A Scoping Review and Introduction of a Scholarly Exchange on LGBTQ+ Experiences in Sport Management Sally Shaw a and George B

SPORT MANAGEMENT REVIEW 2021, VOL. 24, NO. 3, 365–388 https://doi.org/10.1080/14413523.2021.1880746

The rainbow connection: a scoping review and introduction of a scholarly exchange on LGBTQ+ experiences in sport management Sally Shaw a and George B. Cunningham b aSchool of Physical Education, Sport and Exercise Sciences, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand; bCenter for Sport Management Research and Education, Department of Health and Kinesiology, Texas A&M University, College Station, USA

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY In this scholarly exchange edition, we present a selection of invited Accepted 11 November 2020 articles that focus on the experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, KEYWORDS transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) persons in sport management. LGBTQ+; inclusion; policy; In this introduction, we outline a brief history of how and why marketing; governance; sexuality activism evolved over the last 50 years. We also outline management why, despite the societal gains in many countries, research into the experiences of LGBTQ+ people in sport management is fundamen- tal to improving those experiences and engendering change. We achieve this by summarizing past research in the area, which lays the foundation for the articles in this scholarly exchange. We provide an overview of the scholarly exchange articles, summarizing how the papers further the understanding of the management, marketing, and governance of sport within the context of LGBTQ+ people’s experiences.

1. Introduction June 2020 marked 51 years since members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) community began a three-day resistance against a series of invasions by police at the Stonewall Inn, New York. From this event in 1969, the nascent LGBTQ+ movement gained momentum, resulting in the formation of the Gay Liberation Front in the United States of America (USA) and, shortly after, similar organizations in the United Kingdom (UK) and other countries, including New Zealand (NZ) and Australia (Fairbanks & Willett, n.d.; Lorenzo, 2019; Ministry for Culture and Heritage, 2014). One of the many outcomes from these events is a wider acknowledgement and conversation about diverse sexualities in some, but certainly not all, societies. In sport, pride movements have led to the creation of LGBTQ+ inclusive sport organizations from local to international levels (for some examples, see Buzuvis, 2011; Mock et al., in press; Trussell, 2020). These organizations have been developed within a historical and current context of widespread homophobia in sport (Gri!n, 2012; Shaw, 2019), as discussions about sexuality have been underway for as long as organized sport has existed. Women, for example, were dissuaded from participating in cycling during the late 19th century.

