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The Failure of UN Security Council Resolution 2286 in Preventing Attacks on Healthcare in Syria
The Failure of UN Security Council Resolution 2286 in Preventing Attacks on Healthcare in Syria January 2017 SYRIAN AMERICAN MEDICAL SOCIETY C1 Contents Acknowledgements C3 Foreword 1 Background 2 Methodology 2 Executive Summary 3 Attacks on Healthcare, June–December 2016 4 Advanced and Unconventional Weaponry 7 All Forms of Medical Facilities and Personnel Targeted 7 Conclusion 8 Appendix: Attacks on Medical Personnel, June–December 2016 9 ABOUT THE SYRIAN AMERICAN MEDICAL SOCIETY The Syrian American Medical Society (SAMS) is a non-profit, non-political, professional and medical relief organization that provides humanitarian assistance to Syrians in need and represents thousands of Syrian American medical professionals in the United States. Founded in 1998 as a professional society, SAMS has evolved to meet the growing needs and challenges of the medical crisis in Syria. Today, SAMS works on the front lines of crisis relief in Syria and neighboring countries to serve the medical needs of millions of Syrians, support doctors and medical professionals, and rebuild healthcare. From establishing field hospitals and training Syrian physicians to advocating at the highest levels of government, SAMS is working to alleviate suffering and save lives. On the cover: Aftermath of an attack on a hospital in Aleppo, October 2016 Design: Sensical Design & Communication C2 The Failure of UN Security Council Resolution 2286 in Preventing Attacks on Healthcare in Syria Acknowledgements None of our work would be made possible without Syria’s doctors, nurses, medical assistants, ambulance drivers, hospital staff, and humanitarian workers. Their inspiring work amidst the most dire of circumstances con- tinues to inspire us to help amplify their voices. -
The Future of Demilitarisation and Civil Military Relations in West Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Democratic Consolidation*
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr.j. polit. sci. (1998), Vol. 3 No. 1, 82-103 The Future of Demilitarisation and Civil Military Relations in West Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Democratic Consolidation* J 'Kayode Fayemi** Abstract This paper examines the state of civil-military relations and the prospects for demilitarisation anddemocratisation in contemporary West Africa. Its underlying thesis is that West Africa poses one of the greatest dilemmas to the prospects for demilitarisation in Africa. At the same time, it offers a potentially useful mecha- nism for regional peace and security with implications for (de)militarisation in Africa. While the paper recognises the historico-structural dimensions of militarisation as well as the behavioural obstacles to demilitarisation, it captures the challenges and prospects in terms of the complexity of state-civil society relations and suggests a holistic understanding of the concept of security. This, it does with a view to de-emphasising force as the key mechanism for conflict resolution, and promoting an inclusive institutionalframework for demilitarisation and development. Introduction Militarisation is a multi-dimensional process containing phenomena such as rearmament, the growth of armed forces, an increasing role for the military in decision making process, an increasing role for force in conflict resolution and the spread of " militaristic" values. In general,... militarisation is a process whereby the "civilian" sphere is increasingly militarised towards a state of excess, usually referred to as "militarism" (Hettne, 1988,18). -
Landmine Monitor 2014
Landmine Monitor 2014 Monitoring and Research Committee, ICBL-CMC Governance Board Handicap International Human Rights Watch Mines Action Canada Norwegian People’s Aid Research team leaders ICBL-CMC staff experts I © December 2014 by International Campaign to Ban Landmines – Cluster Munition Coalition (ICBL-CMC). All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-2-8399-1160-3 Cover photograph © Jared Bloch/ICBL-CMC, June 2014 Back cover © Werner Anderson/Norwegian People’s Aid, November 2013 Cover design by Rafael Jiménez Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor provides research and monitoring for the Cluster Munition Coalition (CMC) and the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL). For more information visit www.the-monitor.org or email [email protected]. Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor makes every effort to limit the environmental footprint of reports by pub- lishing all our research reports online. This report is available online at www.the-monitor.org. International Campaign to Ban Landmines The International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) is committed to the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty (or “Ottawa Conven- tion”) as the best framework for ending the use, production, stockpiling, and transfer of antipersonnel mines and for destroying stockpiles, clearing mined areas, and assisting affected communities. The ICBL calls for universal adherence to the Mine Ban Treaty and its full implementation by all, including: • No more use, production, transfer, and stockpiling of antipersonnel landmines by any actor under any circumstances; • Rapid destruction of all remaining stockpiles of antipersonnel landmines; • More efficient clearance and destruction of all emplaced landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW); and • Fulfillment of the rights and needs of all landmine and ERW victims. -
Who Is Marshal Sergei Sokolov?
