The Fighting Spirit of Hip Hop: an Alternative Ghetto Experience

THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF HIP HOP: AN ALTERNATIVE GHETTO EXPERIENCE

By

SUSAN HALL HULL

B.A., University of British Columbia, 1984

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

Anthropology and Sociology

We accept this thesis as conforming

to the required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

October 1988

(£) Susan Hall Hull, 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.

„ , Anthropology and Sociology Department of v BJ

The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada

Date October 1988

DE-6 (2/88) ii

ABSTRACT

This study investigates the expressive youth movement hip hop, a predominately black male subculture defined through participation in the competitive activities of graffiti writing, rapping and breakdancing. The general objective is to determine what is being communicated through these expressive forms, to whom, how, and finally to suggest why it is being communicated.

The extent to which the encoded messages are consistent with reports of the subculture's goals is then discussed. It is asserted that hip hop operates as an alternative identity management and problem-solving mechanism within the black

American ghetto. Drawing on traditional aspects of black cultural identity and expressiveness, hip hop creates a distinct way of life, reflecting a constructive and optimistic philosophy, to challenge the existing roles of the street hustler and gang member.

Developed in the inner city boroughs of New York City in the late 1960's and early 1970's, hip hop functioned as a non-violent means of projecting a self-image and of measuring self-worth. It continues to be used to confront fundamental issues in a fight to overcome the restrictions of ghetto living, providing an expression of both an aesthetic and a cultural style based on the pursuit of excellence.

The focus of the study is a form and content analysis of a selection of recorded raps, which parallels an interpretation of the messages conveyed in the musical form with i i i assertions made by insiders regarding the functioning of hip hop. The thesis explores the hip hop male persona and worldview, his social relations and his role in the community, as they are articulated in the raps. The results of this analysis are then applied to a discussion of hip hop graffiti and breakdancing symbolism.

The study concludes that the three expressive forms are communicating the cultural agenda of its members as well as providing the means through which to achieve their goals. It is contended that within hip hop, members empower themselves through aggressive self-glorifying imagery and role-playing, and that they apply this sense of greatness to motivating their community, outlining a strategy for coping with their existence by re-energizing it and transforming it into a positive experience. i v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT i i

LIST OF FIGURES vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT vii

INTRODUCTION 1

Chapter 1. OVERVIEW OF THE SUBCULTURE 20 1.1. EMERGENCE IN NYC IN THE 1970'S 20 1.2. BLACK AMERICA'S SOCIAL CLIMATE IN THE 1960'S AND 1970'S 22 1.3. ALTERNATIVE TO GANG VIOLENCE 24 1.4. SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATIONS 29 1.5. DIFFUSION AND ELABORATION 32 1.6. NOTE ON PUERTO RICAN INVOLVEMENT 36

Chapter 2. RAP MUSIC: AN INTRODUCTION 40 2.1. EARLY DJING AND MCING 40 2.2. SOURCE MATERIALS AND DEVELOPMENT 42 2.3. RECORDED RAPS 45

Chapter 3. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP MALE PERSONA AND WORLDVIEW 49 3.1. POWER NAMES 49 3.2. SELF-DEFINITIONS 53 3.3. SELF-IMAGES AND ASSOCIATED VALUES 55 3.4. POWER SYMBOLS 59 3.5. CENTRAL METAPHORS OF CYNICISM AND OPTIMISM 60 3.6. DEFINING EXISTENCE AND REALITY 65

Chapter 4. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP SOCIAL RELATIONS 68 4.1. COMRADERY WITHIN CREWS 68 4.2. COMPETITIVENESS WITH MALE RIVALS 71 4.3. THE ROLE OF RITUAL INSULT 74 4.4. AMBIGUITY CONCERNING FEMALES 78

Chapter 5. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP ROLES 86 5.1. SOURCES OF SECULAR POWER USED BY HIP HOPPERS 86 5.2. PROBLEMS ADDRESSED BY THE SUBCULTURE . 90 5.3. CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING AMONG BLACK YOUTH 95 5.4. PARALLELS TO BLACK PREACHING COMMUNICATION CONVENTIONS 101 5.5. NOTE ON FEMALE INVOLVEMENT 105 V

Chapter 6. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP PERFORMANCE 107 6.1. THE RECEIVERS OF RAP MESSAGES 108 6.2. EFFECTS OF PROMOTION TO A WIDER AUDIENCE 109 6.3. RAP AESTHETICS AND THEIR RELATION TO CULTURAL STYLE 114 6.4. EVALUATION OF A POOR PERFORMANCE 120 6.5. SUMMARY OF RAP ANALYSIS 123

Chapter 7. GRAFFITI: GETTING YOUR NAME UP 127 7.1. MOVING ONTO THE SUBWAY TRAINS 127 7.2. THE DEVELOPMENT OF STYLE 128 7.3. A SYSTEM OF COMMUNICATION 132 7.4. INDIVIDUAL COMPETITIVENESS AND COLLECTIVE COOPERATION 139 7.5. "ROCKING ALL CITY": AN AESTHETIC AND CULTURAL CONCERN 145

Chapter 8. BREAKDANCING: ROCKING WITH BODY LANGUAGE 149 8.1. BATTLING IN THE INNER CITIES 149 8.2. BREAKING AS CULTURAL CONTINUITY 152 8.3. ADDITIONAL SOURCES OF THE DANCE 159 8.4. AN ANALYSIS OF FORM: EXPRESSIONS OF MALE IDENTITY 161

CONCLUSION 173

BIBLIOGRAPHY 182

DISCOGRAPHY 189

LIST OF FILMS AND VIDEOS 192

Appendix I. SELECTION OF RAPS 193

Appendix II. GLOSSARY 223 vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. PHASE 2: THE EVOLUTION OF A STYLE, 1971-1982 129-130

Figure 2. "SKY'S THE LIMIT" BY BILLY "WISE" BLAST, 1982 136

Figure 3. "BEYOND CONTROL", VALCUN, 1984 138

Figure 4. "LEE — SILENT THUNDER", 1982 140

Figure 5. "SHADOW", 1986 141

Figure 6. B-BOY WITH GUN ON NYC SUBWAY 143

Figure 7. NIGERIANS DOING HEADSLIDES 155

Figure 8. FLASHDANCING IN THE 1920'S 157

Figure 9. HANDSPIN 164

Figure 10. AIRPLANE 164

Figure 11. SPIDERWALK ON FINGER TIPS 167

Figure 12. HEADSPIN 169

9 vii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis is dedicated to my son, Kenneth, for putting up with me all these years of school. Thanks, Sweetie.

I would like to express my gratitude to my graduate advisors and thesis committee members — Marjorie Halpin, Michael

Ames, Jean Cunningham and James Powell, to the UBC Museum of

Anthropology staff, and to family and friends, with special thanks for their support and assistance when I needed it the most to David Asmodeus, Bob Walker, Dwight Fenlon, Grace Golightly and

Kenneth Hull. Thanks to Sally Banes, Mickey Davidson, Robert

Thompson and Susanne Lingmann for their advice and comments. And to my New York City contacts, especially the Shadow Crew, the

Imperial Kings, the Bronxville Breakers and the kids at the Fun

House for sharing their lives with me. High Performance and the hip hoppers of Vancouver know how much their encouragement has been appreciated. Thanks guys.

This is definately a (w)rap -- yo — I'm outta here. 1

INTRODUCTION

It is the intention of this study to illustrate that hip hop is an expressive youth movement which provides an alternative cultural system for its members. The alternative is defined within the American black ghetto street culture. Hip hop provides an alternative to other existing options available to young ghetto men for defining themselves -- namely membership in street gangs or operating as street hustlers and hoods. Thus, hip hop is a subculture not so much of the mainstream (although it is that too) but of black (and to a lesser extent Hispanic and white) ghetto culture.

Hip hop tends to reorganize prevailing norms, values and behavior, placing them in a new context, in an effort to solve the problems of adjustment experienced by the group. Hip hop is a new cultural form within ghetto culture which emerged as an innovation of expression developed in a cumulative manner through mutual exploration and joint elaboration. As participants often put it, "hip hop is a way of life" and as such confronts the fundamental issues of living. It not only provides a means of expressing central cultural concerns, but also a way of addressing their problems. Problems addressed are both structural ones such as socio-economics, class and race, as well as existential ones, such as what it is to be a male or how one fits into the world. 2

Positive identity creation and management is the central problem confronted by hip hoppers. Hip hop provides an avenue for active role-playing used to project an image and hence create an identity, which in turn must be maintained through continual affirmations of legitimacy.