They were threatened, even by the medical profession, that they could damage their reproductive organs and run the risk of developing a “masculine” red-face as they exerted themselves and embraced this new form of freedom (Manners, 2016). Homophobia was, of course, closely aligned with these threats of masculinity and, as Hall (1996) argued, the connections between homophobia and sport were born (see also Sartore & Cunningham, 2014). In 1996, re"ecting on her own work from 1981, Hall noted, “I also suggested, as did others, that in reality, femininity was a thinly disguised code word for heterosexuality. The real issue behind so much attention to an athlete’s femininity was the fear that she might be a lesbian” (Hall, 1996, p. 19). Similarly, she argued in her 1989 and 1990 research with colleagues Dallas Cullen and Trevor Slack on Canadian NSOs, that female coaches were excluded because “known or assumed lesbians are not hired in coaching or administrative positions, whereas men with a history of sexual harassment of . . . female athletes often are” (Hall, 1996, p. 82). Men were also the subject of explicit and implicit homophobia of the Victorian era. The spread of the religious and philosophical vision of Muscular Christianity as a means to developing leaders was also a way to enforce the heterosexuality in a repressive manner (MacAloon, 2006). Interestingly, this view, in particular of colonial adaptation of Muscular Christianity has been balanced by the research of Brickell (2008), who has commented on the homo-erotic nature of photography, both in and outside sport, of the time. Overall, however, sport’s development for men was delineated by heterosexuality. Casual homophobic language was, and continues to be, used to describe men who are not considered to be “good” at sport (Kian, Clavio, Vincent, Shaw et al., 2011) and as a way of advancing traditional forms of masculinity (Rosenberg et al., 2017). Given the negative psychological and behavioural outcomes associated with discriminatory language (Symons, O’Sullivan, Polman et al., 2017), it is little wonder that sport remains a space where few boys or men feel able to be frank about their sexuality (Baiocco et al., 2018; Devís-Devís et al., 2020; Pistella et al., 2020). Hall’s (1996) re"ective book is now over 20 years old, and it would be easy to think that such occurrences are a thing of the past, particularly as sport organizations increasingly publicize and market their support for LGBTQ+ athletes, supporters, o!cials. And yet, sport continues to o#er plenty of examples of homophobia in which athletes, coaches, and o!cials are directly targeted because of individuals’ negative responses to their sexuality and/or fears about sponsorship deals being lost if athletes are gay (Cunningham, 2019; Sartore & Cunningham, 2010). The global “Out on the Fields” report (Denison & Kitchen, 2015) found that there was little acceptance for gay and lesbian people in youth sport and adult sport and that sport was not identi$ed as a safe space for people to come out. Despite this bleak history, there are strong signs of elements of change. Gay sport organizations, such as the NZ Falcons and the Christchurch Football Club Heroes rugby teams in NZ and the Sydney Convicts in Australia, provide competitive, social, and supportive places for men’s rugby and play in their local leagues (Auckland President’s League; Christchurch’s Senior Men’s League Division 4; and Sydney Suburban Rugby Union Championship, respectively). In 2019, Rugby Australia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Australia’s four gay men’s rugby teams and the International Gay Rugby (IGR) organization to develop and strengthen gay rugby in that country (Rugby Australia, 2019). An argument could be made to suggest that by creating and supporting separate gay and inclusive teams, sport organizations, funders, and stakeholders could in fact undermine sport’s attempts at inclusivity. This suggestion weakens, however, when we SPORT MANAGEMENT REVIEW 367 consider the hidden and invisible nature of many LGBTQ+ participants’ sport experiences (Lawley, 2018), the level of homophobic abuse faced by many gay males in sport, and the potential for drop-out and mental health problems as a result of that abuse (Baiocco et al., 2018). These studies provide evidence that supporting gay and inclusive organizations provides safe and inclusive places for some gay men that they would otherwise not be able to access in sport. Gay and inclusive organizations provide visibility, safety, and community, which may well be more supportive to a young person coming out than the limelight of professional sport – a process that, for some, is seen as a starting point for visibility in sport but for others adds pressure to an already over-hyped and scrutinized existence and the potential for dropout and mental health problems (De Santos, 2019). Interestingly, fewer separate gay and inclusive organizations have been created by and for lesbians (Waldron, 2016). Some have argued that this is because some women’s sport is more open than are men’s sports to people with diverse sexualities. In the grey literature, some lesbian survey respondents have simply said that their sexuality was “not an issue ‘because about half the women in the team were gay or bisexual’” (Sport Wales, 2012, p. 17). Waldron (2016), for example, argued that sport can provide a space where lesbians and straight women can provide community and support and “the lesbian presence in sport remained protected and silent” (p. 337). Others have suggested that the challenges of being a woman in sport are hard enough without the perceived stigma of being a lesbian (Krane & Barber, 2003), or working in a lesbian organization. Given these multiple histories and social and cultural contexts, it is fair to say that sport, sport organizations, and sexualities have a diverse and complex relationship. For every example of hope, such as the MoU between the IGR, Rugby Australia, and that country’s gay rugby clubs, there is a counter. For example, Rugby Australia’s drawn-out handling of homophobic tweets posted during 2018-2019 by one of its star players, Israel Folau, was demoralizing and perplexing for many, not least those who had believed in Rugby Australia’s commitment to anti-homophobia expressed in 2014 as one of $ve founding signatories of the Anti-homophobia and Inclusion Framework. What to many seemed to be a clear contravention of the player’s responsibilities as a rugby star employed by the NSO became a protracted public debate about freedom of speech, marketing, employ- ment law, and the power of corporate sport (Litch$eld & Osborne, in press; Madalin, 2017–2018; Sarre & Babie, 2020). We also recognize that gay and inclusive sport organizations have been criticized for their exclusionary practices. Litch$eld and Osborne (in press) have examined the $nancial implications of participating in the Gay Games, a four-yearly sport event. While on many levels inclusive, this event is criticized for having punitively expensive registration, which puts it out of reach of many young people, and also those from marginalized cultural, ethnic, and disability groups who historically have low levels of disposable income. The Gay Games has also been criticized for having a very narrow view of inclusion of gender diversity and sexuality (Litch$eld & Osborne, in press). Transgender people are increasingly being recognized as those who are discriminated against, even within inclusive sport organizations (Lawley, 2018). Whereas transgender’s focus is primarily on gender identity rather than solely on sexuality, gender and sexuality are related, complex con- cerns. According to Lawley (2018), transgender participants may $nd themselves isolated and excluded from inclusive sport organizations, compounding the challenges that, trans people confront in sport. 368 S. SHAW AND G. B. CUNNINGHAM

