DOCSLIB.ORG

En En Motion for a Resolution

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

European Parliament 2014-2019 Plenary sitting B8-0098/2018 6.2.2018 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION with request for inclusion in the agenda for a debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law pursuant to Rule 135 of the Rules of Procedure on Russia, the case of Oyub Titiev and the Human Rights Centre Memorial (2018/2560(RSP)) Karol Karski, Charles Tannock, Jana Žitňanská, Ruža Tomašić, Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, Zdzisław Krasnodębski, Jan Zahradil on behalf of the ECR Group RE\P8_B(2018)0098_EN.docx PE614.407v01-00 EN United in diversity EN B8-0098/2018 European Parliament resolution on Russia, the case of Oyub Titiev and the Human Rights Centre Memorial (2018/2560(RSP)) The European Parliament, - having regard to its previous reports and resolutions on Russia, in particular its resolutions of 13 June 2013 on the rule of law in Russia, of 13 March 2014 on Russia: sentencing of demonstrators involved in the Bolotnaya Square events, and of 23 October 2014 on the closing-down of the NGO ‘Memorial’ (winner of the 2009 Sakharov Prize) in Russia, - having regards to the statement of the Chairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and Subcommittee on Human Rights of the European Parliament of 12 January 2018 calling for the immediate release of human rights defender Oyub Titiev, - having regard to article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both of which provide that no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and to which Russian Federation is a party, - having regard to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, - having regard to the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 9 December 1998, - having regard to its previous reports and resolutions on Russia, in particular its resolution of 12 March 2015 on the murder of the Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov and the state of democracy in Russia, its resolution of 24 November 2016 on Case of Ildar Dadin, prisoner of conscience in Russia and its resolution of 6 of April 2017 on Russia, the arrest of Alexei Navalny and other protestors, - having regard to Rule 135 of its Rules of Procedure, A. whereas according to Human Rights Watch the human rights situation in Russian Federation has deteriorated last year; whereas “as the March 2018 presidential election approaches, the Kremlin is stepping up on repressive measures to discourage political opposition, independent activism and critical expression”; B. whereas elimination of almost all competition has turned the upcoming elections into a kind of referendum on the Putine regime; whereas according some analysts “if less than 50 percent of voters come to cast ballots in the upcoming ‘Vladimir Putin election’, this will be construed as a sharp decline in legitimacy of the ‘national leader,’ who is ruling Russia for 18 years; C. whereas Putin’s regime goal is to reach 70 percent support and 70 percent turnout, barely 48 percent of the electorate turned out for the September 2016 parliamentary PE614.407v01-00 2/5 RE\P8_B(2018)0098_EN.docx EN elections; whereas according to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty actual turnout in this last parliamentary elections might have been lower, if not for vast number of polling stations which reported turnouts of over 70 percent; whereas according to November 2017 poll conducted by Levada Center only 24 percent of Russians said they would definitely vote in March 2018; whereas according to the New York Times “in about 15 regions of Russia or ‘electoral sultanates’, Mr. Putin can count on Soviet-style support; whereas in the Chechen Republic under the strongman Ramzan Kadyrov, Mr. Putin in 2012 received more than 99 percent of votes cast with more than 99 percent turnout; D. whereas on 29 of June 2017 five Chechens including Zaur Dadayev, linked to Kadyrov, were found guilty of murdering the Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov in the proximity of to the Kremlin in 2015; whereas Ivan Skripnichenko, Russian activist died on August 23, 2017 after he was attacked while defending the makeshift Nemtsov memorial; whereas on February 3, 2018 Russian opposition activist Konstantin Sinitsyn has been found dead of head injuries in the entranceway of his St. Petersburg apartment building; E. whereas the Putin regime attacked Memorial, both as the historical and educational society and as the Human Rights Center, founded in years 1989-1991 by Soviet/Russian dissidents including Andrei Sakharov, after whom the European Parliament named in December 1988 The Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought; F. whereas Memorial helped to reveal after 50 years of lies Soviet era mass crimes against nations occupied by the Soviet Union, including the Katyn Polish officers massacre and Augustów Roundup, as well as again the Russians; whereas while Mr. Putin openly