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Proceedings of the 11Th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

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Proceedings of the 11Th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Proceedings of the 11th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Center for Computational Linguistics, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Stefan Müller (Editor) 2004 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/HPSG/2004 The papers are published under a CC-BY license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Contents 1 Editor’s Note 4 I Contributions to the Main Conference 5 Anne Abeillé, Olivier Bonami, Danièle Godard, Jesse Tseng: The Syntax of French N0 Phrases 6 Doug Arnold: Non-Restrictive Relative Clauses in Construction Based HPSG 27 John Beavers, Ivan A. Sag: Coordinate Ellipsis and Apparent Non-Constituent Coordination 48 Robert D. Borsley: An Approach to English Comparative Correlatives 70 Michael W. Daniels, W. Detmar Meurers: GIDLP: A Grammar Format For Linearization-based HPSG 93 Henriette de Swart: A Typology of Negation in a Constraint-Based Frame- work of Syntax and Semantics 112 Markus Egg: Mismatches at the Syntax-Semantics Interface 119 Jean-Pierre Koenig, Anthony R. Davis: Raising Doubts about Russian Im- personals 140 Valia Kordoni: Between Shifts and Alternations: Ditransitive Construc- tions 151 Takafumi Maekawa: Constituency, Word Order and Focus Projection 168 Ian Marshall, Eva Safar: Sign Language Generation in an ALE HPSG 189 Stefan Müller: An Analysis of Depictive Secondary Predicates in German without Discontinuous Constituents 202 Manfred Sailer: Propositional Relative Clauses in German 223 Melanie Siegel, Emily M. Bender: Head-Initial Constructions in Japanese244 Jan-Philipp Soehn: License to Coll: How to Bind Bound Words and Read- ings to their Contexts 261 Mehran A. Taghvaipour: An HPSG Analysis of Persian Relative Clauses 274 2 Beata Trawinski: Towards Licensing of Adverbial Noun Phrases in HPSG294 Frank Van Eynde: Pied Piping is a Local Dependency 313 Shûichi Yatabe: A Comprehensive Theory of Coordination of Unlikes 335 II Contributions to the Workshop 356 Dorothee Beermann, Lars Hellan: A treatment of directionals in imple- mented HPSG Grammars 357 Berthold Crysmann: Underspecification of Intersective Modifier Attach- ment: Some Arguments from German 378 Anette Frank, Kathrin Spreyer, Witold Drozd˙ zy˙ nski,´ Hans-Ulrich Krieger, Ulrich Schäfer: Constraint-Based RMRS Construction from Shallow Grammars 393 Petter Haugereid: Linking in Constructions 414 Gerald Penn, Frank Richter: Lexical Resource Semantics: From Theory to Implementation 423 Anders Søgaard: A Compound Matrix 444 3 1 Editor’s Note The 11th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (2004) was held at the Center for Computational Linguistics, Katholieke Univer- siteit Leuven in Belgium. The conference featured 3 invited talks, 20 papers, and 1 alternate paper, se- lected by the program committee (Gosse Bouma, Jonathan Ginzburg, Jong-Bok Kim, Tibor Kiss, Kordula de Kuthy, Bob Levine, Rob Malouf, Philip Miller, Paola Monachesi, Stefan Müller, John Nerbonne, Ivan Sag, Manfred Sailer, Frank Van Eynde, Eun-Jung Yoo, Kei Yoshimoto). A workshop on Semantics in Grammar Engineering was attached to the conference. It featured one invited talk and 7 papers, selected by the workshop program committee (Dorothee Beermann, Ash Asudeh, Mary Dalrymple, Markus Egg, Lars Hellan, Jean-Pierre Koenig, Valia Kordoni, Manfred Sailer). In total there were 32 submissions to the main conference and 7 submissions to the workshop. We want to thank the respective program committees for putting this nice program together. Thanks go to Frank van Eynde, who was in charge of local arrangements. As in the past years the contributions to the conference proceedings are based on the five page abstract that was reviewed by the respective program committees, but there is no additional reviewing of the longer contribution to the proceedings. To ensure easy access and fast publication we have chosen an electronic format. The proceedings include all the papers except those by Farrell Ackerman, Irina Nikolaeva, and Rob Malouf, Ann Copestake, Liv Ellingsen, Jonathan Ginzburg, Tibor Kiss, and Adam Przepiórkowski and Alexandr Rosen. 4 Part I Contributions to the Main Conference The Syntax of French N0 Phrases Anne Abeillé Olivier Bonami Universite Paris 7 Universite Paris 7 Danièle Godard Jesse Tseng Universite Paris 7 Universite Paris 7 Proceedings of the 11th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Center for Computational Linguistics, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Stefan Müller (Editor) 2004 CSLI Publications pages 6–26 http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/HPSG/2004 Abeillé, Anne, Bonami, Olivier, Godard, Danièle, & Tseng, Jesse. 2004. The Syntax of French N0 Phrases. In Müller, Stefan (Ed.), Proceedings of the 11th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Center for Computational Linguistics, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 6–26. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Abstract Of all French functional elements, the form de has without question the widest variety of uses, and presents the greatest challenge for linguistic de- scription and analysis. Historically a preposition, it still has a number of prepositional uses in modern French, but in many contexts it calls for an altogether different treatment. We begin by outlining a general distinction between “oblique” and “non-oblique” uses of de. We then develop a detailed account of constructions where de combines with an N . We provide a unitary analysis of de in three constructions (quantifier extraction, “quantification at a distance”, and negative contexts) which have been not been considered to be related in previous accounts. The aim of this article is to present a novel and unified analysis of structures of the form [de N ] in French. After giving an overview of the uses of the element de and establishing a partition of these uses corresponding to two distinct syntactic analyses for de (section 1), we provide a detailed description of the de-N structures examined in the rest of the paper (section 2). Section 3 presents arguments for treating certain de-N phrases as extraction sites, and section 4 provides the full HPSG analysis, with example structures. 1 Background: The dual syntactic nature of de This section briefly motivates a two-way classification of the uses of de based on a number of syntactic criteria, and presents an HPSG account of the data. For a more complete presentation (including similar results for the element a`), see Abeill´e et al. (2003).1 1.1 Oblique vs. non-oblique uses First we can identify “oblique” uses of de, characterized by the following proper- ties: nothing can be extracted from the phrase that de combines with (1), de can combine with a coordination of phrases (2), and the de-phrase cannot appear in subject position (3). (1) Je me souviens [de la findecefilm]. ‘I remember the end of that film.’ ; *un film dont je me souviens [de la fin ] ‘a film of which I remember the ending’ (2) J’ai besoin [ de [cette farine et cette levure]] . ‘I need this flour and this yeast.’ † We would like to thank the participants of the group “Grammaire typologique des formes faibles” at Paris 7 University, in particular Denis Creissels and Anne Zribi-Hertz, and the audience of the HPSG Conference in Leuven, in particular Henri¨ette de Swart and Frank Van Eynde, for their valuable comments on earlier presentations of this work. 1Kupferman (2004) presents a related approach to partitioning the uses of de. 7 (3) *[De mort] est la seule fac¸on efficace de menacer ces gens. ‘With death is the only effective way to threaten these people.’ Using these tests, we find that oblique de appears in combination with NP and N (as in the preceding examples), and also with PP, AP, and AdvP (but never with VP): (4) a. Il surgit [de derri`ere le rideau]. ‘He jumped out from behind the curtain.’ b. quelque chose [de plus traditionnel] ‘something more traditional’ c. deux jours [de plus] ‘two days more’ In “non-oblique” uses, de behaves very differently, allowing extraction out of its sister phrase (5), not taking wide scope over a coordination of phrases (6), and sometimes occurring in subject position (7). (5) a. Je n’ai pas lu [de livres de cet auteur]. ‘I haven’t read any books by this author.’ ; un auteur dont je n’ai pas lu [de livres ] ‘an author of whom I haven’t read any books’ b. Je ne me souviens pas [d’avoir lu ce livre]. ‘I don’t remember having read that book.’ ; un livre que je ne me souviens pas [d’avoir lu ] ‘a book I don’t remember having read’ (6) *On nous a apport´e plein [ de [pain et vin]] . ‘They brought us loads of bread and wine.’ (7) [De sortir un peu] te ferait du bien. ‘Getting out a bit would do you some good.’ In addition to these examples containing N and infinitival VP, non-oblique de also combines with the definite article to give rise to the so-called “partitive article” (8a). This construction is in fact available with other demonstrative and possessive specifiers as well (8b) (Kupferman, 2004). (8) a. un courrier contenant [de la poudre blanche suspecte] ‘a letter containing suspicious white powder’ b. acheter [de ce/son whisky] ‘buy some of that/his kind of whisky’ 1.2 Analysis The properties of oblique de-phrases can be accounted for in a straightforward manner if we analyze de as an ordinary preposition, satisfying the lexical descrip- tion in (9). In French, PPs are extraction islands, hence the empty SLASH list for 8 all prep-words (10b).2 And unlike their English counterparts, French PPs cannot be used as subjects (3,11). (9) prepositional de: prep-word & MARKING de HEAD ¬ verb COMPS COMPS (10) a. *une loi dont j’ai vot´e pour l’auteur ‘a law of which I voted for the author (whose author I voted for)’ b. HEAD prep prep-word →MARKING marked SLASH {} (11) *Sous la table est une bonne cachette. ‘Under the table is a good hiding place.’ Non-oblique de-phrases, on the other hand, do not behave like PPs, but more like NPs or VPs.
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