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 11, Number 44, November 13, 1984 active annies (20 divisions) stationed in East Gennany, known General Petrov, was summoned to Moscow to become head as the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany (GSFG), where of the land forces-the post he still holds. he directed a five-year program of modernizing and heavily Thus, while Zaitsev prepared the GSFG for all forms of strengtheI)ing the offensive power of the GSFG (especially warfare, from a limited "surgical strike" into part of West in armor, missiles, and aircraft/helicopters), and brought in Germany to an all-out offensive across Europe, Govorov and a new stable of "blitzkrieg" generals as army and major-unit Tretyak accomplished parallel tasks concerning military op commanders (see EIR July 17, Aug. 7, and Oct. 30). In the erations against Japan and South Korea. The parallels reach same month, December 1980, Gen. Vladimir Govorov, until down to the not insignificant detail that, in a clear statement then commander of the Moscow Military District, was named of offensive intentions, in 1983 and 1984 for the first time in commander of the Far East High Command at Chita, and both East Germany and the Far East, the Soviets stationed a Gen. Ivan Tretyak was named commander of the Far East minimum of three air assault brigades in each location. Military District, whose areas of responsibility include the The "symmetry" extends further to the case of Germany Vladivostok region, the Kuriles, and Sakhalin Island. The and Korea, the two nations which share the tragic postwar previous commander of the Far East High Command at Chita, "distinction" of being divided. -
A Haif-Democratiic Russia Will Always Be a Half-Aliy to the United States
A Haif-Democratiic Russia Will Always Be a Half-Aliy to the United States MICHAEL MCFAUL AND NIKOLAI ZLOBIN T he improvement in Russian-American relations is one of the few positive fac- tors in the muddled picture of international relations today. Russian president Vladimir Putin's support for the American struggle against international terror- ism has elevated communications between two former enemies to a new level Politicians on either side of the ocean are calling the. United States and Russia "allies ." Noting the decisiveness with which President Putin supports the United States and Washington's extremely positive reaction to this, many Russian politi- cians and public figures have begun speaking openly of Russia's entry into West- ern organizations and unions. Membership in the World Trade Organization is discussed in Moscow as an obvious reward that Russia should receive for sup- porting American military actions; entry into the European Union is brought up as a relatively near goal, and so forth. The hopes are great, but do they reflect reality? Inflated expectations and skewed assessments of the speed and character of Russia's integration into the West are dangerous. It is true that the new situation brings forth many hopes, but it also provides the groundwork for possible future disillusion. Russia's drive toward integration must be welcomed, but without open discussions concerning the entire range of problems hampering the development of relations between Russia and the West, Russian and American officials are simply exaggerating unrealistic expectations, the collapse of which could seriously complicate relations in the future. This is a replay of the situation ten years ago, when an absence of pragmatism led to the appearance of hopes that were never realized. -
Annual Report
KENNAN INSTITUTE Annual Report October 1, 2002–September 30, 2003 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org KENNAN INSTITUTE Kennan Institute Annual Report October 1, 2002–September 30, 2003 Kennan Institute Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Kennan Moscow Project One Woodrow Wilson Plaza Galina Levina, Alumni Coordinator 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Ekaterina Alekseeva, Project Manager Washington,DC 20004-3027 Irina Petrova, Office Manager Pavel Korolev, Project Officer (Tel.) 202-691-4100;(Fax) 202-691-4247 www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan Kennan Kyiv Project Yaroslav Pylynskyj, Project Manager Kennan Institute Staff Nataliya Samozvanova, Office Manager Blair A. Ruble, Director Nancy Popson, Deputy Director Research Interns 2002-2003 Margaret Paxson, Senior Associate Anita Ackermann, Jeffrey Barnett, Joseph Bould, Jamey Burho, Bram F.Joseph Dresen, Program Associate Caplan, Sapna Desai, Cristen Duncan, Adam Fuss, Anton Ghosh, Jennifer Giglio, Program Associate