defended the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Arseny Roginsky, the late President of Memorial, stated that the Pact, “and its direct consequences between 1939-1941, were a crime against humanity”; G. whereas Yuri Dmitriev, Memorial historian who was part of the team that found a mass grave at Sandarmokh of more than 9,000 people, many of them members of Soviet intelligentsia, killed by Stalin in 1937-38 Great Terror, revealed in 2017 a list of more than 40,000 Stalin-era secret policemen, a move that raised an outcry among some of their descendants; whereas Dmitriev was arrested in July 2017 and was tried on charges brought by state prosecutors of involving his 11-year-old daughter in child pornography; H. whereas on January 18 state-controlled NTV channel owned by Gazprom Media, a subsidiary of Gazprom, aired a disinformation attack to hit European and US diplomats and Mr. Dmitriev; whereas “recordings of diplomats from Western diplomatic representations in Russia, who had come to the human rights defender’s home town to follow what they suspected to be a politically motivated case, are shown wit use of covertly obtained video footage; whereas however, NTV fails to mention that at the point of the broadcast, the most recent expert opinion requested by the Russian state prosecutors did not qualify the photos in the human rights defender’s case as child pornography; whereas indeed, the activist was released from custody on 27 January, shortly after the production was aired, which confirms that the allegations made by NTV were not solid and that the foreign diplomats could indeed have been RE\P8_B(2018)0098_EN.docx 3/5 PE614.407v01-00 EN right in their suspicion of a political motivation behind the charges; I. whereas on 9 January 2018, Oyub Titiev, head of the Chechnya office of the Human Rights Center “Memorial” was detained on the charges of possession of marijuana; whereas over recent months Titiev and other Memorial staff on Chechnya have been working on the case of 27 people who were extra-judicially executed on 26 January 2016 following their detention in December 2015 during operations by special forces; J. whereas on January 17, 2018, Memorial office in Ingyshetia was set on fire; whereas on January 22, 2018 unknown arsonists set on fire the car belonging to Memorial’s local office in Dagestan; whereas on January 17, 2018, the Chechen branch of Russia state television, Grozny-TV featured Kadyrov who declared that independent human rights defenders are “enemies of the people”, assured that they will not be tolerated in this part of Russian Federation, suggested that Titiev is the “personal druggie” of the UN and the US State Department and called for extrajudicial reprisals; K. whereas in July 2009, Mr. Titev’s Memorial predecessor and human rights activist in Chechnya, Ms Natalia Estemirova was abducted from outside her home in Grozny and was found shot dead later the same day near in the neighbouring Ingushetia; whereas the European Parliament has awarded the 2009 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of thoughts to the Memorial Human Rights Center; 1. Calls for immediate release of the Director of the Human Rights Center in the Chechen Republic, Mr. Oyub Titiev and for dropping of all charges against Mr. Yuri Dmitriev; 2. Calls for international investigation into deaths of Boris Nemtsov, Natalia Estemirova and other Russian human rights and opposition activists and journalists, like Anna Politkovskaja; 3. Condemns Russia’s attempts to cover its Stalinist era crimes as well as arresting human rights defenders on trumped up charges in Russian Federation and its republics, including Chechnya, Ingushetia and Dagestan; 4. Condemns disinformation campaigns by Russian state and state-controlled television and other mass media against Russian human rights defenders as well as against the EU countries and the United States; 5. Calls for new EU sanctions against Russian media involved in disinformation and fake news campaigns against historical truth about Soviet era crimes as well as against the West and Russian human rights defenders, including against Gazprom Media and Gazprom; 6. Condemns attacks on human rights defenders by Russian authorities and their Chechen helpers and urge Moscow to put an end to these attacks and allow Memorial and other human rights organizations to work in Chechnya and other parts of Russian Federation; 7. Calls for the Hague Tribunal to investigate crimes against humanity committed by structures and personnel of Soviet secret services, attempts to cover up these crimes, PE614.407v01-00 4/5 RE\P8_B(2018)0098_EN.docx EN as well as crimes committed during Russian Wars against Chechnya; 8. Calls on Russian government to allow for free and democratic presidential elections and to refrain from using administrative and other measures to increase turnout, especially in Chechnya and other republics; 9.
Recommended publications
  • The Forgotten Victims: Childhood and the Soviet Gulag, 1929–1953

