Subject: Political Science Class: BA II Year, Paper: II, Indian…Politics Class: BA IV Sem, Paper: II, Indian…Politics

The Naga Secessionism The Naga insurgency known as the “mother of all insurgencies” over half a century old, is the first and the longest of the secessionist- turned-insurgency movements in South Asia (1954-2010). It is meant to achieve a sovereign . At the heart of the Naga movement lies the question of its “unique” identity — Nagas as a separate nation. When their demand for the right to self-determination was not granted by the Indian state, they opted for the politics of secessionism to attain the objective of Naga nation-state posing a major challenge to the national integration on the country.

The naga people are an important component of the demographic profile of the north east India and this region has been a major hurdle in the way of national integration of the country primarily due to a number of insurgency movements along ethnic identity. The region consisting of the states of , , Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland accounts for 8.06 % of the total land surface of the country and has a population of 3.73% of the country’s total population. Topographically, 70% of the region is hilly and 88% of the population is rural. North east is often described as “Asia in miniature” where the brown and yellow races meet and mingle. This land is known to have

1 as many as 350 communities and almost as many languages. Before the advent of the British on the Naga territory, the Naga tribes were the head hunters and were organised in independent villages. A study into the history shows that the naga people as proud and fiercely independent people with prolonged signs of wars. Despite the fact that the notion of “naga identity” has gained greater impetus over the decades, love for tribe and village still comprise the central position in the life of the naga people. As B G Verghese states that, “localism and tribalism are among the chief problems that have dogged nagas’ efforts ay nation- building or the concept of naganess or nagalism.” i They have been divided into various tribes, sub tribes and clans with varying customs, traditions, dress, language, polity etc. These naga tribes are characterised by different dialects, occupying specific mountain ranges with settlements on hilltops and following an inanimate religion until their recent conversion to Christianity.ii Some of these naga groups like the Semas, the Konyaks and the Changs were ruled by the Chiefs whereas some tribes like the Aos and the Angamis were headed by the clan leaders. The naga system of administration was so simple and efficient that even the British decided not to interfere in their internal administration. Infact they preferred to encourage their traditional system of local administration and delivering justice to continue as before.iii

The political consciousness of the nagas can be traced back to the advent of the British in the north eastern part of India. The first British action in this context may be identified as the Treaty of

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Yandaboo signed in 1826. The treaty demarcated the frontiers of India and Burma but in so doing also caused vivisection of the territory inhabited by the naga people. The naga territory was further divided by the boundary demarcation between the Nowgong district of Assam and the kingdom of Manipur. As a consequence of this process of division, the naga today live in Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland in India and north western parts of .iv Having secured the Manipur kingdom through the territory through the treaty of Yandaboo and having demarcated the traditional boundaries between Manipur kingdom and the Nowgong district in Assam, the British rulers felt the need to connect the two by a land route through the Angamis naga territory. The efforts to construct the road link culminated into first ever direct encounter between the British and the Nagas in 1937. Though the treaty of Yandaboo brought Assam and Manipur under the British rule, the naga territories were outside the control and regulation of the British administrative machinery, which became an “historical gift” for inducing consciousness of the nagas’ identity and rights towards broader world view.v

The missionaries were the forerunners of the British in the naga territory. Miles Bronson was the first missionary to bring Christian ideas and symbols to the naga people in 1840. But his and his family’s attempt could not yield much result on account of the outbreak of epidemic. A more perceptible spread of the British Christian ideology and institutions on the naga region may be traced to 1872, when Dr Clark arrived and initiated efforts for formal

3 education in the region. Thus, the missionaries were the harbingers of education and modernisation in the naga areas.vi

During the first World War, 2000 nagas were deployed in the war theatres in Europe. Their experience during the war had left a deep impression upon the nagas themselves and helped germinate an idea of their racial distinctions and unity as the nucleus of their nationality. After their return from Europe in June 1918, they took lead to create the Naga Club consisting of members from government organisations, villages and ex army men.vii The activities of the Club started with discussing administrative and social problems but gradually began to focus on political issues. By the end of the 1920s, the political awareness of the nagas had grown to a point where they decided to demand exclusion of the nagas from any scheme of constitutional development in India and therefore, their memorandum presented to the Simon Commission in 1929 clearly articulated sovereign status for the Nagaland to save them from exploitation from the economically developed people of the plains.viii As a result of their consistent pressure, the Government of India Act, 1935 declared the Naga Hills Districts an excluded area to be governed under Governor’s discretion.ix