Not only does hip hop constitute the means of establishing this cultural system, but it also articulates the specifics of the system, expressing the particulars of a hip hopper's self-image and his cultural concerns through its expressive representations — rap music, graffiti and breakdancing. Indeed the very act of expression, to a great extent, actualizes the experience. Through the use of argumentative images and the play of tropes (Fernandez 1986) hip hoppers attempt to persuade themselves and others of their identity. Whether through figurative language or symbolic performance, central metaphors, which not only classify but compel, are asserted to empower members. Hence much of a hip hopper's identity is formulated and managed through imagery which transforms his experience of himself.

Although many of the cultural themes expressed through hip hop are continuations of existing black ghetto male concerns, in the process of searching for a new way of being, an alternative social reality is experienced. Hip hop involves a rejection of certain aspects of the prevailing ghetto mentality

-- ones which stress negativity and apathy and which are often manifest in violent and criminal behavior. 3

As an alternative hip hop suggests a creative means of establishing self-esteem and an image of self-assertion and control. It promotes active participation in creative self-expression as a means of combating the frustrations of ghetto living and racial inequality. While maintaining the image and cultural agenda of the ghetto "tough guy1, hip hoppers have transformed their fighting spirit into a creative programme for success. Demonstrations of skills in hip hop activities act as an alternative to demonstrations of fighting skills, while the spirit that moves them remains aggressive. By so transforming, by redefining themselves and their reality, they have created a new sense of power. Motivated by a search to gain power, hip hop exhibits what Edmund Leach describes as "a general motive in human affairs" (1954: 10). Power, as it is used here refers both to the most general definition, that is, "the ability to do, to act, to produce", as well as to "the ability to assert control or direction over others" (Folb 1980: 71).

In general, hip hop, in providing its members with a distinctive worldview, a style of life, a means of addressing structural exigencies and the standards against which they can measure their own worth, functions in much the same way as other youth cultures, corresponding to accounts given by Schwartz and

Merten (1967), Hebdige (1979), Horowitz (1983) and Brake (1985) among others.

There is however one major discrepancy between this investigator's position on the nature of hip hop and that often held regarding subcultures in general. Both Hebdige and Brake 4 see a subculture primarily as a resistance or alternative to hegemony. The elevation of a crime into an art form, or of deviations into style, for example, are held to be evidence of subversion. Brake, in particular, claims that hip hop can be seen as yet another example of black culture, which for him functions to oppose the dominant culture. As well, he suggests that ghettos form a supportive culture in order to make a dent in hegemony (1985: 126).

The limitation of this theory is that it views the subculture solely as a response to the wider culture and fails to acknowledge an internally generated agenda. Particularly in the case of hip hop, which began as a response to the problem of gang violence, this position is insufficient. Although the dominant culture may have played a significant part in the initial creation of the problems with which black ghetto youth have to contend, hip hop can not be primarily viewed as a protest against the mainstream culture.

However, moving away from subcultural theory, there is another area within which to situate the study of hip hop, one which in some respects is more conducive. Viewing hip hop as a type of revitalization movement frees it from the overemphasis of the protest-function argument. What is important in a revitalization movement, as discussed by Wallace (1956) and

Fernandez (1969), is the fulfillment of itself internally. At times of cultural stress and discontent, charismatic leaders emerge with a vision of reinterpreting and transforming the culture and attempt to innovate constructive changes. New cultural roles and identities develop and existing elements 5 already carrying currency within the community are restructured.

Leaders preach and teach, distributing their personal power to effect an ideological conversion among their followers, and routinizing the movement. Revitalization movements may aim to produce changes in the individual's self-image and worldview, renewing self-respect and self-sufficiency. An intensification of community, shifts in vocabulary and key metaphors, and a general experience of a new reality characterize these movements.

As will become apparent within my presentation, this general definition of revitalization movements also characterizes hip hop. I therefore propose that in some respects hip hop resembles a typical youth subculture, while in others it may be profitably viewed in terms of a revitaliztion movement. And, although these orientations differ in terms of their primary intention, they both substantiate the perspective taken in my study.

A perspective of hip hop that views it primarily as an identity management system is reinforced by examining the means used in constructing its expressive forms, for much of how these young men see themselves and their world is reflected in the aesthetic choices they make, as well as in those canons which are culturally imposed on them. The expressions of hip hop hold particular artistic value for their creators, a value which is related to their dominant cultural values and ideologies.

In its formulation hip hop draws on existing cultural elements while appropriating and relocating signs in a new meaning system. Not only does it illustrate the concept of 6 bricolaqe (as articulated by Levi-Strauss), but it also exhibits a system of cultural continuity, especially in relation to black expressive forms of music and dance.

Hip hoppers are members of both a ghetto-specific culture and the wider mainstream culture and are concerned with self-promotion in both arenas. As Horowitz (1983) has pointed out in the case of American-Chicano youth culture, within hip hop two distinct, although intertwined, codes are in operation. One is concerned with the maintenance of personal power and honour among the peer group; the other with achieving success in mainstream terms through hardwork and determination (what

Horowitz refers to as striving to achieve the American Dream).

Communication and transactions with the mainstream dominant culture are evident throughout the system. Aspects of the mainstream are incorporated and restructured to serve the hip hop agenda. And, as hip hop moves beyond the ghetto and, through commercialization and appropriation, enters the realm of mainstream popular culture, both its messages and meanings are expanded and altered, while remaining viable within the ghetto.

Theoretical Orientations

For the most part this study has been undertaken in the standard functional or structure/functional anthropological tradition. In a search for an understanding of what hip hop is, the investigator has focussed her attention on the purpose it serves, the role it plays in the lives of its creators. As a cultural system one of the things hip hop does is to communicate 7 and therefore an attempt has also been made to unpack the particulars of what is being said. Thus the study not only asserts that one of hip hop's functions is to communicate, it also constructs and interprets data illustrating the nature of what is being communicated and, indeed, much of what is being communicated is its function.

To the extent that the study is concentrating on the constructed representations of the subculture — rap, graffiti and breaking — rather than on group dynamics, social interactions, behavioral codes and the like, a symbolic approach is also occasionally called upon. And, considering that the bulk of the analysis pertains to textual material, an interpretive orientation is employed in order to reveal the significance of the images conveyed in the texts. As the messages being communicated through the expressive forms stand to reinforce the assertions made regarding the functioning of the system, they warrant decoding to ascertain their meaning.

An analytical approach which integrates evidence from non-scientific sources with findings from empirical research has been attempted. The present study is, in part, modelled after the work of James Stewart (1980) in which he relies on information embedded in black folk culture to cross-check existing data on the sharing phenomenon as it appears in black contemporary families. Stewart's analysis of the music of soul singer Millie Jackson suggests that such material can be relied on as evidence and that this expressive form is capable of accurate simulations of cultural experiences. 8

As with all analyses of culture the present study is based on a series of underlying assumptions. Briefly, then, culture is held to be a system of meaningful and patterned ideologies, behavior and symbols that is constantly being acted out and evolving. A high degree of consistency operates between its varied components and levels and its expressions are neither isolated nor individual, but recurring and shared themes. Both cultural variables (e.g. being black) and structural conditions

(e.g. living in the ghetto) are factors which determine the content of the group culture.

Following anthropologist James Fernandez (1986), it is assumed that cultural performances, (i.e. defined staged events) serve to enact a culture's central metaphors in an effort to effect the ideal personality and community. They constitute a lens through which to view fundamental issues of a people's lives and society. Although these metaphors, often multivocal, generally arise in fantasy, they can motivate social action, for example, by suggesting a strategy for dealing with a given situation.

Finally art (or expressive representation), like language, is a form of communication and, like language, encodes a culture's dominant ideologies as well as records shifts in those ideologies. As Janet Wolff has suggested (1981: 61), art, as a social product, reworks the ideology into an aesthetically acceptable form or style as the expressed ideology is mediated by both the conditions of production and the existing aesthetic conventions. There not only exists uniformity between aesthetic 9 and cultural styles (Geertz 1973) but also between the form and the content of the expression, or as Leach puts it (1954: 12),

"logically aesthetics and ethics are identical".