These complexities are re"ected in the academic literature. For example, in 2019, Shaw analysed the e#orts of sport organizations in NZ to develop an anti-homophobia framework that was intended to follow the example set by Australia in 2014. She outlined the “chaotic” nature of trying to identify and manage for inclusion when there is limited expertise, resourcing, or clarity driving such a project. In 2015, Fink examined the media’s unwillingness to focus on same-sex partners in photographs of major events. Finally, Cunningham and colleagues (Cunningham, 2011a, 2011b; Cunningham & Melton, 2011, 2014; Cunningham & Nite, 2020) have analysed both the in"uence of social identity theory on how LGBQ+ community members are positioned in sport organizations and how organizations might bene$t from their presence. Within this broad and complex environment, the purpose of our article is twofold. First, we o#er a scoping review (Pham et al., 2014) of the LGBTQ+-related research in sport. In doing so, we note emergent themes of the scholarship and trends that have developed over time. Second, we introduce the articles included in this scholarly exchange. In doing so, we note how they contribute to the extant scholarship and overview, as well as their innovative advances. Before turning to those articles, we must acknowledge the impact of COVID-19 on people from diverse backgrounds, sport, and sport management. When we planned this invited issue, the world was operating in what can only now be termed, wryly, the “old normal”. Global shutdowns, lockdowns, the increased politicization of health, greater inequity in the distribution of wealth, the repression of activism, to name a few examples, have been the “new normal” since early 2020. Community, political, and social strife, along with recessions always disproportionately hurt the most vulnerable (Hastings et al., 2012) and health experts suggest that these e#ects will be exacerbated due to the requirements for isolation during Covid-19 outbreaks (Douglas et al., 2020). These vulnerable groups can include people of diverse sexualities and is particularly the case for those whose identity intersects with other minority communities, such as race, ethnicity, disability, age, and gender. Consequently, it is imperative that in our own small way, we contribute by continually highlighting inequality, exclusion, and power inequalities and o#ering some solutions to those problems.

2. A scoping review Scoping reviews “map the existing literature in a $eld of interest in terms of the volume, nature, and characteristics of the primary research” (Pham et al., 2014, p. 371). Among other purposes, scoping reviews are useful when researchers (a) want to synthesize a considerable amount of information; (b) seek to understand the extent and nature of a particular domain; and (c) aim to identify areas for future exploration (Pham et al., 2014). Though this form of research synthesis is new relative to other forms of research synthesis, a number of researchers in sport have used the technique to explore a variety of topics, including sport for development (Gardam et al., 2017), sport governance (Dowling et al., 2018), and coach burnout (Olusoga et al., 2019), among other topics. To complete our review, we searched four databases: SPORTDiscus, ABI Inform, Business Source Ultimate, and PsycInfo. We limited the search to work published in academic journals, in English, and from 1969 to October 2020. We chose 1969 given the signi$cance of the year in the LGBTQ+ movement, as previously discussed. We used the SPORT MANAGEMENT REVIEW 369 following search terms: “gay,” “lesbian,” “glbt,” “homosexual,” “transgender,” “lgbt,” “lgbtq,” and “same sex,” using the “OR” designation between each. We then speci$ed that “sport” had to be included somewhere in the publication.