In April 1945, the Naga Club was transformed into the Naga Hills District Tribal Council with the avowed aim to unify the naga people on democratic principles. Next year, in Feb 1946, it was rechristened as the Naga National Council (NNC) under the

4 leadership of Angami Zapu Phizo. Initially, the NNC was content to remain under the state of Assam with local autonomy and proper safeguards and separate electorate.x But later, when the Couplan Plan for “Crown Colony” or “Trust Territory” came into light, they demanded that when the British quit India, they would also have to quit Naga Hills.xi Subsequently, a 9 point agreement was concluded between Sir Akbar Hydari, the Governor of Assam and moderate group of the nagas led by T Sakhrie and Aliba Imti on June 29, 1947 conceding greater autonomy for the nagas within India. Therefore, the Naga Hills District was included in the 6th Schedule of the Indian Constitution in 1950 and was given the powers of autonomous district. But the pact was almost immediately rejected by the radical leadership of the NNC symbolised by Phizo. In May, 1951, the NNC conducted a plebiscite in the naga hills so as to ascertain the views of the people on the question of independence of the of the nagas which, according to the NNC, resulted into 99% support to freedom. The plebiscite was followed by a civil disobedient movement by the naga leaders to show their defiance to the government of India. They also decided to boycott the General Elections to the Lok Sabha and elections to the legislative Assembly of Assam.

In August 1957, the first People’s Convention of the naga people was held at Kohima. It urged for a negotiated approach to the question of Naga independence and proposed to constitute a new administrative unit called North Eastern Frontiers Province (NEFA) into the Tuensang Area which was accepted by the Government of

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India in Dec. 1957.xii The second convention of the naga people was held at Ungma in Makokchang district which constituted a drafting committee to formulate their demands for political aspirations. The committee prepared a 16 point memorandum with a view to create a separate state for the nagas within the Indian union.xiii This led to the emergence of the state of Nagaland within India’s sovereignty on Dec 1, 1963 at Kohima. But a faction of naga rebel leaders continued to demand independence from the Indian state and therefore, violence and bloodshed continued in Nagaland between the Naga underground rebels and the Indian army. In April, 1964, one year after the creation of the state of Nagaland, Jai Prakash Narain, Assam Chief Minister Bimala Prasad Chaliha and Michael Scot formed a Peace Mission to pave the way for an end to the stalemate. But after six rounds of talks, the unwavering attitude of the Naga separatist leaders on the demand of nothing short of complete independence and sovereignty coupled with their indulgence in violent activities ultimately led to the conclusion by the national leaders of the country that it was futile to negotiate on any issue with the naga leaders. The failure of the peace process brought shock and anxieties to the peace loving Naga people.xiv This was followed by the a massive counter- insurgency operation by the Indian armed forces to suppress violent and separatist activities mitigating the militancy in the state to a great extent. Internal quarrels and conflict often on violent path also significantly reduced the Naga’s capacity to challenge the might of the Indian state. Under these circumstances, a group of leaders among

6 the nagas came out to sign the historic Shillong Accord in 1975 to end militancy in the state. The Accord provided for special powers such as the right to retain traditional administrative structures and judicial forms for the state of Nagaland within the framework of the Indian constitution, disbandment of the Naga armed units and handover of all the arms of the rebels to the Government of India.