Ultimately, again as Leach tells us, "it is the anthropologist's task to try to discover and to translate into his own technical jargon what it is that is symbolized or represented" (ibid.).

Methods and Objectives

The following chapters present an analysis of the expressive forms which result from the three primary activities participated in by members of the hip hop subculture. Although hip hop has become a worldwide youth movement this study primarily focuses on the New York City situation, exploring its significance within its originating and predominant location.

Even though much of what is presented may be relevant to assimilated or middle-class American blacks, the concern here is with the "home of hip hop". Hence, references to black culture can read "black ghetto culture". Similarly references to the ghetto are to be read "northern United States black ghettos".

Due to lack of sufficient data a comprehensive ethnography of the subculture will not be attempted. Rather the expressive forms, as representations of its communication system, are challenged to speak on behalf of their creators.

Unfortunately, a study which focuses primarily on an analysis of expressive forms can not provide conclusive evidence for the experiential aspects of the subculture. Neither the experiential 10 state of active participants nor the messages received are systematically reconstructed here, although they are referred to at times. Thus, far less attention is given to the actual realizations of their day to day lives than to the expectations for the ideal experiential state which is being transmitted.

It is not my intention to relate this discussion of hip hop to general theoretical perspectives in anthropology or other social sciences. No doubt the study would gain further relevance to the anthropological enterprise if it were to be located within the study of folklore, values, worldview, symbolism, et cetera.

Such a theoretical contextualization, although unquestionably of value, goes beyond my immediate goal. Before broader issues can intelligibly be discussed the reasonable first step, it would seem, is to sort out some of the essential aspects of the subculture, in and of itself.

The existing published literature on hip hop is either descriptive in nature or insiders' accounts of the phenomenon, primarily discussing its relationship to gangs and gang violence. Beyond this, and aside from David Toop's attempt to trace the historical roots of rap music within the American black music industry, and Robert Thompson's (1986) outline of the various formal similarities between hip hop and the music and dance of African and African-influenced cultures, no other systematic efforts have been made to analyze the products of this movement.

Previous researchers have resisted imposing an encompassing perspective on their data; hence the aim of the 11 present study is to begin the task of moving beyond description and towards interpretation. To the investigator's knowledge this study is the first attempt at extracting evidence concerning the nature and meaning of the subculture from a "thick description" of its expressive forms, and developing from this a general understanding of its functions.

Although other studies are suggestive of theoretical implications, and have provided much of the evidence for the current work, the systematic construction of the role of the hip hopper and his cultural agenda, and the linguistic, aesthetic and formal conventions of hip hop are original to this investigation. Nor has hip hop previously been contextualized within a survey of black cultural and expressive traditions to the extent to which it has been done here.

My systematic compiling, transcribing, summarizing, and analyzing of a body of raps, and my sorting out of recurring themes and patterns both in lyrical content and musical structure constitute the major contribution of this work to the study of hip hop. Finally, by observing the relative similarities of content and structure among all three expressive forms, a significant contribution is provided to an understanding of cultural production, lending support to the notion that distinct articulations do express a shared configuration of cultural traits. 12

The available data regarding the nature of hip hop and the significance of participating in it is first presented. This is followed by the analysis of the expressive forms.

Interpretations of the messages conveyed in the forms are informed by the socio-historical data on hip hop and to some extent constitute verification of informants' claims. The approach taken in presenting this material is an eclectic one.

Just as the system under investigation is multidetermined, the study combines historical, ideological and sociological perspectives, with an analysis of form and content. A deductive approach was used in exploring the phenomenon and the resulting study attempts to balance an accounting of the phenomenon with an accounting for, presented in a dialectical fashion, shifting between observations and interpretations.

The extensive use of material on general black expressiveness, aesthetics, linguistics and cultural values serves a two-fold purpose. First it helps in the contextualization of hip hop within its cultural heritage and secondly it assists in the actual interpretation of meanings.

It is only, for example, by recognizing that traditionally black expressive forms have served to balance two complementary agendas within the culture — individual competitiveness and collective cooperation -- that we can begin to understand a system like hip hop which simultaneously projects for its members an image of the destroyer and the peacemaker and can combine ritual insult with gospel preaching. 13

Working from a place informed by informants' accounts and descriptive material, acquired both from first-hand experience and popular literature, the investigator has

"constructed a reality" of hip hop based on what Geertz refers to as taking your best guess (1973:20). And again following a

Geertzian tradition, the investigator has tried to remain faithful to the native point of view, taking into account the available statements of their intentions and explanations.

Although concepts and terminology used in the interpretation may be unfamiliar to the actors, they do correspond to statements made by participants and it is intended that the overall picture portrayed here is one that members of hip hop would recognize.

It is not far, for instance, from the emic statement "hip hop is about being yourself" to the etic assertion that hip hop provides an avenue for identity management; nor from "what we're doing is trying to give kids something better to do" to hip hop operates as a problem-solving mechanism.

This study was in part modelled after the approach outlined by Michael Brake (1985: 19). Brake suggests that in the study of youth subcultures an investigator should examine:

1 - its historical development and its relation to the wider socio-economic structure.

2 - the distinct style and imagery being portrayed and attempt to suggest how these reflect the solutions to problems addressed by the subculture.

3 - societal reaction to the subculture.

4 - the development of the moral concerns of members, noting level of committment in relation to status passages. 14 5 - the relation of the social structure to values, norms, symbols and action.

6 - changes in the subculture, be they thematic, formal, or boundary shifts.

With the exception of point number three, this model was considered in presenting the material on hip hop.

The sources used in compiling this reading of hip hop vary from how-to books and videos to popular self-chronicles written by hip hoppers themselves and from documentary and docu-drama films to socio-historical readings by sociologists and art historians. Virtually all are descriptive in nature and relatively interpretation-free. This material is reinforced by an understanding of hip hop formulated through observations and personal interaction with members of the subculture. Contextual material on black culture comes from a wide range of scholarly fields including anthropology, linguistics, sociology, psychology, musicology, popular and urban culture studies.

The investigator's informants were New York City participants met during an eight week field trip in the summer of

1985. Being invited to "hang out" with them amounted to attending rap parties, learning dance moves from them, acting as look-out for graffiti writers and informally talking to them about and observing their activities. To a lesser extent the study has been informed by an involvement over the past three years (1985- 1988) with local Vancouver and Washington state groups. Although these members of the subculture have been 15 unable to contribute to an understanding of the New York City phenomenon, they have provided insights concerning the experiential and aesthetic realms.

The general objective of this study is to determine what is being communicated through the expressive forms of hip hop, to whom, how, and finally to suggest why it is being communicated. The specific objectives are to illustrate:

1 - that hip hop constitutes both an expression of and a means through which to construct and manage identity for young ghetto males, providing an alternative to existing black male ghetto identities and

2 - that part of this identity consists of formulating a specific style of life and worldview, as well as addressing cultural concerns and

3 - that the construction of a hip hop identity draws on past roles and traditions within its cultural heritage and maintains the status quo of a number of fundamental community norms and values, while questioning others; as well as incorporating much of mainstream culture and

4 - that, although differences do exist, there is a high degree of consistency in the aesthetic and cultural content of all three hip hop activities which appear to form a gestalt of symbolic representations. 16

Overview

In chapter one a socio-historical accounting of the development of the cultural system, providing available ethnographic details and social context, is given. The chapter outlines hip hop's initial function as an alternative means of managing self-image and community concerns, as well as discusses its subsequent developments. Finally, justification for subsuming Puerto Rican involvement in hip hop under American black expressiveness is provided.

Chapters two through six focus on hip hop rap music.

This section comprises the principle contribution to the study of hip hop by the investigator. The systematic and detailed analysis of rap music was selected as the concentration for this study because of the three expressive forms it provides the most explicit and accessible formulation of hip hop. And, although raps are the particular communication genre of hip hop DJs and

MCs, much of what is articulated through them is representative of all of hip hop.