    The Forgotten Victims: Childhood and the Soviet Gulag, 1929–1953

    Number 2203 ISSN: 2163-839X (online) Elaine MacKinnon The Forgotten Victims: Childhood and the Soviet Gulag, 1929–1953 This work is licensed under a CreaƟ ve Commons AƩ ribuƟ on-Noncommercial-No DerivaƟ ve Works 3.0 United States License. This site is published by the University Library System of the University of PiƩ sburgh as part of its D-Scribe Digital Publishing Program, and is cosponsored by the University of PiƩ sburgh Press. Elaine MacKinnon Abstract This study examines a facet of Gulag history that only in recent years has become a topic for scholarly examination, the experiences of children whose par- ents were arrested or who ended up themselves in the camps. It fi rst considers the situation of those who were true “children of the Gulag,” born either in prison or in the camps. Second, the paper examines the children who were left behind when their parents and relatives were arrested in the Stalinist terror of the 1930s. Those left behind without anyone willing or able to take them in ended up in orphanages, or found themselves on their own, having to grow up quickly and cope with adult situations and responsibilities. Thirdly, the study focuses on young persons who themselves ended up in the Gulag, either due to their connections with arrested family members, or due to actions in their own right which fell afoul of Stalinist “legality,” and consider the ways in which their youth shaped their experience of the Gulag and their strategies for survival. The effects of a Gulag childhood were profound both for individuals and for Soviet society as a whole.
  • Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)

    Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)

    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The Great Return: The Gulag Survivor and the Soviet System Knijff-Adler, N.D. Publication date 1999 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Knijff-Adler, N. D. (1999). The Great Return: The Gulag Survivor and the Soviet System. in eigen beheer. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:10 Oct 2021 Chapter V The Politics of Re-Adaptation and Resocialization Procedures: Policy and Practice before and after the XX Party Congress Introduction The political climate in the Soviet Union in the 1950s was sardonically portrayed by a popular joke circulating at the time. It divided the Soviet Union into three classes: prisoners, former prisoners, and future prisoners.1 While it is true that after Stalin's death, ex-zeks were less likely to be arrested and were less harassed, it is also true that in the post-Stalin era many felt an ongoing sense of injustice related to their status as ex-prisoners, or even rehabilitated persons.
  • The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark a Smith

    The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark a Smith

    Research & Assessment Branch The Russian Chronologies July - September 2009 Dr Mark A Smith 09/13 RUSSIAN DOMESTIC CHRONOLOGY JULY 2009 – SEPTEMBER 2009 1 July 2009 The head of the commission for the Caucasus and first deputy speaker of the Federation Council, Aleksandr Torshin, criticises the assessment of the situation in the North Caucasus made by the human rights organization Amnesty International. 1 July 2009 President Dmitry Medvedev speaks at a state reception for graduates of military educational institutions in the Kremlin. He discusses military reform. 1 July 2009 Deputy Prime Minister Sergey Ivanov discusses with Vladimir Putin the development of seaport construction. Ivanov states: In 1998-99, of the total volume of import and export operations, 75 per cent of our cargoes were shipped through foreign ports, mostly Ukrainian and Baltic ones, and only 25 per cent through Russian ports. Now the proportion is as follows: 87 per cent of all cargoes are already shipped and processed through Russian ports, and only 13 per cent through foreign ports. I think that's fairly good dynamics, and in the foreseeable future we will completely get rid of dependence on foreign ports. This is very important from the economic point of view, and of course additional jobs. 1 July 2009 The head of the Rosnano state corporation Anatoly Chubays addresses the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs innovation policy committee. He discusses the need to develop an innovative economy in the Russian Federation. 1 July 2009 Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliyev says that alcohol abuse or poisoning causes each fifth death in Russia.
  • EP SAKHAROV PRIZE NETWORK NEWSLETTER December 2013

    EP SAKHAROV PRIZE NETWORK NEWSLETTER December 2013

    EP SAKHAROV PRIZE NETWORK NEWSLETTER December 2013 / January 2014 Table of Contents Razan Zaitouneh kidnapped in Syria along with her husband and two other activists........................3 Statement on Razan Zaitouneh by the office of EU High Representative Catherine Ashton..............4 Arab bloggers call for the release of Razan Zaitouneh........................................................................4 EP DEVE and AFET committees hold high-level meeting on Syria ..................................................4 At least 90 Damas de Blanco arrested at demonstration marking Human Rights Day .......................5 Statement by Barbara Lochbihler MEP: serious concerns about the situation of Sakharov Prize Laureates..............................................................................................................................................5 Memorial Anti-Discrimination Centre ordered to register as "foreign agent" as NGO trials continue................................................................................................................................................6 Berta Soler (Damas de Blanco) and Aliaksandr Milinkevich togehter at the EP Vilnius event..........7 Berta Soler detained on return to Cuba................................................................................................8 Salih Osman addresses EU-NGO Forum.............................................................................................8 EP delegation to Iran meets with Sakharov Prize Laureates Nasrin Sotoudeh
  • Civil Society and the Challenge of Russian Gosudairstvennost

