African-

American leaders during the slave revolts and throughouthistory sought chiefly'

"ultimate assimilation through self assertion. .'. ."The Negro. was certainly 12 white and American as well as black.

The Negro Renaissance, the first' recognized and massive effort of

African-Americans to define, analyze, and criticize the race'srelationship to

?- American society, primarily accepted and became-the logicalextension pf DuBois'

stated contradiction as reflected in AlainLockes concept of the New Negro.

It was 'the business of the New Negro who had shakenoff the "aunt" and "uncle"

stereotypes to capitalize upon the similarconditions of his brothers and,

glorying in theirdi4erse consciousness, become Americanized. The assumption

of this posture placed the African-Americp in theposition of reactor, and

seldom, if ever, as an initiator of action.He became, to paraphrase author

Ralph Ellison, invisible to white America, whoby virtue of their failure of

recognition are sleepwalkers unaware of the subjected,hidden potency of. the

invisible people except through theApression of rage aghinst a greater 13 invisibility.

The writers of the Renaissance;in conveying the people, life-style,

aspirations, scenes, and events of the Harlem of theTwenties, have, perhaps

unwittingly, left us a record of the personal aspectsof the Negroes' struggle

in his quest for acceptance by and fullparticipation in American society.That

the bulk of the Renaissance literature is an exponentof the intelligentsit

that political disunity rather thansolidarity prevailed, that the literary

artists did not emerge from the lower class of the masses,does not negate the

importance of the Renaissance asindicator of the African-American's role as

reactor and the inherent questioningof self-worth leading to undercurrents of

self - denial, both of which fostered theintegrationist approach to the American 5 srsr i011!),f,

race problem which gained its politicalfoothold during the RenaisOance and , thrivecr.with few challenges until the mid-sixties.Hence, true to form, the

Negro Renaissance-4'M promulgation fortunately occurringat a time when the white literary world sanctioned and encouraged Negroliterary expression--may be sP.:1. cmG a response to and h verbalization 'of thefrustration-and sense of se.Lf-failure the African-American encountered.

Langston Hughes, more than others, captured this frustration in its many guises.He wrote of the Negro migrant who brought his "one-way ticket" to the Promised. Land, and found, upon arrival that:

...the trains are late. The gates open-- - but ti re're bars at , gate. e ("One-Way Ticket")

He examines the piercing alienation of the mulhttowho wonders '"wheregate

gonna dies, being neither white orblack,"t.who perhaps loves "Bessie, Bach, and

bop," or who feels societal pressure to deny one orseveral of his heritages in

favor of another.. ("Theme for English B"). Langston Hughes, Nella Larsen,_

Jessie Fauset, Walter White and other Renaissanceartists in poetry as well as

other genres exhausted the theme of thetragic mulatto earlier touched. upon by

writers such as Charles Chestnutt, WilliamWells Brown and most thoroughly

treated by James Weldon Johnson in the :tobioAttofanEx-Ccj.ouredMan

(written in 1912, however, the authorship of which he did notacknowledge until.

1927). They uniquely explored the pitfalls and ironies inherentin the-physical .

mulatto's attempts to pass for white. Central to the tragic mulatto theme is a

denial of self in that the tragic flaw or Achilles'heel is the possibility of

the discovery of the mulatto's damning blackness.

In reacting to America, in attempting to becomeAmericanized, the 1

6

African-American sought no definition of himselfin terms'of his heritage, but rather, in temp of America--the supposedconglomeration of selves to yield a new self to fit the Americanpuzzle. Indeed, James Weldon Johnson asserts in his autobiography, AlongTI-4slay., that thesolution of the race problem in- volves the salvation of ti unite man's soul and ti.e black body, thereby sug- gesting the black man's material destiny to be solely,dependent upon the 14 spiritual (an obviously hirer)-dispbsition of-whiteAmerica.