One hundred and seventy-five recorded raps, ranging from 1979 to 1987, the majority from the 1984-85 period, were trascribed by the researcher for analysis. (A selection of fifteen raps representing this range, as well as illustrating central themes, is included in appendix I.) Selection criterion for the sample was restricted to those raps originating in New

York City and available to the investigator. Raps that have been identified by hip hoppers as being historically significant 17 and/or aesthetically superior (i.e. "a important rap", "a good rap") were targeted. This want list was compiled using popular literature sources written by insiders, primarily Rappin by

Grandmaster Blaster (1984), Breakdancinq by Mr. Fresh and the

Supreme Rockers (1984), Breakdancinq by Curtis Marlow (1984) and

Breaking and the New York City Breakers by Michael Holman

(1984). In addition, the discographies provided by hip hop researchers David Toop (1984), Steve Hager (1984) and Nelson

George (1985b) were referred to. The content of these lists, to a great extent, overlaps with the participants' lists and indeed were compiled by these authors according to the preferences of their informants; hence they attempt to reflect an insider's perspective. These raps were actively sought out by the investigator, who was successful in procuring most of the highly recommended classic raps (i.e. those repeatedly reported by insiders as being significant), as well as many of the less renowned suggestions. Finally, the material dating after 1985

(publication date of sources) was recommended to the investigator by informants both from New York City and locally.

Most are twelve inch singles or albums released on small underground record labels such as Fantasy, Sultra, Pro,

Tommy Boy, Sugarhill and Def Jam. Although a few are recordings of live performances, most are studio produced. Especially commercial raps, that is, those released by larger recording companies and reportedly geared towards the mainstream audience, were excluded as being unrepresentative of the subculture. 18 Generally, the overall themes and aesthetics do not appear to have changed significantly over time; however, on a number of occasions developments are noted. A body of raps, covering the temporal range and produced by a single rap crew

(namely Grandmaster Flash), was examined specifically for any marked deviations over time, but none were discovered. Thus, although a diachronic perspective is considered, for the most part the sample is discussed synchronically.

Chapter two introduces the reader to rap music, giving a brief description and historical account, and discusses the effects of recording on the activity. The significant portion of the analysis, found in chapters three through six, is a construction of the investigator's, inferred directly from the raps themselves. Thus, unless otherwise indicated, all material and quotes included are based on or originate with the sample raps and are only occasionally supplemented, for interpretation purposes, with outside material. Referencing of the raps may appear somewhat arbitary, as indeed it is. For the most part, however, when more than a single line is quoted it is referenced appropriately and often even these are designated by performer and year. However, due to concerns over cumbersomeness, short phrases, often included to add "colour" as much as evidence, have not been referenced. All raps referred to in this section, however, are listed in the discography.

The analysis of the rap music consists of a content analysis of the lyrics, noting recurring themes and patterns within the texts. Both explicit and implicit messages are 19 examined. The textual interpretations are informed by ethnographic and contextual material, both on the subculture and on black culture in general. And, to a lesser degree and by no means systematically, a structural analysis of the language and music, noting the construction techniques and conventions, is utilized to complement some findings.

Finally, chapters seven and eights attempt to parallel the analysis of rap music in addressing hip hop graffiti and breakdancing respectively, (although these are not systematic studies of representative samples). By providing ethno-historical data alongside interpretations of content and form the analysis of rap is reinforced. And, conversely, the results of broadening the context of our view of rap music and unpacking its messages assists in understanding the symbolism of the graffiti and dance. Although each expressive form has its own unique traits and emphasis, the material presented does suggest a consistency of agenda among the three activities, which share central metaphors and aesthetic canons. Taken together they provide a graphic picture of the fighting spirit of hip hop and testify to its role as an alternative ghetto experience. 20

CHAPTER ONE OVERVIEW OF THE SUBCULTURE

1.1 Emergence in New York City in the 1970's

Hip hop is a predominately male youth subculture which involves participation in three highly competitive and expressive activities -- graffiti writing, rap DJing and MCing, and breakdancing. The three activities began emerging in the inner city boroughs of New York City, particularly in the.South Bronx, in the late 60's and early 70's. Although each activity has a distinct historical development, they all drew on and elaborated existing aspects of black ghetto cultural identity and by the mid

70's had been subsumed under the term 'hip hop' (the term first appeared in a scat-style rap by DJ Hollywood and Starski) (George

1985a: xvi).

At the grass roots level most hip hoppers are from low income families, are between the ages of 12 and 19 and are either

American blacks or Puerto Ricans. Members join loosely organized groups called "crews" which participate in only one or two or all three of the activities. For example, the rapping crew UTFO

(United Teens For Ourselves) all rap, breakdance and write graffiti. The core group consists of three rappers, Kangol Kid,

Dr. Ice and the Educated Rapper and one DJ, Mixmaster Ice. As well there is a group of girls, the UTFO Cheerleaders, who provide background chants of support ("Go Kangol, go Kangol") and simulate audience response (for instance if the rapper requests all the ladies in the house to say "Owww", they come back

"Owww"). 21

As a street culture and artistic movement hip hop's impetus came from the efforts of a handful of highly motivated and charismatic leaders. One such innovator, Afrika Bambaataa, is reported to have been responsible for bringing the three activities together and providing much of the encouragement needed to keep the movement from dying out (George 1985b: 9).

Bambaataa, a youth gang leader and Muslim who turned to disc jockeying, had a vision of providing a new source of self-imaging, status achievement, and cultural pride to ghetto male youth — one that stressed creative, rather than destructive, forms of expression. Bambaataa, who took his name from a 19th century Zulu chief, admits being influenced by Martin

Luther King and Malcolm X, as well as by the consciousness- raising lyrics of James Brown. He explains the seminal inspiration for his vision this way:

I got the idea when I seen this movie called Zulu which featured Michael Caine. It was showing how when the British came to take over the land of the Zulus how the Zulus fought to uphold their land. They were proud warriors and they was fighting very well against bullets, cannons and stuff....When the British thought they'd won the next thing you see is the whole mountain full with thousands of Zulus and the British knew they was gonna die then. But the Zulus chanted — praised them as warriors and let them live. So from there that's when I decided one of these days I hope to have a Zulu nation, too (in Toop 1984: 57) .

And in 1974 he did establish an organization called the

Zulu Nation with an estimated membership of 10,000 in the Bronx and Manhattan. The organization's explicit aim was to promote graffiti, rapping and breaking as alternatives to street gang fighting (Mr. Fresh and the Supreme Rockers 1984: 11). 22 An example of his commitment to non-violence is evident in a story he tells of a dance party he was MCing in 1982 at the

Bronx River Community Centre. A fight had broken out outside the hall and as the crowd grew tense and moved towards the doors to get involved, Bambaataa demanded that they stay where they were.

"There ain't nothin' goin' on out there. No violence... no violence... no violence". He began playing a popular James Brown tune, stopped to taunt "You like that? — Music, that's what I'm talking about". He resumed playing the record and the crowd began to dance, ignoring the scene outside (Hager 1984: ix).

1.2 Black America's Social Climate in the 1960's and 1970's

To fully appreciate hip hop it is helpful to place it within the wider social and cultural context that prevailed in

New York's inner cities during the time of its emergence. The single most prevalent occurrence in Black America in the 1960's and early 1970's was the movement towards civil rights and black power. And although concrete gains may have been made for the middle class black family, the lower classes felt little effect

(Bonnett 1980: 48).

After the 1966 summer of black power riots and looting, the movement and its leaders dissipated, leaving the ghettos experiencing a sense of gloom. Assaults, robberies and rapes reportedly increased, fear of a white backlash was growing, the war on poverty was being overshadowed by the Vietnam War, the election of a conservative congress and funding cutbacks all contributed to an atmosphere of despair (Hannerz 1969: 22). 23

According to black historians (Bonnett and Hannerz among others) by the end of the 60's hope for a better life was veiled in disappointments. Although the ghetto man's conception of his self and potential had improved through the concerted efforts of black consciousness raisers, without commensurate improvements in his social condition, racism, poor schooling, housing and employment shortages continued to thwart his new found optimism. Interestingly, this change is echoed in the realm of street language. For example, a shift in meaning of the word 'uptight' signifies the prevailing mood. In the 60's uptight had a positive connotation of "togetherness", but by the

70's its more general use was as a negative referent to

"tenseness and nervousness" (Folb 1980: 208).