    Civil Society and the Challenge of Russian Gosudairstvennost

    Civil Society and the Challenge of Russian Gosudairstvennost JOHN SQUIER S oon after being named acting president of the Russian Federation in early 2000, Vladimir Putin announced that one of his priorities would be the restoration in Russia of what he termed gosudarstvennost. Treating this term as more or less synonymous with "sovereignty," Western observers tended to inter- pret this declaration with a certain alarm (as indeed they interpreted most of Putin's initial declarations), emphasizing a hypothesized connection of the term gosudarstvennost to resurrected notions of Russian national greatness and inter- national assertiveness. That Western observers would express such concerns, in the context of diplomatic disputes over U.S. intervention in Serbia and Russian policy toward "states of concern" such as Iran, Iraq, and North Korea, is under- standable, but more recent events have demonstrated that Western concerns over gosudarstvennost, at least as far as international relations are concerned, were misplaced. Western observers' initial negative reaction seems to stem from a misunder- standing of the term gosudarstvennost, which is, in and of itself, neutral; the Ozhegov L)ictionary of the Russian Language (1986) defines it as "state system, state organization" (literally, gosudatstvennyi stroi, gosudarstvennaya organizat- siya). Gosudarstvennost thus refers less to sovereignty in the international arena than to sovereignty understood as an aspect of domestic politics-the ability of the state to act as an internally coherent governing body. Actual usage of the term seems to indicate that it means something like "statehood" or "the quality of being a state." In the aftermath of the chaos of the 1990s, when the Russian state vir- tually ceased functioning in some respects, restoration of gosudarstvennost seems an eminently sensible priority.
  • The Gulag Survivor and the Soviet System

    The Gulag Survivor and the Soviet System

    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The Great Return: The Gulag Survivor and the Soviet System Knijff-Adler, N.D. Publication date 1999 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Knijff-Adler, N. D. (1999). The Great Return: The Gulag Survivor and the Soviet System. in eigen beheer. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:07 Oct 2021 Chapter VII The Victims Strike Again: The Re-emergence of Returnees in the Eighties and Nineties The story of the ex-prisoners who started trickling back into society in the fifties, as recounted in the preceding chapters, has a logical sequence: this is the story of the public return of these repressed people as well as the public revelation of their repressed history in the eighties and nineties.
  • «The Holocaust – Glue for Wallpaper?»

    «The Holocaust – Glue for Wallpaper?»

    Note from the Editor «The Holocaust – Glue for Wallpaper?» In this issue we present the various aspects This is the name of the documentary film Ilya Altman, cochairman of the Holocaust of teaching and studying the Holocaust in by Russian director Mumin Shakirov, shown Center stressed the importance of the film to Russia. The Center organized a highprofile at the 350 Moscow International Film Festival Russian young people and teachers and international conference in Kaliningrad and on June 22, the day Germany invaded the expressed hope that this film will become the held memorial events in the Smolensk and Soviet Union. It is significant that this is the subject of a dialogue between schoolchildren and Tver’ districts as well as in Stavropol territory. only Russian film of the eight films selected students in the seminars and youth discussion Five new books, including a new volume of for the festival in this category. The film is about clubs on the topic of Second World War and the Jewish letters and diaries written during the two Moscow students, Eugenia and Ksenia, Holocaust. «The film showed a teacher from Second World War and documents on the participants in the popular television show Vladimir (where the girls attended a boarding international conference «Remembrance of «Pretty smart», who go on a trip to Auschwitz. school), who emphasized that simply the Holocaust» which took place in Rostov on In the episode that aired in December 2011, mentioning the term «Holocaust» in the Don in August 2012, have been published in twins Karatygin were asked «What is the classroom – is not enough».
  • Russia Without Putin 242