2.1 Scoping review !ndings When including the restrictions, the initial search yielded 1,160 articles. After removing duplications and reviewing the abstracts for each, the total count was reduced to 260 published journal articles. We provide the references in the Appendix. The most fre- quently appearing authors included Eric Anderson, George B. Cunningham, Vikki Krane, E. Nicole Melton, Mark McCormack, Rory Magrath, Edward M. Kian, and Pat Gri!n. When removing the duplications from co-authored work, these 8 authors accounted for 56 of the 260 articles identi$ed, or 21.54%. Figure 1 shows the frequency of publications over time. The $rst sport-related publication appeared in 1977 (Garner & Smith, 1977), and there were no more than 5 publications on the topic for any year until 2007. Since 2009, there have been at least 11 LGBTQ+ related publications. Over the past 10 years, the sport $eld has witnessed a remarkable growth in LGBTQ+ scholarship, with 73.08% of all journal articles being published during this time. We also categorized the journals by their broad disciplinary focus. As seen in Table 1, most of the articles have appeared in LGBT or gender studies journals (n = 66, 25.38%), followed by sport studies (n = 63, 24.33%), sociology of sport (n = 43, 16.54%), and sport management (n = 26, 10.00%). The plurality of articles published in the sport management domain have appeared in the Journal of Sport Management (n = 11, 42.31%), followed by Sport Management Review (n = 5, 19.23%). We could not identify any LGBTQ+ articles published in European Sport Management Quarterly. In addition, Figure 1 provides an illustrative summary of the LGBTQ+ publications in sport management journals over time. The data illustrate an uptick in research since 2013, with 80.77% of all LGBTQ+ research published since that time.

All Articles Sport Management Articles

30 s n

o 25 i t a c i l

b 20 u P f

o 15 r e b

m 10 u N 5

0 7 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 8 0 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 7 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Year of Publication

Figure 1. LGBTQ+ in Sport Publications over Time. 370 S. SHAW AND G. B. CUNNINGHAM

Table 1. Frequency of LGBTQ+ Publications Based on Journal Disciplinary Focus. Discipline Frequency Percent LGBT or Gender Studies 66 25.38% Sport Studies 63 24.23% Sport Sociology 43 16.54% Sport Management 26 10.00% Leisure 13 5.00% Sport Psychology 12 4.62% Legal 10 3.85% Health 8 3.08% Sociology 5 1.92% Communication 3 1.15% Education 3 1.15% Psychology 3 1.15% Diversity 2 0.77% Management 2 0.77% Marketing 1 0.38%

Finally, based on a review of the abstract, we coded the focus of the publication. We recognize that authors might explore many topics within a single publication, but for our analyses, we coded the primary aim of the research or article. This process resulted in 27 unique codes. We then aggregated these codes into 7 broader themes, and we o#er an illustrative summary in Figure 2. The most common theme was research focusing on Athlete Experiences and Behaviours (n = 89, 34.23%). Subsumed under this theme was scholarship focusing on the experiences and behaviours, including identity disclosure, of gay male athletes (e.g. Billings et al., 2015; Cashmore & Cleland, 2011); lesbian athletes (e.g. Krane & Barber, 2003; Waldron, 2016); queer athletes (e.g. Mann & Krane, 2018), and transgender athletes (e.g. Cohen & Semerjian, 2008; Tagg, 2012). Other authors provided more general designa- tions, including their focus on lesbian, gay, and bisexual athletes (e.g. Elling & Janssens, 2009; Symons, O’Sullivan, & Polman, 2017), or the broader designation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender athletes (e.g. Mavhandu-Mudzusi, 2014; Toomey et al., 2016). The next most commonly occurring theme was Management and Advocacy (n = 51, 19.62%). Studies included in this theme focused on e#orts to create inclusive, welcoming environments for members of the LGBTQ+ community (e.g. Shaw, 2019; Trussell, 2020), managing sport designed speci$cally for the LGBT community (e.g. Stasi & Evans, 2013), e#orts to make sport inclusive for transgender individuals (e.g. Cunningham et al., 2018; Travers, 2006), diversity training (e.g. Anderson et al., 2020), and advocacy e#orts (e.g. Melton & Cunningham, 2014). Another popular theme was a focus on Prejudice and Discrimination expressed towards the LGBTQ+ community in sport (n = 50, 19.23%). The focus of this scholarship is on the attitudes, biases, and behaviours of people who do not identify as LGBTQ+. Research in this theme included examination of more positive attitudes expressed towards gay and bisexual teammates (e.g. Adams & Kavanagh, 2018; Magrath et al., 2015), antecedents of prejudice expressed towards lesbian, gay, and bisexual coaches and players (e.g. Baiocco et al., 2020), and the development of scales to measure prejudice (e.g. Roper & Halloran, 2007). The fourth most common theme was research focusing on Marketing, Communications, and Consumer Behaviour (n = 28, 10.77%). Examples include marketing e#orts that SPORT MANAGEMENT REVIEW 371