One of hip hop's founding members, Kurtis Blow, claims that the conditions in New York City's ghettos contributed to the need to create a positive way of saying "I am somebody" and to fight growing apathy by means relevant to their lives.

Growing up in Harlem in the seventies was wack. Black people all across the country were beginning to get a little piece of the American Dream except, it seemed, in Harlem. People were poor, jobs were scarce, drugs were everywhere and the cops weren't as cool as Kojak. Upwardly mobile blacks? The folks I knew were struggling to keep it together even with a nine-to-five and another job on the side. T.V., movies, magazines and newspapers seemed to be about nothing but how well blacks were doing somewhere else. For those of us still living in Harlem, things just got worse. The few blacks who were making it were leaving Harlem and those of us who were left, particularly the young people, felt alienated from the white folks' society we saw on "The Jeffersons". It just didn't seem real to us, because it wasn't (in George 1985a: xi). 24

1.3 Alternative to Gang Violence

One assertion which is made repeatedly both by participants and analyists of hip hop is that it developed as a replacement for street gang activity and as such constitutes a shift in the self-imaging mechanism towards more constructive means of prestige display and status evaluation. Kurtis Blow, a breakdancer and rapper discussing the relationship to gangs explains that: at that time there were lots of gang wars. The Puerto Ricans and blacks would fight against each other. There were gangs like the Savage No Mads, Black Spades, and you also had the Peace Makers. I was in the Peace Makers. All these gangs used to fight against each other. These were like the baddest gangs that would ever walk the face of the earth. In those days the gang wars were really serious. It was dangerous back then. We would also breakdance against . the other gangs. We used to go to neutral parties and just dance against each other. That would be a form of gang fighting (in Marlow 1984: 81).

Frosty Freeze, another hip hop member, sees the transformation this way:

Breaking came about as a way of insulting people by way of body language rather than killing. Instead of saying "I'll beat you up" they might say, "I'll go against your moves and you go against my moves. If I can take you out, then you can't do this or that (in The Daily News, June 29, 1982, pg. M4).

Or this from Fred, a former gang member turned grafitti writer:

Instead of taking arms, we took paint. There's some violence in the art...But it has to be expressed. If there hadn't been grafitti, there would have been a lot more violence (in Castleman 1982: 107).

It should also be noted that this notion of using creative, non-violent means of competition is not without precedence. In addition to the African dances mentioned in Chapter Eight, such phenomena as Inuit throat singing and institutionalized joking 25 relationships, as well as Helen Codere's discussion of the

Northwest Coast Indian potlatch, also lead credence to the idea.

Reasons given by ex-gang members turned hip hoppers for the decline of violent gangs include police crackdowns and imprisonment, fear of killings, drug abuse, strong disapproval by girlfriends and families and, simply, "the sign of the times"

(Holman 1984: 61; Hager 1984: 10; Toop 1984: 58). Those who remained in gangs apparently refocussed their attentions onto business ventures such as drug dealing, theft and extortion

(Campbell and March 1978a: 69). For those that left, hip hop filled the gap.

The substitution is expressed as a natural development. Gangs traditionally used grafitti as territorial markers and to intimidate rivals (Hager 1984: 13); competing through dance and music competency has a long history in black ghettos in general and in the gang institution in particular

(Hazzard-Gordon 1983b: 247-252); and much of the display of aggression which provided opportunities for status management, testing power and proving oneself that occurred within the gangs was in the form of verbal exchanges (Short 1968: 19; Miller 1968:

141). What occurred was a re-emphasis. As the more violent aspects of gang life subsided, these other activities were promoted and developed in turn furthering the dismantlement of the gangs.

Subway graffiti is a case in point. As more and more fighting gang members were drawn to the activity it competed with their gang affiliations. The rigidity of gang territorial 26 confinement interfered with spreading one's name throughout the city. Hence many left the gangs to form writing crews who remained in group formations to ensure safe passage and presumably retain collective solidarity (Castleman 1982: 91).

One means of assessing this perspective of transfer is to determine whether or not a reduction in violent gang activity did occur in New York City in the mid 70's. An extensive research project on American gang violence conducted under the supervison of Walter Miller concludes that:

For New York, then, the past decade (1965-1975) was characterized by a five year period during which neither predatory nor violent activities by gangs were recognized as serious problems; a two year period of rapid growth in the numbers of police-identified gangs and their spread from the Bronx to other boroughs, accompanied by an upsurge in lethal violence often related to inter-gang combat; and a recent period during which the most lethal forms of gang activity have declined substantially, while the number of gangs, gang members and gang-member involvement in other forms of crime have remained at a high level, in some instances increased (1975: 57).

These periods correlate to the brief period of optimism experienced in the ghetto during the civil rights movement, the subsequent time of reported disillusionment and finally the emergence of hip hop.

That the explicit intention for developing hip hop activities was to reduce violent fighting does not however mean that hip hoppers were not involved in fights. Indeed as the currency of these activities as ego gratifiers became greater disputes over challenges could incite violence (Castleman 1982:

52). As Macho of the Rockwell breaking crew admits: "We won the 27 trophy but the other crew didn't want to admit we won....They wanted to fight. See, breaking is not only breaking. There's a lot of fighting, too" (in Hager 1984: 86). Indeed the balance between seriousness and what might be thought of in terms of play is a delicate one. At one level play is distinct from reality or seriousness, yet for play to operate successfully there must be a recognizable relationship between it and the so-called real world. Hip hop is characterized by what Geertz (1973) refers to as deep play in which extreme commitment, often involving real risks, is demanded. Play is an important way of distinguishing oneself publicly and may function as a means of containing violence: it is most effective when, as Bateson (1972: 40 in

Abrahams 1976) expresses it, the threat of incursions from the real world are constant. "That is, in the most successful kinds of play, the most constant message must be the deeply ambivalent one: this is play — is this play?". Nonetheless within hip hop the expressed ideal was to promote non-violent resolutions and to this end truces and collaborations were activated to reduce tension.

As an alternative system hip hop was required both to retain the recognizable characteristics used to measure the successful street man while creating a distinction between hip hoppers and gang members. Thus exhibits of cool, assertiveness, the ability to disparage other males, win females, dress stylishly and possess street smarts remained the criterion for judging reputations (Horowitz 1983: 90). The importance placed on toughness (defined in terms of strength, endurance, physical 28 prowess, fearlessness and emotional detachment) was transferred from the gang institution to hip hop (Miller 1968: 154). The street family structure in which peers play a primary role in socialization continued. Hip hoppers speak of the relationship of older and younger boys in terms of "father" and "son", for instance (in Style Wars 1982). To signify a difference, however, the formal hierarchy and forced inscription among gangs was replaced by a loosely organized democratic system with volunteer membership and leadership informally based on charisma and talent.

Although soft drugs (alcohol and marijuana) are reportedly used, drug use is not a norm nor a focal activity as it was for gangs, especially for breakdancers, who avoid it as it interferes with performance (Hager 1984: 34). A code of behaviour was developed that stressed honourable yet non-violent competition and protective promotion of unique styles in expression. Risk-taking, for example, in the gang context involved face to face confrontation, armed robbery as well as the threat of imprisonment. Hip Hop remained a high risk enterprise

— the physical risks in breakdancing and negotiating live wires in subway tunnels; "racking" or stealing paints (although never blatantly or with fire arms), not to mention the artistic risks involved in creating a new style within a public forum. Finally the introduction of a clean athletic look visually distinguished hip hoppers from the tough, scruffy appearance of gang members sporting chains, boots, jeans and "colours" (Holman 1984: 132). 29

1.4 Symbolic Representations

Indeed to uncover the underlying self-image that hip hoppers are constructing for themselves, there is no better place to look than at styles of dress. The b-boy (another term for hip hopper) style stresses action clothes and a fresh, futuristic energetic look. Jogging suits, hooded sweatshirts, baseball caps and Kangol hats dominate their attire. The most identifiable mark of this look are brand name sneakers worn with fat, colourful laces, which have become the icon of the subculture, along with the infamous ghetto blaster or "boom box" — both essential tools of the trade.