Countee Cullen explored in "Heritage" the contradictionsof Christianity

and Western culture which confronted theAfricam-American:

Not yet has my heart or head In the least way realized They and I are civilized. (''Heritage ")

He did not however admit to the possibility of anAfrican continuum. Instead,

he romanticized Africa as a hauntingenigma to the Negro American.Further in

"Heritage" he recognized and attempted to accept anambivalent, superficial,

exotic, passionate, mysterious concept ofAfriba as the mother country, not seek-

ing to affirm its worth but simply toexclaim to the world that Africa is just

as good as any other mothercountry. The dream deferred affects them all--the

rural to urbna migrant, the mulattoobsessed with finding a Sense of belonging,

the African-Aierican longing to grasphis tradition who contents himself with

being, as Cullen states in "Heritage":

One three centuries removed From the scenes his fathers loved, Spicy grove, cinnamon tree, What is Africa to me? t As Leroi Jones argues in "The Myth of aNegro Literature," a literature

fraught with responding to andimitating white culture resulted, and an atmos-

phere of self-denial, inaffirmation oftheir aspirations, demanded a negation 15 of the past, the African heritage--themselves. . Assuming that his essence- 7 ..6.401 wool, i7!Th rr1;16

found roots in Western culture, the African-American created aliterature and a life-style largely 4a sham. o. Jean Toomer, perhaps ostracized for the very recognition ofthe necessity for the African-American to seek his unique heritage,produced in .1

Cane a literary work outstanding in that he captured the.essence ofthe

African-American's dilemma. Especially in "Kabnis," he works with "two

-10 warring ideals",and sadly suggestsethe truth: the only alternative'to be-

coming inert within the ambivalence' and contradiction is to succumb to the

overwhelming farce of P.merican dominance and accept the subsequentlimitations.

Throughout the 1920s, N.A.A.C.P. elite stressed the feelings of

racial ambivalence expressed in Renaissance work. Just prior to the "Red

Summer" of 1919, DuBois acknowledged in The Crisis, theN.A.A.C.P.'s official

publication, that America "lynches," "disfranchises its owncitizens,"

"encourages ignorance," and it "keeps us consistentlyand universally poor."

Yet this genocidal nation was "our fatherland,"DuBois declared.The Negro

who served during dorld War I fought "forAmerica and her highest ideals. . . ."16

Locke described Vie New Negro and his social role in Americanlife in a very

similar manner.The New Negro was "an integral part of the large industrialand

;social problems of our present-day democracy." The Nu,Towhile segregated was

"cramped and fetterL7." The Negro mind reaches out for"American wants,

American ideals 5nd for the.7 fullest sharing of American cultureand institutions."

Both DuBois and Locke applauded liberal America's.foreign anddomestic triumphs

through their campaign for ultimate political andcultural assimilation. Es-

pecially in Locke's writings, democracy and integration encouraged adenial of 17 indigenous black cultural prerogatives.

African-American scholars lent their support to those whodenied the . . . - lc . I * . I .:"..P......

O ert"v./As" P1111511

I Africaness of black people. E. Franklin Frazier, Director of Howaid Univer- , sity's Sociology Department in 1934, and_Charles'S. Johnson,Sociologist and

Editor of the Urban League's Opportunity magazine, re- interpretedblack. cut -`

tune into an integrationist framework. Frazier's 1925 article, "Social

Equality and the Negro," denounded coluntarysegregation and the concept of a 18 unique, self-sufficient African - American culture. Frazier's The Negro,

Z, Family in the United States arguedfurther that enslavement and white oppres- - sion had destroyed African social institutions.Black folk culture was "low,"

"ignoiants" and"inferior."19Like other New Negroes, Frazier applauded'the

demise of the agrarian standards within black lifeand.the.N6gro's migration

into the urban setting. Johnson generally agreed with Frazier.At best, the

Negro was a "marginal man"--a creature who was part blackand part white, par-

tially priiitive and rural, partiallyurban and progressive. Integration,

not separation, Johnson declared, would bring blackssalvation.20

Negro civil rights activists stressed assimilation not as a meansfor

African-Americans to attain equality but as an ultimate goalitself. Walter

White, Executive Secretary of the N.A.A.C:P., organizedlegal Attempts to

desegregate white universities but scorned attemptsto build separate black 21 educational institutions. James Weldon Johnson, as N.A.A.C.P.ietretary,

incorporateethe.contradictions of the Renaissance and translated theminto

political realities'and responses to white oppression. Although Johnson

recognized the unique character of Negro culture, hecriticized conservative

black nationalistswhq"expectAW7 the Negro in Harlem or anywhere else to 422 build business in general upon a strictly racialfoundation. .