Athlete Experiences and Behaviors (34.23%)

Sport Managers, Conceptual Coaches, and Overview (7.31%) Parents (6.54%)

LGBTQ+ in Sport Research Prejudice and Themes Legal and Discrimination Regulatory (2.69%) (19.23%)

Marketing, Communications, Management and and Consumer Advocacy (19.62%) Behavior (10.77%)

Figure 2. LGBTQ+ Research Themes. focused on LGBTQ+ athletes or consumers (e.g. Cunningham & Melton, 2014; Taylor, 2014), the ways in which the media depict the LGBTQ+ community in sport (e.g. Kian et al., 2015; Moscowitz et al., 2019), and the attitudes and behaviours of sport fans (e.g. Cashmore & Cleland, 2012; Kian, Clavio, Vincent, & Shaw, 2011). Comparatively fewer scholars focused their research in areas captured by the $nal three themes: Conceptual Overviews (n = 19, 7.31%), Sport Managers, Coaches, and Parents (n = 17, 6.54%), and Legal and Regulatory issues (n = 7, 2.69%). Articles included in the Conceptual Overviews theme conceptualized constructs of interest or o#ered overviews of a speci$c topic (e.g. Jones et al., 2017; Pringle et al., 2011). The research in the Sport Managers, Coaches, and Parents examined the experiences, opportunities, and barriers of LGBTQ+ sport organization employees (e.g. Nance & Ensign, 2019; Walker & Melton, 2015) and parents of youth sport participants (Trussell et al., 2018). Finally, scholarship included in the Legal and Regulatory theme focused on the legal protections for and governance structures impacting LGBTQ+ athletes, coaches, and administrators (e.g. Buzuvis, 2011; West-Sell et al., 2019). 372 S. SHAW AND G. B. CUNNINGHAM