Andrew Hay,Chris Hrabe, Olga Levitsky,Edward Marshall, Peter Atiq Sarwari, Program Associate Mattocks, Jamie Merriman, Janet Mikhlin, Curtis Murphy,Mikhail Muhitdin Ahunhodjaev, Financial Management Specialist Osipov,Anna Nikolaevsky,Elyssa Palmer, Irina Papkov, Mark Polyak, Edita Krunkaityte, Program Assistant Rachel Roseberry,Assel Rustemova, David Salvo, Scott Shrum, Erin Trouth, Program Assistant Gregory Shtraks, Maria Sonevytsky,Erin Trouth, Gianfranco Varona, Claudia Roberts, Secretary Kimberly Zenz,Viktor Zikas Also employed at the Kennan Institute during the 2002-03 In honor of the city’s 300th anniversary, all photographs in this report program year: were taken in St. Petersburg, Russia.The photographs were provided by Jodi Koehn-Pike, Program Associate William Craft Brumfield and Vladimir Semenov. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
PUTIN's FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD SYRIA Mark N
PUTIN'S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD SYRIA Mark N. Katz* This article examines why Russian-Syrian relations were not especially close during the first five years of Putin's presidency and why the relationship suddenly improved at the beginning of 2005. It will also examine how Putin has sought to maintain good relations with Syria and Israel simultaneously, and how various future scenarios might affect Russian-Syrian relations. Despite their many common interests Why did their relationship suddenly (including opposition to American improve at the beginning of 2005? Can Putin "hegemony" in general and to the American- maintain good relations simultaneously with led intervention in neighboring Iraq in Syria and Israel even though hostility particular), Russian-Syrian relations have not between these two countries remains strong? been particularly close during most of the Where do Russian-Syrian relations appear to Putin era. Russian-Israeli relations, by be headed? Each of these questions will be contrast, became very close under both Putin addressed in turn. and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. Since Syrian President Bashar Assad met FLOUNDERING AT FIRST with Russian President Vladimir Putin in In July 1999--just a few weeks before Moscow in January 2005, however, Russian- Vladimir Putin became President Boris Syrian relations have improved dramatically. Yeltsin's last prime minister, and just a few Russia has even agreed to sell an advanced months before he became president of Russia air defense missile system to Syria over both himself--Syria's longtime dictator, Hafiz American and Israeli objections. Russian- Assad, paid his last visit to Moscow. Izvestia Syrian cooperation deepened since then noted at the time that Syria still owed despite Damascus's increasing isolation over Moscow as much as $12 billion from Soviet its role in the assassination of Lebanese times and that "Russia virtually froze Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. -
“New Type of Major-Country Relationship” with the United States
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Staff Research Backgrounder June 25, 2013 China Seeks a “New Type of Major-Country Relationship” with the United States by Caitlin Campbell Research Director and Policy Analyst, Foreign Affairs and Energy and Craig Murray Senior Policy Analyst, Military and Security Affairs Disclaimer: This paper is the product of professional research performed by staff of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, and was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission’s website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 108-7. However, the public release of this document does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission, any individual Commissioner, or the Commission’s other professional staff, of the views or conclusions expressed in this staff research report. China is seeking a “new type of major-country relationship”* with the United States, according to official statements from Chinese leaders. Beijing has deliberated this concept since at least 2011, and it has been referenced frequently by high-level Chinese officials and widely discussed in Chinese media since February 2012, when then presumptive Chinese president Xi Jinping evoked it during a visit to the United States. 1† This approach likely is intended to create an environment more conducive to China’s rise by promoting more stable relations with the United States and avoid or, if necessary, manage tension that history suggests is inevitable between established and rising powers. -
Between Russia and Iran: Room to Pursue American Interests in Syria by John W