As a possible throwback to gang convention jackets are often inscribed with personal or crew names (generally painted on by the graffiti writers) and nameplate necklaces and belt buckles also display their street or performance names. Members of the

Zulu Nation, now disbanded, wore an identifying insignia.

In the early phases of the movement the most successful rappers performing in night clubs and in concerts developed a much flashier wild look to promote the image of awesome power.

The members of the Soulsonic Force, for instance, typically appeared garbed as an Indian warrior, a knight, a centurion and an African warrior — all suitably cooled out with shades and gold creating a sci-fi twist to the image (Flinker 1985: 55-56).

Even football shoulder pads were added to exaggerate their heroic proportions (ibid.: 75). Accessories, such as studded wrist bands, were borrowed from punk fashion to enhance their tough look. 30

As hip hoppers further established themselves within the black entertainment industry, the look was upgraded to signify their success. Expensive brand name sport suits, such as

Fila and Adidas, appeared and the conspicuous display of gold jewelry increased. Several one-inch gold chains with huge solid gold charms of Adidas runners or gun "peace symbols" are the most recent symbols of hip hop. Amateurs, still performing on the streets, have difficulty keeping up with the expenses but by

"sporting" fake gold and copies of designer sportswear they are able to maintain the appropriate image. According to the investigator's informants, the association is sufficient to insure status. No one is really fooled but everyone supports the cultural fiction. What is being expressed is a deep desire and belief in an image of success. Playing it cool allows for this type of suspension of reality in the name of saving face and looking good.

Body stances, or poses, have also been introduced and are used generally by all members as well as being incorporated into the breakdance vocabulary. Poses that stress male toughness and virility are the norm — arms crossed tightly high across the chest, chin up and out, head cocked to one side, feet widely set; hands cupped around the genitals; the face contorted into a scowl while flashing the Zulu peace sign (index and pinky extended)

(Chalfant and Prigoff 1987: 8).

To reinforce group identity hip hoppers have developed their own in-group lexicon drawing on existing black vernacular and comprising an elaborate battle metaphor to emphasize the 31 competitive aspect of their ritual warfare. Trains are "bombed" or "destroyed"; "toys" or "suckers" are "taken out" or "cut" and

"kings" or "masters" "burn" or "blow away" rivals with "def"

(death) moves. An existing duality of meaning in aggressive language lent inself to this form of symbolic warfare. The terms

'to cut' and 'to blow away', for example, can mean either to literally assault someone or to impress incredibly through a cultural performance (Brown 1972; Folb 1980). Hip hop redefined other terms that originally only referred to physical violence, such as 'to burn', adding the performative meaning.

The overall objective in the creation of this self-image is to devise a means of demanding respect and expressing integrity. According to former hip hopper and crew manager Michael Holman, acting or looking cool elicits respect on the streets and on the streets "respect is paramount to survival.... In order not to be messed with on the streets one must always project the image of power, strength and cool"

(Holman 1984: 132).

'Cool1, the maintaining of self-control and composure under pressure, as well as 'soul' or 'heart* are concepts which have carried over into hip hop and remain visible; however the ethos of hip hop is most accurately characterized by two other vernacular terms -- 'bad' and 'fresh', both of which are used to express cultural values and aesthetic concerns.

'Bad' is a linguistic inversion of the common usage, referring to that which is good, imbuing it with the tough image it may need to retain currency on the street. As well 'bad' 32 denotes behaviour and attitudes, such as "racking up" spray paints, which in mainstream terms are held to be bad yet are admired within the subculture.

'Fresh' alone epitomizes all that is new and right within hip hop, signifying at the cultural level the move to redefine themselves in a positive, constructive manner.

According to music critic Nelson George (1985a: xviii), their use of 'fresh' signifies that which is innovative, optimistic, arrogant and positive in spirit and rejects that which is blatantly imitative or stagnant. As Mr. Fresh himself puts it

"the Zulu Nation means to kids that they will get more from their dancing, singing and painting than from fighting. It means believing in yourself so much that in spite of all odds against you, you can achieve something worthwhile and get somewhere if you stick with it" (Mr. Fresh and the Supreme Breakers 1984:

11). And that's fresh.

1.5 Diffusion and Elaboration

Although hip hop began as an internally constructed movement in the Bronx it quickly spread throughout New York City, the east coast, across to Los Angeles and eventually became a worldwide youth subculture with followers from all socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds. The process of diffusion involved a popularization and commercialization which necessarily included a relationship with the mainstream culture — the mainstream making its presence felt within the hip hop culture and vice versa. 33

In the early stages of its development the mass media played a key role in the continuation of the subculture.

Articles on the phenomenon in the newspaper and on television helped maintain the momentum of the enterprise while articulating the particulars. Indeed the construction of a cohesive image through the media documentation no doubt influenced the forthcoming expressions.

And, as hip hop evolved, media recognition and success in mainstream terms became prized sources of fame and esteem, reinforcing the existing predisposition towards performative entertainment. Hip hop became very caught up in sophisticated merchandizing of consumer goods to ghetto kids by tying products to hip hop stars, primarily breakdancers. On their part hip hoppers blatantly appropriated from mainstream popular culture, half mocking, half celebrating it as they converted it to fit their needs and gave it new meaning.

By 1980 what had been exclusively a street culture was also becoming an entertainment business. Street dancers and rappers began competing for night club bookings, recording contracts and spots on T.V. shows. Graffiti artists began to organize legitimate public art projects, were painting movie backdrops and album covers and were being asked to exhibit their works on canvas in prestigious galleries.

The stakes shifted and a distinction between professionals and amateurs emerged. The ensuing debate over whether the changes would destroy the street movement began.

Yet, as bicultural citizens, that is members of both a 34 ghetto-specific and the mainstream culture (Hannerz 1969), these shifts in emphasis were generally accepted quite naturally and the two poles of the continuum were not viewed as mutually exclusive. And, like atheletes or other black entertainers, a hip hopper can successfully measure himself against the mainstream yardstick while remaining committed to much of the ghetto-specific image of masculinity. For example, graffiti writers, using public space, have always had to balance their desire for peer recognition with efforts to win over the general public. The New York City Breakers although they welcomed the opportunity to tour the world performing, stress that whenever the need arose, "like if someone made a fool of us", they would do battle, street-style, in order to preserve their honour

(Watkins and Franklin 1984: 82).

In the summer of 1984 the investigator was witness to a case in point. K Tel International sponsored a breakdancing competition in Vancouver which in reality did not resemble an original battle. Performers did not dance for each other but towards a panel of judges. The performances were evaluated according to a prescribed criterion, not audience appeal. Among the competitors was one crew, the Dynamic Rockers, from New York

City. The rest were recently formed local groups who had never experienced the honour-ridden battles of the street genre. When the winners were announced a Seattle crew came out ahead of the

New Yorkers.

Within moments the entire mood and significance of the event shifted. We were no longer watching a form of 35 entertainment but a struggle to restore lost honour. The New

York dancers removed their showy costumes and took over the stage, throwing out a challenge to the winners. The Seattle group was completely out of its element and simply could not dance with the spontaneity and aggression that the challenge required. And, as they say, the crowd went wild. The judges were forced to change their decision and the Dynamic Rockers returned to New York with their pride, reputation and manhood intact.

Bambaataa's dream of a ghetto youth who could better himself through artistic expression became a dream of freedom from the limitations of the ghetto through "making it" in hip hop

(Marlow 1984: 70; Nadell and Small 1984: 12). What occurred was a refocusing of the problem-solving agenda and consequently of meaning (although not necessarily of form) from resolutions of gang violence to articulations of cultural pride and personal achievement. The commercial phase in hip hop development provided a solution to economic restrictions inherent in ghetto living and was promoted as a legitimate anwser to their financial problems. Indeed the re-emphasis, as the immediacy of the gang problem waned, no doubt helped keep the movement viable. And, ultimately, even if commercial success was not achieved, it was felt that by simply being involved and committed to hip hop arts the mind and spirit were freed from their bonds. 36

1.6 Note on Puerto Rican Involvement

Although hip hop is, to a great extent, a subculture constructed and maintained by American black male ghetto dwellers, in New York City a significant membership is made up of

Puerto Rican youths. Hip hop activities, by cross cutting territorial and ethnic restrictions in the pursuit of excellence, broke down the boundaries between the two groups. Traditionally, black youth, for example, listened to funk music while Puerto

Ricans preferred disco. Once established, rap and breaking were picked up and elaborated by Puerto Ricans and the two groups teamed up to make the best crews possible (Holman, 1984: 56).