    Russia Without Putin 242

    Kent Academic Repository Full text document (pdf) Citation for published version Sakwa, Richard (2020) The Putin Paradox. I. B. Tauris Bloomsbury, United Kingdom, 338 pp. ISBN 978-1-78831-830-3. DOI Link to record in KAR https://kar.kent.ac.uk/80013/ Document Version Publisher pdf Copyright & reuse Content in the Kent Academic Repository is made available for research purposes. Unless otherwise stated all content is protected by copyright and in the absence of an open licence (eg Creative Commons), permissions for further reuse of content should be sought from the publisher, author or other copyright holder. Versions of research The version in the Kent Academic Repository may differ from the final published version. Users are advised to check http://kar.kent.ac.uk for the status of the paper. Users should always cite the published version of record. Enquiries For any further enquiries regarding the licence status of this document, please contact: [email protected] If you believe this document infringes copyright then please contact the KAR admin team with the take-down information provided at http://kar.kent.ac.uk/contact.html i THE PUTIN PARADOX 99781788318303_pi-306.indd781788318303_pi-306.indd i 115-Oct-195-Oct-19 112:25:332:25:33 ii 99781788318303_pi-306.indd781788318303_pi-306.indd iiii 115-Oct-195-Oct-19 112:25:332:25:33 iii THE PUTIN PARADOX Richard Sakwa 99781788318303_pi-306.indd781788318303_pi-306.indd iiiiii 115-Oct-195-Oct-19 112:25:332:25:33 iv I.B. TAURIS Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA BLOOMSBURY, I.B.
  • Co an Onte Nd Th Mpo He So Rary Oviet Y Rus T Uni

    Co an Onte Nd Th Mpo He So Rary Oviet Y Rus T Uni

    CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN IDENTITY AND THE SOVIET UNION: CONTINUITY AND CONFRONTATION THE IMAGE OF THE SOVIET UNION WITHIN THE POST‐SOVIET SPACE ALEXANDRA DZERO DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THE UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY HONOURS PROGRAM 2011 Declaration: This work is substantially my own, and where any part of this work is not my own, I have indicated this by acknowledging the source of that part or those parts of the work. SID: 306125021 Word Count: 19 978 i ABSTRACT Over the two decades since the fall of the Soviet Union, Russian society has continued to rely upon Soviet history for national pride and identification. Critics have voiced concerns over this reliance, arguing that the prevalence of symbols from Russia’s authoritarian past hampers Russian democratic development and has led to a rehabilitation of Stalinism. This thesis argues that analysis of the relationship between Russia and its Soviet past has more often than not existed in a contextual vacuum. It seeks to rectify this situation by contextualizing the Kremlin’s policy towards its uses of Soviet history. It argues that Soviet and Russian national identity are closely intertwined, making a condemnation of and total separation from the period impossible. It argues that the incorporation of Soviet symbols into the modern Russian Federation has been a policy of pragmatism, seeking to maintain ideological unification in a country lacking a national identity and social divided after the 1991-2000 decade of transition. It works to show that widespread Soviet rehabilitation has not occurred and where nostalgia exists, its nature is benign. The thesis illustrates that important changes have occurred in the Kremlin’s policy towards the Soviet Union under President Dmitri Medvedev, working upon the state consolidation achieved under Vladimir Putin and heralding a more critical stance towards Russia’s past.
  • Arseny Roginsky Exposes Some Anti-Stalin Lies (Really!) 01.01.2018

    Arseny Roginsky Exposes Some Anti-Stalin Lies (Really!) 01.01.2018

    Arseny Roginsky exposes some anti-Stalin lies (really!) Subject: Arseny Roginsky exposes some anti-Stalin lies (really!) From: "Grover C. Furr" <[email protected]> Date: 1/1/2018 1:23 PM To: "Grover C. Furr" <[email protected]> Roginsky was the founder of the "Memorial Society," a viciously anticommunist group that calls itself a "human rights organization. It gets funding from Western NGOs -- and also has a contradictory relationship with the Russian government, which has given it access to a lot of materials and has also tried to restrict it. Over the years I've read a lot of Roginsky's research. Surprisingly, it is usually very well done! (I can't say "always" because I have not studied all of it.) That is the reason for this email of mine to you. Here are a couple of examples: Example #1: * Was the 1948 "Anti-Cosmopolitan Campaign" in the USSR anti-semitic or not? Roginsky: This is a "myth." "This was the theme of that day’s lecture, then: taking the long view, remembering the future of memory—that the museums and monuments would still be here when we were gone. As long as that was the case, someone might do a better job with them in the future. “But how will they do it?” he asked. “How is it possible to use a museum space to convey the condition of being Jewish in the Soviet Union in the late nineteen-forties?” That was the era of Stalin’s so-called anti-cosmopolitan campaign, which every Soviet Jewish family remembers as a time of great danger and even greater fear.
  • Annual Report 2010–2011