White, Johnson and others with the N.A.AfC.P.leadership ranks o .stressed a program which wouldultiiately'destroy the African-American spirit

of solidarity and racial integrity.When their ideological mentor, DuBois, defended an all-black economic cooperative commonwealth forAtrican.Americans

and criticized liberal America's economic,politicdi'andcultural values, the

N.A.A.C.P. black and whiteelite had 4ttie,choice but to rorce him out of the

4%

23 . . organization ani condemn him. . ; The Negro intellectuals and the N.A.A.0 V. hierarchynever 'supported

black cultural nationalism; instead, they drewheavily froth those ambivfilences 24 evident in the,Renaissance's literary works andpolitics. As the Renaissance ,

"lacked a cultural philosophy autonomous fromwhite America, so-aid the new 25 urban political leadership of theAfrican-Americans. While Africans,had a

been agrarians and deeply conscious15f their cultural integrity, New Negroes

glorified the city and urban life, supportedprogressive legislation for in-

tegration, and declared war on those whodoubted the wisdom of ultimate

assimilation. Just as artists such as Hughes andCullen called out desperately

for opportunities in white Americanculture, the leadership of subsequentcivil

rights movements in the 1950s and1960s would demand opportunities forupWard

mobility within a capitalist Americansociety, which, by its aggressive and

exploitative nature, could never yieldequality to the African-American.

In summation, the literature of the.Negro Renaissance needs to, be 4 re-examined from the purview of thepervasiveness of the conflicts apparent

in such literary themes as thetragic mulatto, the glorified and idealistic

African past, the alienation frontAmerican culture, and an implied, and at

times overt, self-hatred.The Renaissahce literature reflects thereality of

the Negro as.he indeed perceiiredhimself regardless of color--the realityof the the psychologicalmulatto'. Historically, black scholars must re-evaluate

origins of the integrationibt movement.Even now most refuse to ask themselves

if it was relevant to the African -American working class laborers and farmers

whether or not a few Negroes gotHeoual'opportunity" to become part of white

e

*Vs o

10

America.' Literary and other culturalaspects of the black Abericanwerience

Who. must be emploStecl.in thehistoriography of analyzing such-questions as:

'really wanted this struggle fortotallasiimilation into white culture and

economics? Why is it that the Negrointellectuals, until recently, refused to

be associated with a n yE r i n g "black," "revolutionary.," or "African?" Why do

.Ngro scholar's of sociology an4Nhistory chargethat the institution of slavery

destroyed the black family, sense ofcommunity and cosmology,and then proclaim

that the African-American!s.strugglefor survival in the urban ghetto has been .

a long 'march toward"freedom," "'democracy," Apd "integration?" . the product of

. , faulty foundations of .Unfortunately,present-day New Negroes,building upon the

the Twentiesoretard the politicaland artistic advancement of the raceand deny

the establishment of a legitimateblack historical tradition and blackliterary A 26 .4i tradition.

- al&

. NOTES .

1John Blassingame, The Slave Community (New'York, 1973), passim; Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time On The Cross, VolumeI: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (Boston: 1974), passim; EugeneD. Genovese, Roll, /Joran, Roll: The WorldtheSlaves Made (New York: 1974), passim; Sterling. StUckey, "Throug1.1 the Prism of Folklore: The Black Ethos in Slavery,"The Massachusetts Review, 9, 3 (Summer,1968), 417-437; also see Lawrence W. \ Levine, "Slave Songs and Slave Consciousness: An Explorationin Neglected A, Sources," in Anonymous Americans,ed.,Tamara Hareven (Englewood Cliffs, Nevi, Jersey: 1971).

2Peter Wood's Black Majority. (New York: 1974) and Genovese's Ro13j___Jordan,Roa. illustrate that both in colonial and antebellumtimes blacks were not reactors to white oppressiolf but largely establishedtheir own work habits.

3EdwinS. Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalist andBack to Africa Movements, 1890-1910 (New Haven: 1969).

4 0n "Pap" Singleton's emigrationist movement toKansas, see August Meier,Negr) Thought in America, 1880-1915 (Ann Arbor:1965), 271-74. On Turner, see Redkey, Respect Black: The Writings and Speeches of HenrMcNeal Turner (New York: 1971).

5Charles H. Wesley, Negro Labor in the. United.States, 1850-1925 (New York: 1931) Old South New York: 1970) dis- . and Robert S. Starobin, Industrial Slavery in the cuss black labor in capitalistenterprise's.