Puerto Ricans not only participate in hip hop but are active in determining its content. It is not within the scope of the present study to systematically analyze the Puerto

Rican-based components of hip hop, but it is worthwhile to address the question of whether Puerto Rican culture, both in

Puerto Rico and in New York City, exhibits any relevant characteristics that might suggest a compatibility with the

Afro-American orientations that lead to hip hop.

Oscar Lewis, in his controversial work La Vida (1965), presents a view of Puerto Rican culture within the context of the larger phenomenon of a culture of poverty. In summary, the dominant cultural style of Puerto Ricans, as presented by Lewis, is expressive in nature as is the case with American blacks.

Puerto Rican slum dwellers... show a great zest for life, especially sex and a need for excitement, new experiences and adventures. Theirs is an expressive style of life. They value acting out more than thinking out, 37 self-expression more than self-constraint, pleasure more than productivity, spending more than saving, personal loyalty more than impersonal justice. They are fun-loving and enjoy parties, dancing and music (xxvi).

Puerto Ricans, a people of mixed Spanish, Caribbean black and Indian ancestry, portray a Latin American ethos. One aspect of this ethos that is particularly relevant to the study of hip hop is the male ideology of machismo which expresses masculine self-confidence. A Puerto Rican boy is "encouraged to express machismo through aggression, freedom of movement, feats of strength, verbal and mechanical skills, sexual prowess, the defense of his honour and that of his family, responsibility for his sisters' virtue and his mother's good name, refusal to do women's work, gambling and drinking" (ibid.: 60).

Thus a Puerto Rican macho man is instilled with virtues quite similar to those of black American ghetto males. Both groups of men share in a belief that recognition comes in the form of winning a reputation as being aggressive in the street setting, that ultimately fate will determine their destiny, that peer groups form an important extended family system, that having

'heart' or courage is the key to self-respect and that style of presentation, especially through smart clothes, can make the man. According to a study conducted by sociologist John Horton

(1972), blacks and Puerto Ricans are both present-oriented, as are most people who live relatively powerless lives, yet they survive in part by fantasizing about a brighter future (19).

Excerpts from a Puerto Rican immigrant's account of life in New York City graphically expresses the common ideology. 38

Hey world — here I am. Hullo world — this is Piri. That's me. I wanna tell ya I'm here — you bunch of mother-jumpers -- I'm here and I want recognition, whatever that mudder-fuckin' word means (ix)....I'm tough, voice within said. I hope I'm tough enough. I am tough enough. I've got mucho corazon, I'm king wherever I go. I'm a killer to my heart. I not only can live, I will live, no punk out, no die out, walk bad, be down, cool breeze, smooth (Thomas 1970: 48).

An affinity towards street culture, particularly in the form of dance and music, is also shared by American blacks and

Puerto Ricans. Puerto Rican music, although influenced by

Spanish sounds, is clearly based on African rhythms (Marre and

Charlton 1985: 77). A tradition of social commentary through street music was brought to New York City where original, heavily macho salsa beats were speeded up to fit the modern, urban pace (ibid.: 70).

According to Roseman, Puerto Ricans in New York City have consciously developed theatrical means of creating a new ethnic identity. By combining traditional history, Afro-American elements, and their new experiences of an urban environment, they have attempted to take control of their image-making machinery

(1980: 45).

Particularly in the late 1950's and early 60's when large numbers of Puerto Rican immigrants were entering the predominantly black neighbourhoods, relations between the two groups were strained. Although more recently second and third generation Puerto Ricans have been establishing friendships with black Americans, rivalries remain institutionalized in gang affiliations and other separate social organizations (Clark 1981:

69) . 39

One significant area through which to observe the emerging relationship between blacks and Puerto Ricans is that of language. Due to proximity and the above mentioned cultural affinities, Hispanics learning English adopt black vernacular speech (Silverman 1975: 331). This is especially true of Puerto

Rican children who interact with blacks in school and on the streets. Silverman's study is particularly helpful in that it constructs a set of defining characteristics for the Puerto Rican group who exhibited the most proficiency in black English. This group were teenage boys who were associates of blacks, but also were physically bigger and stronger than other Puerto Rican boys, more physically and verbally aggressive and more action-oriented

(348). This group could well characterize membership in street gangs or in hip hop.

We must be careful not to over-emphasize the parallels between Puerto Ricans and American blacks, however, for to do so is to be guilty of levelling through generalities. Clearly

Puerto Rican history and cultural heritage, religion and so forth separate them from blacks in New York and assimilation is by no means uniform. Nonetheless, a shared sensibility towards aggressive expressiveness and common forms of masculine display indicates a compatibility of the values and aesthetics that comprise hip hop -- an explicit black-Latin synthesis. 40

CHAPTER TWO RAP MDSIC: AN INTRODUCTION

2.1 Early DJinq and MCinq

Rapping, or black street talk, has been transformed within hip hop into a form of musical chant performed by MCs accompanied by DJs who have devised an entirely unique musical sound based on the manipulation of phonographic records and recording equipment. As with other expressive forms of hip hop, rap music began in the South Bronx of New York City in the early

1970's and was promoted as a viable avenue for identity creation and problem solving; a constructive means of gaining status and reputation in the community. Both self-respect and respect from others were achieved through exhibits of competency in rap music.

Mobile dance party DJs who worked parks, schools, community centres and house parties developed their mixing skills in order to compete with other DJs in promoting the hottest dance music. The musical breaks in records, the instrumental section in which heavy percussion and bass lines dominate, were selected out and spliced together or played over and over again to extend their length (Toop 1984: 12). Afrika Bambaataa, originator of the Zulu Nation, began as a DJ. He explains that the objective of break-beat music was to stimulate enthusiasim, to surprise and delight the crowd. In a contest of "bugging out" an audience,

"whoever collected the most dancers around his system was declared the winner" (in Hager 1984: 34). 41

In an effort to add excitement DJs joined up with MCs

(often local jive-talking radio announcers) who rapped over the music short catch phrases popular on the streets as well as rhymes and personal or social commentaries. An MC would talk about the skills of the DJ hoping to win over the crowd. As one participant, Phase, expresses it: "It was all about taking a guy out, burning him. The big phrase was 'I'm gonna turn this party out'" (in Toop 1984: 37).

Stimulated by competition and growing popularity (by

1975 hip hop DJs were the culture heroes in the Bronx) more and more elaborate sound tricks were developed in addition to the roles of MC rappers becoming more sophisticated. Short improvisations were augmented with longer written rhymes. Kool

Here, one the first hip hop rappers, for instance, took phrases

"like what was happening in the streets, what was the new saying going around the high schools, like 'rocking my mellow' and 'to be beat y'all' and just elaborated on that" (ibid.: 69). Short narratives, drawing on personal experiences or comments on current affairs were developed. Raps incorporated clever turns of phrase, popular quotes, references to well-known songs, cliches and cultural images -- all executed with perfect timing of word significance to rhythmic or musical intensity (Friedland

1983: 27).

Sound equipment — mixers, drum machines, echo chambers, mutliple turntables -- became instruments to be played in the search for funky beats. "Scratching", the rhythmic backcueing of a record for accent, for example, was added to a 42

DJ's skills as was "punch phrasing", throwing out a vocal line, drum slap, bass line or horn on one turntable while keeping the beat going on another.

2.2 Source Materials and Development

The actual process of constructing the musical component illustrates a most creative ability to create something new from existing materials. At an artistic level this innovativeness parallels at the cultural level the hip hop sentiment of desiring an alternative way of life within the limitations of the ghetto. DJs appropriate recorded music, redefining it.and making it distinctly theirs, just as graffiti writers appropriate and transform public space, asserting their identities on it and breakdancers appropriate movements from the mass media, transforming them into statements of their personal superiority.

In a search for surprising mixes DJs broke down musical barriers. African, Latin American, heavy metal rock, Japanese electronics, classical, pop, punk, even country records were screened for funky beats and often combined in a single track.