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 27 Between Russia and Iran: Room to Pursue American Interests in Syria by John W. Parker Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: In the Gothic Hall of the Presidential Palace in Helsinki, Finland, President Donald Trump met with President Vladimir Putin on July 16, 2018, to start the U.S.-Russia summit. (President of Russia Web site/Kremlin.ru) Between Russia and Iran Between Russia and Iran: Room to Pursue American Interests in Syria By John W. Parker Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 27 Series Editor: Thomas F. Lynch III National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. January 2019 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Constraints on the Waging of War, an Introduction to International
ISBN 2-88145-115-2 © International Committee of the Red Cross, Frits Kalshoven and Liesbeth Zegveld, Geneva, March 2001 3rd edition Frits Kalshoven and Liesbeth Zegveld CONSTRAINTS ON THE WAGING OF WAR An Introduction to International Humanitarian Law 19, Avenue de la Paix, CH-1202 Geneva T +41 22 734 60 01 F +41 22 733 20 57 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.icrc.org Design: Strategic Communications SA Original: English March 2001 Produced with environment-friendly materials I must retrace my steps, and must deprive those who wage war of nearly all the privileges which I seemed to grant, yet did not grant to them. For when I first set out to explain this part of the law of nations I bore witness that many things are said to be ‘lawful’ or ‘permissible’ for the reason that they are done with impunity, in part also because coactive tribunals lend to them their authority; things which nevertheless, either deviate from the rule of right (whether this has any basis in law strictly so called, or in the admonitions of other virtues), or at any rate may be omitted on higher grounds and with greater praise among good men. Grotius: De jure belli ac pacis Book III, Chapter X, Section I.1. (English translation: Francis G. Kelsey, Oxford, 1925). TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ........................................................... 7 FOREWORD ........................................................... 9 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 11 I 1 Object and purpose ............................................... 12 I 2 Custom and treaty ................................................. 15 I 3 Implementation and enforcement ................................. 16 I 4 Structure .......................................................... 17 CHAPTER II THE MAIN CURRENTS: THE HAGUE, GENEVA, NEW YORK ..... -
Sanctions Program: Belarus: Verordnung Vom 11. Dezember 2020 Über Massnahmen Gegenüber Belarus (SR 946.231.116.9), Anhang 1 Origin: EU Sanctions: Art
Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research EAER State Secretariat for Economic Affairs SECO Bilateral Economic Relations Sanctions Version of 07.07.2021 Sanctions program: Belarus: Verordnung vom 11. Dezember 2020 über Massnahmen gegenüber Belarus (SR 946.231.116.9), Anhang 1 Origin: EU Sanctions: Art. 2 Abs. 1 (Finanzsanktionen) und Art. 3 Abs. 1 (Ein- und Durchreiseverbot) Sanctions program: Bélarus: Ordonnance du 11 décembre 2020 instituant des mesures à l’encontre du Bélarus (RS 946.231.116.9), annexe 1 Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 2, al. 1 (Sanctions financières) et art. 3, al. 1 (Interdiction de séjour et de transit) Sanctions program: Bielorussia: Ordinanza del 11 dicembre 2020 che istituisce provvedimenti nei confronti della Bielorussia (RS 946.231.116.9), allegato 1 Origin: EU Sanctions: art. 2 cpv. 1 (Sanzioni finanziarie) e art. 3 cpv. 1 (Divieto di entrata e di transito) Individuals SSID: 20-45419 Name: Buhuk Natallia Mikhailauna Spelling variant: a) БУГУК Наталля Мiхайлаўна (Belarusian) b) Buguk Natalia Mikhailovna (Russian) c) БУГУК Наталья Михайловна (Russian) Sex: W DOB: 19 Dec 1989 POB: Minsk, Belarus Nationality: Belarus Justification: In her position as judge at the Fruzensky district court in Minsk, Natallia Buhuk is responsible for numerous politically motivated rulings against journalists and protesters, in particular the sentencing of Katsiaryna Bakhvalava (Andreyeva) and Darya Chultsova. Violations of rights of defence and of right to a fair trial were reported during trials conducted under her supervision. She is therefore responsible for serious human rights violations and for seriously undermining the rule of law, as well as for the repression of civil society and democratic opposition.