6 Allah Spear, "The Origins of the Urban Ghetto,1870-1915," in Nathan I. Huggins, narti.n Kilson, Daniel M. Fox, eds., KeleAfymezIssuesintiticanErience, sVolume II (New York: 1971), 153 -166;..Gilbert Osofsky, "The Enduring Ghetto," Journal. of American History, 4O September,1968). -

7C.Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South(Baton Rouge: 1951), passim.

8Herbert G. Gutman, "Persistent Myths About theAmerican Neno Family," Paper read at the Association. for the Study of lyegroLife and History, Birmingham, Alabama, 10 October 1969. The central difficulty here is that historic.alyAfrican culturaLcarry- avers are extremely difficultto extract from many traditional studieson-black folk culture. ' It is still controversial to arguethat the heritage of black lift in the South ,was in any real way"African." In large degree, such standard interpretations reflect the integrationist demands uponTwentieth Century scholarship, and unduly slight the work of MelvilleHerskovitt. The best general attempt to critique the Overall African continuumwithin modern bourgeois American society is Ha;rold Cruse's The Crisisof the Negro Intellectual (New Ymrk:1967). 9 411 W.E.B. DuBois, Dusk of Dawn (New York: 1940), 204; RobertAlien, Black Awakenin in Capitalist America: An Analytic History (Garden City, N.Y.:

1970 , -99; Eugene D. Genovese, "The Legacy of Slavery and tke Roots of Black Nationalism," Studies on the Le 6 (November-Decemr, 1966), 14-16.

10 . Amy Jacques Garvey, ed., The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, two volumes (New York: 1923, 1925), passim; Theodore G. Vincent, Black Power an4 the Garvey Movement (San Francisco: 1972), Chapter 5;-E. U. Essien-UdoM,Black Nationalism (New York: 1962), 50-51.

/or example, Washington's business and politicalattitudes formed the basis of the African nationalist protest ideology in early-twentieth century South Africa. See Manning Marable, "Booker Washington and African Nationalism," to be published in Phylon, late 1974-early 1975. Also see K. J. King, Pan Africanism and Education (Oxford: 1971), 12, 98, 262;Manning-Marable, "A Black School in South Africa," Negro History Bulletin, 37, 4 (June/July,1974), 258-261.

12W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black,Polk (New York: 1903). .

133ee "Prologue," Ralph. Ellison, Invisible Man (New York: 1951).

14James Weldon Johnson, AlailiziisWa (New York: 1933), 318.

1 5LeroiJones"The Myth of a Negro Literature," and "A Dark Bag," Home(New York: 1969); Don L. Lee, Dynamite Voices (Detroit: 1971), 15.

16W.E.B. DuBois, The Crisis, 18 (May, 1919), 13-14.

17Alain Locke, The New Negro (New York:1925).

18E. Franklin Frazier, "Social Equality and theNegro," Opportunity, 3 (June: 1925), 165-168.

19(Chicago: 1932).

See Charles S. Johnson, A Preface to Racial Understanding(New York: 1936).

21Walter F. White, A Man Called White (New York: 1948).

22James Weldon Johnson, Black Manhattan (New York:1930), 283. 23 W.E.B. DuBois, Dusk of Dawn, 296-317. During the depression of the nineteen thirties, DuBois embraced black nationalism and the immediate need for separate black economic, political and cultural development:

" From the eighteenth century down the Negro intelligentsia has regarded segregation as'the visible badge of their servi- tude and as the object of their unceasing attack.The upper class Negro has almost never been nationalisti,.:. He has never planned or thought of a Negro state or a Negro church or a Negro school.This solution has always been a thought up-surging from the mass, because of pressure which they could not withstand and which compelled a racial institution or chaos. Continually suckinstitutions were founded and developed, but this took place against the advice and best thought of the intelligenthia." DuB4s, Dusk of Dawn, 305

24Few upper class Negroes, excluding James Weldon Johnson and W.E.B. DuBois, took an active interest in promulgating Negro culture. However, some liberal whites within the N.A.A.C.P. did offer literary prizes through the Crisis.

2 5Harold Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, 38.

26Donald B. Gibson, "Is Theresa Clack Literary Tradition?"*New York University Education Quarterly, 11, 2 (Winter, 1971), 12 ..16; Addison Gayle, The Black Aesthetic, (Garden City, New York:. 1972), passim; also see LerOi Jones, Home and Don L. Lee, Dynamite Voices.

4