3. Advancing LGBTQ+ sport management, marketing, and governance The articles included in this scholarly exchange focus on the primary areas of emphasis for Sport Management Review – the management, marketing, and governance of sport. As we outline in the following space, they also contribute to the burgeoning $eld in a number of unique and innovative ways. Storr (this issue) employed a critical diversity management perspective to analyse the primary antecedents of LGBTQ+ diversity and inclusion e#orts in the Australian sport context. In doing so, he emphasized the important distinction between “diversity” and “inclusion” and also implored scholars to “interrogate the merits and use of the business case for LGBTQ+ diversity by sport organizations.” He suggested that sport organizations employ this approach when they can reap $nancial rewards, but this often comes at the expense of LGBTQ+ communities. We note the parallels of this argument with those of interest convergence theory (Bell, 1980), whereby organizational actors from the historical majority will engage in inclusive e#orts when it bene$ts them (Donnor, 2005; Singer, 2009). Storr also argued for greater theoretical development to understand the experiences and bias faced by members of the LGBTQ+ community in sport, as well as ways of increasing accountability of sport organizations. Denison et al. (in press) suggested that sport organizations have failed to prioritize ensuring a welcoming, discrimination-free space for LGBTQ+ individuals, despite the mount- ing evidence illustrating the presence of such biases. Even in areas where progress has been made, a sizable segment of people still openly express anti-LGBTQ+ attitudes (see also Cunningham & Pickett, 2018). Likewise, in community sport organizations professing to adopt inclusive cultures and practices, exclusionary and discriminatory actions persist (Spaaij et al., 2020). Similar to Storr, Denison et al. leveraged the critique that sport organizations’ adoption of inclusive practices and outreach have more to do with generating unique revenue streams than with creating truly inclusive environments. Based on their review, the authors urged scholars to more closely examine leaders’ resistance to creating and sustaining inclusive spaces, and in doing so, generate sport-speci$c theory on the topic. Shifting the focus, Melton and MacCharles examine “sport marketing through a rainbow lens” (this issue). In doing so, they highlighted the importance of signalling theory (Connelly et al., 2011; Rao et al., 1999; Spence, 1973), which suggests that because parties have incomplete information about the other, they will seek to send signals (or cues) as a way of reducing information uncertainty and enhancing perceived status. The authors then used a multi-level model to identify factors a#ecting the e#ectiveness of LGBTQ+ focused signals that sport organizations send to their internal and external stakeholders. These include micro-level factors (i.e. stigmatized identity, attitudes towards inclusion, and perceived authenticity), meso-level factors (i.e. heterosexist marketing practices and LGBTQ + imagery), and macro-level factors (i.e. the cultue of inclusion in the sport environment and level of sexual orientation diversity). Factors at each level can in"uence those at other levels (see also Cunningham, 2019). Finally, based on their review, the authors concluded that “sport management scholars and practitioners have only scratched the surface in knowing how to create and successfully implement LGBTQ-inclusive marketing strategies.” Finally, Buzuvis (this issue) overviewed the governance of sport as it relates to the LGBTQ + community. She argued that sport organizations should endorse gender-identity based participation – an approach in contrast to the prevailing demarcation of sport opportunities SPORT MANAGEMENT REVIEW 373 based on one’s sex assigned at birth. Such an approach is particularly e!cacious at the youth and non-elite sport levels. Buzuvis further suggests that inclusive policies engender dignity, respect, and overall well-being among transgender athletes, whereas exclusionary policies infringe upon athletes’ rights. Based on her analysis, Buzuvis concluded that “The manner in which law constrains or supports inclusion is a complex and dynamic issue that scholars should continue to follow closely going forward, with an eye towards helping sport organizations develop policies that are consistent with law and that maximize inclusion.”

4. Conclusions and future research This scholarly exchange is intended as a forum to promote discussion about sexuality in sport organizations. The authors have raised our consciousness of areas that have been missing in sport management to date: namely, law; measured debate about the business case for diversity; and the communication of messages about inclusion. They have reinforced our view that the management of LGBTQ+ people as “hidden and silenced” (Lawley, 2018, p. 157) is discriminatory, unhealthy, and unsustainable. Conversations that address homophobia and transphobia in sport organizations need to be conducted, respectfully and inclusively. Further research is also required, for example, on the nature and scale of inclusion within gay and inclusive organizations, the realities of “grass roots” sport and sexual and gender inclusion, the legal status of transgender people in sport, and move towards $nding an inclusive space in organizations that realizes the potential for income, revenue, and new memberships by reaching out to marginalized groups but does not succumb to the trap of rainbow-washing. We have great pleasure in presenting these discrete, yet connected articles in this scholarly exchange. In keeping with the rainbow metaphor of our title, we bring together multiple perspectives on one topic – LGBTQ+ inclusion in sport. Gilbert Baker, who was credited with $rst associating the rainbow "ag with diversity and inclusion in 1978, claimed that the rainbow is “so perfect because it really $ts our diversity in terms of race, gender, ages, all of those things” (Swanson, 2015). Baker’s creation of a mile-long "ag in 1994 for the 25th anniversary of the Stonewall resistance also cemented the "ag in LGBTQ+ folklore and completes the full circle of our connection to Stonewall noted above. In keeping with this strong, inclusive symbolism at a time when division and uncertainty threatens, we present this collection in the hope that it will drive new and diverse academic thought, encourage practitioners to include LGBTQ+ diversity and inclusion as a matter of course, and contribute to the diversi$cation and strengthening of the theory and practice of sport management.

Disclosure statement

No potential con"ict of interest was reported by the authors.