    Annual Report 2010–2011

    KENNAN INSTITUTE Annual Report 2010–2011 KENNAN INSTITUTE Annual Report 2010–2011 1 KENNAN INSTITUTE KENNAN INSTITUTE Also employed at the Kennan RESEARCH ASSISTANTS Woodrow Wilson International Institute during the 2010–11 2010–11 Center for Scholars program year: Vlad Alalykin-Izvekov, Wanda Archy, One Woodrow Wilson Plaza Edmita Bulota, Program Assistant Jared Barol, Emma Cobert, Christian 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Dallago, David Ernst, Calvin Garner, Washington, DC 20004-3027 Ruth Grossman, Hilary Hemmings, Tel (202) 691-4100 KENNAN MOSCOW PROJECT Evgeniya Khilji, Irina Kuzemkina, Patrick Fax (202) 691-4247 Galina Levina, Program Manager Lang, Emily Linehan, Olga Litvin, Joshua www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan Ekaterina Alekseeva, Program Manager Meyers, Abbi Molzahn, Ross Oermann, and Editor Brandon Payne, Christa Sawko, Karen Irina Petrova, Office Manager Schwindt, Reagan Sims, James Slater, KENNAN INSTITUTE STAFF Pavel Korolev, Program Officer Diana Sweet, Lolita Voinich, Jacob Zenn Blair A. Ruble, Director Anna Toker, Accountant William E. Pomeranz, Deputy Director ISSN: 1931-2083 F. Joseph Dresen, Program Associate Mary Elizabeth Malinkin, Program KENNAN KYIV PROJECT Associate Yaroslav Pylynskyi, Project Manager Thea Cooke, Program Assistant Nataliya Samozvanova, Office Manager Lauren Crabtree, Program Assistant Amy Liedy, Editorial Assistant 2 CONTENTS OVERVIEW 3 DIRECTOR’S REVIEW 7 ADVISORY COUNCILS 14 KENNAN COUNCIL 15 SCHOLARS 17 CHURCH OF NATIVITY OF THE MOTHER OF GOD, WEST VIEW, PODMOKLOVO, MOSCOW, RUSSIA. CASE PROGRAM 25 MEETINGS 31 Photographs for this report were provided by William Craft Brumfield, OUTREACH 53 photographer and Professor of Slavic Languages at Tulane University. FUNDING 58 Kennan Institute Annual Report 2010–2011 1 OVERVIEW he Kennan Institute was founded as a division of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in December 1974 through the joint initiative of Ambassador George F.
  • Social Dimensions of De-Stalinization, 1953-64

    Social Dimensions of De-Stalinization, 1953-64

    FINAL REPORT TO NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH TITLE: SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF DE-STALINIZATION, 1953-64 AUTHOR: STEPHEN F. COHEN CONTRACTOR: PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: STEPHEN F. COHEN COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER: 624-17 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or in part from funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research. Executive Summary My large-scale study, which is still underway, has two related purposes. One is to write the history of the release of approximately 10 million Soviet political prisoners (zeks) from Stalin's Gulag archipelago of prison camps and forced exile in 1953-58, and of their return and reintegration into Soviet society. The other is to analyze the direct and indirect impact of these millions of returnees on Soviet social, cultural, and political life during the crucial decade of change, or de- Stalinization, between Stalin's death in 1953 and Khrushchev's overthrow in 1964. More generally, my study explores the fre- quently ignored social and historical dimensions (represented in this case by the returnee phenomenon) of high Soviet politics, including policy-making by the top leadership. Conditions in Stalin's Gulag were often murderous (at least 12 million inmates died in 1936-53), so returnees in the 1950s were survivors in the fullest sense. Their liberation occurred in stages between 1953 and 1956, each tied to major developments inside the post-Stalin leadership. The arrest of Beria and other NKVD/MVD bosses, for example, produced a small trickle of 10 to 12,000 returnees in 1953-55.