But despite the accord, peace continued to remain elusive as some of the naga leaders who were outside the country at the time of the accord, refused to accept the terms and conditioned of the accord completely. These leaders decided to create a new organisation, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) on Jan 31, 1980 under the leadership of Isak Swu, once a trusted lieutenant of Phizo. The NSCN’s manifesto is based on the principles of socialism for economic development and a Baptist Christian religious outlook. From the beginning, the organisation had to fight on two fronts- against the Indian state and against the moderate NNC. The NSCN underwent a further split in 1988 along the tribal lines with the Isak- Muivah representing Tangkhuls and Khaplang representing Konyaks to produce two factions- the NSCN- IM (Isak-Muviah) and NSCN- K (Khaplang) fighting with each other and accusing the opposing faction of betraying the common cause of the nagas. The NSCN- IM, the major insurgent group of the naga people has been largely successful integrating rival ethnic groups through People’s Consultative Groups (PCGs) meetings. The network of social support for the outfit’s political causes in establishing the uniqueness of naga

7 history by virtue of their becoming different and never conquered and Greater Nagalism consisting of all naga inhabited areas in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur struck a responsive chord in the naga society that it sought to represent. After a long and intensive series of negotiations, the Indian Government and the NSCN entered into an agreement in July 1997 to start political negotiations and three months ceasefire so as to facilitate a favourable atmosphere for a peaceful solution. xv The bilateral agreement was based on the following premise of unconditional political talks to be held at the highest level in a third country. But soon differences cropped up between the two parties on the question of the area to be covered under the agreement. In order to unify all naga areas The NSCN functionaries held that ceasefire was applicable to all areas of nagas inhabitation, a clear move to unify all naga areas whereas the Government of India interpreted it to confine to all naga areas within Nagaland only. In order to remove the stalemate, a bilateral agreement was signed between the two in June, 2001at Bangkok to clarify that the area coverage under the agreement would be without territorial limits. This evoked instant reaction and protest particularly in the districts of Senapati, Tamenlong, Chandel and Ukhrul in Manipur known for the domination of the people of the naga origin. The Government of Manipur went to the extent of hinting at the possibility of becoming a part of China if Indian Government ignored the aspirations of the Manipur people to please the naga leaders. This development forced the GOI to subsequently withdraw the word “without territorial

8 limits” and declare that the ceasefire would be limited to Nagaland only.

Apart from this, popular consensus among the nagas during the first decade of the last century has driven its leadership to extend the ceasefire indefinitely unlike the usual practice of extending it for a certain period. Thus, on July 31, 2007, ceasefire was extended indefinitely. The latest development in this context is a framework agreement between GOI and NSCN IM signed on Aug 03, 2015. Under this agreement, the NSCN IM renounced its demand of “Greater Nagaland” and “complete independence” and agreed to accept constitutional framework albeit with a provision of greater autonomy of the naga areas outside the state of Nagaland through the establishment of autonomous district councils.xvi

The NSCN- K operating from Myanmar (Burma) has a cadre of approximately 2000 with a following among the Konyaks of both India and Myanmar, the Pangmeis of Myanmar, the Aos of Mokokchung district, the Phoms and Yimchungers of Tuensang district, the Angamis, the Semas and the Lothas. It commands influence in parts of Nagaland, Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal Pradesh, as well as the Hemei and Pangmei settlements in Myanmar. The organisation has suffered severe blows to its organisational structure in recent years. The first split occurred in Nov 2007 when Azheto Chopey formed NSCN- United (NSCN- U). Again, in 2011, two of its senior leaders Khole Konyak and Kitovi

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Zhimoni broke away from the group and formed the Nagaland Socialist council of Nagaland KK (NSCN K).

In spite of its claims, the central government has taken no proper initiatives to stop the internecine clashes between the warring factions of insurgents. The centre is of the view that these internal clashes are law and order issues to be dealt by the state government. On the other hand, the state government’s Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio has claimed time and again that the ‘Naga problem’, primarily political in nature, is to be resolved between India and Nagaland. However, if the central and state governments wish to resolve the conflict, they can no longer evade their respective responsibility. In order to put an end to insurgency in Nagaland, the Indian government should chalk out an all-encompassing national counterinsurgency strategy, by taking into account its national and regional repercussions. The counterinsurgency policies are largely aimed at containment. There is a strong need to devise a multi- dimensional policy for Nagaland wherein the root causes of the problem are addressed. Crucial to resolving the Nagaland crisis is a “balanced proportion” of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power. Extensive and long- lasting use of hard power will only make the situation worse. Over the years, a lot of economic packages have been announced for the region with a belief that these packages would add up to the social and economic uplift of the people. However, the truth is that the funds hardly ever reach the grassroots level. There is an urgent