ORCID

Sally Shaw http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6466-4672 George B. Cunningham http://orcid.org/0000-0002-1170-1780 374 S. SHAW AND G. B. CUNNINGHAM

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Rosenberg, A., Gates, A., Richmond, K., & Sinno, S. (2017). It’s not a joke: Masculinity ideology and homophobic language. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 18(4), 293–300. https://doi.org/10.1037/ men0000063 Rugby Australia (2019). Rugby Australia signs “signi!cant” MOU with Aussie gay and inclusive clubs. Rugby.com. https://www.rugby.com.au/news/2019/09/16/purchascup-mou Sarre, R., & Babie, P. (2020). Why religion matters, or, does it matter? In P. Babie & R. Sarre (Eds.), Religion matters (pp. 1–7). Springer. Sartore, M., & Cunningham, G. B. (2010). The lesbian label as a component of women’s stigmatiza- tion in sport organizations. An exploration of two health and kinesiology departments. Journal of Sport Management, 24(5), 481–501. https://doi.org/10.1123/jsm.24.5.481 Sartore, M., & Cunningham, G. B. (2014). The (gendered) experiences of female faculty members in two health and kinesiology departments. Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 22(2), 83–91. https://doi.org/10.1123/wspaj.2014-0026 Shaw, S. (2019). The chaos of inclusion? Examining anti-homophobia sport policy in New Zealand Sport. Sport Management Review, 22(2), 247–262. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.smr.2018.04.001 Singer, J. N. (2009). African American football athletes’ perspectives on institutional integrity in college sport. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 80(1), 102–116. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 02701367.2009.10599534 Spaaij, R., Knoppers, A., & Jeanes, R. (2020). “We want more diversity but . . . ”: Resisting diversity in recreational sports clubs. Sport Management Review, 23(3), 363–373. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. smr.2019.05.007 Spence, M. (1973). Job market signaling. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 87(3), 355–374. https://doi. org/10.2307/1882010 Stasi, M., & Evans, A. (2013). Glitter(foot) ball tactics: Negotiating mainstream gender equality in Iceland. Men and Masculinities, 16(5), 560–578. https://doi.org/10.1177/1097184X13511251 Storr, R. (this issue). “The poor cousin of inclusion”: Australia sport organizations and LGBT+ diversity and inclusion. Sport Management Review. Swanson, A. (2015, 30 June). How the rainbow became the symbol of gay pride. The Washington Post, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2015/06/29/how-the-rainbow-became- the-symbol-of-gay-pride/ Symons, C. M., O’Sullivan, G. A., & Polman, R. (2017). The impacts of discriminatory experiences on lesbian, gay and bisexual people in sport. Annals of Leisure Research, 20(4), 467–489. https://doi. org/10.1080/11745398.2016.1251327 Tagg, B. (2012). Transgender netballers: Ethical issues and lived realities. Sociology of Sport Journal,29 (2), 151–167. Taylor, C. R. (2014). Corporate social responsibility and advertising. International Journal of Advertising, 33(1), 11–15. https://doi.org/10.2501/IJA-33-1-011-015 Toomey, R. B., McGeorge, C. R., & Carlson, T. S. (2016). A mixed-methods pilot study of student athlete engagement in LGBTQ ally actions. Journal of Intercollegiate Sport, 9(2), 247–267. https:// doi.org/10.1123/jis.2015-0049 Travers, A. (2006). Queering sport: Lesbian softball leagues and the transgender challenge. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 41(3–4), 431–446. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1012690207078070 Trussell, D. E. (2020). Building inclusive communities in youth sport for lesbian-parented families. Journal of Sport Management, 34(4), 367–377. https://doi.org/10.1123/jsm.2019-0395 Trussell, D. E., Kovac, L., & Apgar, J. (2018). LGBTQ parents’ experiences of community youth sport: Change your forms, change your (hetero) norms. Sport Management Review, 21(1), 51–62. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.smr.2017.03.003 Waldron, J. J. (2016). It’s complicated: Negotiations and complexities of being a lesbian in sport. Sex Roles, 74(7–8), 335–346. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-015-0521-x Wales, S. (2012). Lesbian, gay and bisexual people in sport: Understanding LGB sports participation in Wales. Sport Wales. 378 S. SHAW AND G. B. CUNNINGHAM

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Appendix: LGBTQ+ in Sport Articles Published from 1969 to October 2020

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