10 need to overhaul and redesign the whole system of planning and executing the economic packages for each state of the region.xvii For Nagas, the most viable solution seems to be integration rather than disintegration, i.e. to accept maximum available state freedom within the Indian Federation and working out a structural political framework covering most of Nagas’ social and economic requirements. In this regard, the idea of Naga social and political connectedness holds great significance as elaborated by an observer: “Connectedness… would mean the enabling processes that build trust, cooperation and associationalism. This can be understood at four different levels: the first being at the level of emotional and psychological connectivity with the rest of India; second, at the level of inter-state ties within the region; third, at the level of value consensus that defines, shapes and regulates inter-group ties; and, finally, fourth, at the level of integrative behaviour that would motivate people to come forward for greater common good.”xviii The role of Naga civil society and local cultural and social groups and communities is central to a speedy recuperation of the state. The centre should work out future policies by involving the civil society groups to the maximum. The civil society, already active in Nagaland, is crucial in creating a democratic space in Naga society which has been seeing protracted conflict for decades now. The civil society will prove to be instrumental in facilitating the current political dialogue between the state and the rebel groups. The Church is another pivotal civil society actor in this context. More than 90 per

11 cent of the two million Naga population are Christian. The church is the point of convergence for almost all the tribal and non-tribal identities in Nagaland. Therefore, it can encourage collective action for reconciliation in the state in the same manner as it did in July 1997 at the Atlanta Peace meeting, where the NSCN leadership accepted initiatives to start an “unconditional dialogue process.” Additionally, the centre must mobilize media groups, nongovernmental organizations, local scholars, businessmen and artists as they can prove to be very effective tools against the violence being committed by state and non-state actors in Nagaland.

References

i B G Verghese, “India’s Northeast Resurgent- Ethnicity Insurgency Governance and Development”, Konark Publishers, delhi, 2004, p. 96.

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iiThe Conversion commenced with the arrival of American Baptist Mission in 1872. See Y.D. Gundevia, War & Peace In Nagaland, (New Delhi: Palit, 1975), p. 42. iii Ramuny Murkot, “The World of Nagas”, Northern Book Center, N Delhi, 1988, p. 1 ivC Charles, “The Naga Imbroglio”, Standard Printers and Publishers, Kohima, 1999, p. 23. v C Charles, ibid. vi Sema J H John, “Traditional and Modern Political institutions of Sumi Naga”, unpublished Ph D thesis, NEHU, Shillong, 2001. vii Sema Hokisha, “Emergence of Nagaland”, Vikas Publishing House, N Delhi, 1992, p. 80. viii Ramuny Markot, op. Cit, p. 14, also see, Archana Upadhyay, “India’s Fragile Borderlands”, I.B. Tauris & Co.Ltd., 2009, p 36. ix Markot, ibid, p. 15. x Yonuo Asoso, “The Rising Nagas”, Vivek Publishing House, N Delhi, 1974, p. 161. xi Markot, op cit, 21. xii Dutt P S, Electoral Politics in NE India, Omson Publishers, N Delhi, 1986, p. 182. xiii Dutta, ibid. xiv Kuhoi Zhimomi, “Politics and Militancy in Nagaland,” Deepa and Deep publishers Pvt Ltd, p.102. xv “Nagas,: Their Pilgrimage for Self-existence and Quest for Dignity and Peace”, Oking ministry of Information and Publicity, People’s Republic of Nagaland, 2007, p. 20. xvi Vijaita Singh and Anita Joshua, “Autonomous Councils Key to Naga Deal Success”, The Hindu, Aug 05, 2015 xvii Ajai Sahni, “Survey of Conflict and Resolution in India’s Northeast”, http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/publication/faultlines/volume12/Article 3.htm xviii Archana Upadhyay, op.cit, p.91.

Dr. Dinesh Sharma

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Professor- Political Science Mobile No.-7417784525 Email- [email protected]

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