They decomposed mainstream music and reconstructed it into an entirely unique musical form which reflected their cultural style. Rap music has no musicians per se, the sound is created from existing music as musical acrobats manipulate it almost beyond recognition. Competition spurred DJs to gymnastic heights, using feet, heads, noses, teeth and tongues to spin records. 43

This musical cut and paste draws heavily on popular culture. Identifiable fragments of popular music lyrics, TV shows and movies were lifted directly and implanted into the music. The cuts, for example, blended together in Grandmaster and the Furious Fives' "Wheels of Steel" (1981) mix include

"Eight Wonder" by the Sugarhill Gang, "Birthday Party" by

Grandmaster and the Furious Five, "Monster Jam" by Sponnie Gee,

"Good Times" by Chic, "Another One Bites the Dust" by Queen and

"Rapture" by Blondie. These segments, however, are given new meanings in their new contexts. The phrase "I fought the law" from the song of the same name, for instance, was inserted into a rap, but instead of the original conclusion "and the law won", the rapper asserts, "and I won", thereby cleverly inverting the natural order of things in an uncommon assertion of power through self-declaration.

The music represents an artistic creation that not only appropriates popular culture but also integrates elements from its black musical background. Art historian and Africanist,

Robert Thompson (personal communique February 6, 1986) has traced five distinct cultural groups which contributed to the musical environment for its development: black immigrants to New York

City from Barbados, Cuba and Jamaica, as well as Puerto Ricans and black Americans. One example of this synthesis is suggested in the fact that American radio jive DJs influenced Jamaican style toasting, which in turn, via Kool Here, a Jamaican immigrant, entered the hip hop scene (Toop 1984: 39). This musical fusion parallels the cultural fusion and peacemaking between traditionally rival factions that the movement claims to 44 have.promoted.

MC rappers in their process of elaboration and search for unique styles experiment with voice illusions (again paralleling the illusions created in graffiti and breaking).

Rappers literally transform themselves into sound effect machinery, imitating drum machines ("human beat boxing"), record scratching and even TV robots ("transforming"). Again musical transformations may signify the transformation of the ego and the community which is the basis of hip hop.

What originally were party raps, explicitly done to stimulate dancing (both social dance, and breakdancing — which developed alongside rap music), also contained strong elements of bragging and self-agrandizement, as well as social commentary. "

This is not an unusual combination for traditionally the dance party has been an arena for socialization and ego display and evaluation among black teens (Clark 1974). Eventually, although overlap continued, the three orientations became known as three distinct types of raps: party raps, battle raps, and message raps.

Battle raps are a direct continuation of the existing competitive talk that occurs in black vernacular. A system of street rhetoric formulated around stylish taunting and boasting is an acknowledged source of status in black ghettos and has a long history of use for gaining control and manipulating others

(Abrahams 1976). "There is a strong desire in rap records for people to soup themselves up. Big fantasies — folks in their teens talking about my car, I'm a movie star, I've got all the women in the world" (Hager 1984: 92). 45

Message raps are serious and aimed at both expressing concerns of ghetto living and asserting ethnic pride. "The persona portrayed in the song was that of a typical South Bronx resident pressed to the point of desperation by his environment"

(ibid.: 93). Reported sources of inspiration include soul music, like James Brown's song, "Say it Loud, I'm Black and I'm Proud" or "Get up, Get Into It, Get Involved" as well as The Last Poets, an ex-con black militant group who recorded radical and racial prison toasts that were very popular in the Bronx (ibid.: 46).

As rapper Brother D expresses it, message raps "are dedicated to the uplifting of black people and to the acquiring of knowledge and skills" (ibid.: 92) .

As is the case with the musical component of rap, MCs also draw on popular culture as a source of inspiration, but ultimately the raps are rooted in black expressive traditions.

Rap's forbears stretch back through disco, street funk, radio DJs, Bo Diddley, the bebop singers, Cab Calloway, Pigmeat Markham, the tap dancers and comics, The Last Poets, Gil Scott-Heron, Muhammed Ali, acopella and doo-wop groups, ring games, skip rope rhymes, prison and army songs, toasts, signifying and the dozens, all the way to the groits of Nigeria and the Gambia (Toop 1984: 19).

2.3 Recorded Raps

It was not until 1977 that the first rap was recorded and not until the 1980's that the practice became a significant aspect in the development of the music (ibid.: 15). There is no doubt that the recording industry influenced the direction of the music and the subculture. Access to sophisticated equipment allowed DJs to produce even more complex sounds. Using 46 synthesizers and computer sampling, for example, gave them a technical freedom that appealed to their sensibilities and promoted the use of music especially created for raps in addition to the mixing of existing records (George 1985b: 3). Even so recorded raps remained the products of black ghetto youths and to a great extent were no more than "polished versions of the kind of thing every kid on the block.was doing" (Toop 1984: 93).

Recorded performances not only limited the spontaneity and improvization of live performance but also encouraged a single story-line format, rather than a series of short rhymes

(George 1985: 18). And, as Bambaataa, who encouraged this new phase in the music, suggests, "while hip hop culture will never escape its identification with the inner cities, it is very much in touch with our computerized world" (in ibid.: 8).

As with all facets of hip hop, access to mainstream fame and fortune easily became incorporated into the competitive system as an additional evaluation of prestige. Grandmaster Caz, in claiming that "the way rap evolved is from people trying to outdo each other", attributes both artistic excellence and recording contracts as the accepted means of outdoing someone (in

Hager 1984: 49). The competitive nature remained intact by devising a delayed "answer record approach" in which rapping crews challenge each other through direct call and response

(similar to the lag inherent in graffiti battles). Rappers actively sought out this new opportunity to glorify and distinguish themselves. And, indeed, success in mainstream terms of financial gain and media recognition, fulfills the mandate of 47 hip hop, providing evidence to members that the movement was successful in affording some of its members a positive new means of evaluating themselves.

Typically, when the white-dominated recording industry appropriates a black-based music it becomes white-washed, often having its rawness removed for marketing to mainstream audiences. However, this is not generally the case for rap.

Although a small percentage of non-black mainstreamers may have picked up on it and a few attempts have been made to commercialize it for the larger market, for the most part rap is explicitly marketed to the black audience and hence has not been overly tampered with (Toop 1984: 100). As testimony to the retention of its raw quality is the fact that raps are repeatedly banned from the air waves for being too violent.

Producers of recorded raps are generally first generation DJs and MCs, like Bambaataa and Kurtis Blow. It appears that control of the music and its direction, however influenced by the recording industry, has to a great extent remained in the hands of its creators. Insiders viewing the evolution of rap, recognize it as a natural progression, while acknowledging it as a shift in focus that may have effected its street expression and possibily lead to a loss of heart.

The way rap is now - it isn't the way it was then. Whereas then it was just phrases; the MC would say little phrases like, "to the eastside, make money. To the westside, make money." Or, "to the rock, rock, rock, to the rock, rock, rock." In '77-'78 I was with the Magnificent Seven. We was playing in the streets. Rap, then, was only a street thing. At that time, everything was happening at once. B-boying was happening at the same time as DJing and rapping came out. Everything was strictly competitive. 48

The groups that came out was in strict competition, so when we did play in the wintertime we rented small clubs, discotheques, recs, boys' clubs, PALs. We charged little bits of money and people came and that's what we did in the wintertime. With the money we made we invested in our sound system for the summertime. That was the basic foundation of what every group did to start off and get into the rap industry.

At the time wasn't groups rapping - it was solo MCs and they would have a DJ. It would be one DJ and one MC. They would just come out and the people liked it. The more they did, the more it got into a unified stage. We said, "Hey, we should get more MCs".

...An uptown group would battle a downtown group. What I mean by battle is that they would come and they would say, "Okay. Us four are better than your four", and we would go at it....That's where the competition came in. This is before any records, before any money was made. This was from our hearts (Rodney Cee in ibid.: 70-71). 49 CHAPTER THREE RAP MOSIC: HIP HOP MALE PERSONA AND WORLDVIEW

This chapter will develop a portrait of the hip hop male self-image as depicted in raps. Rap music is a self-referential form of expression, by this it is meant that much of what is rapped about is the rapper. His style, his values and beliefs concerning appropriate behaviour and his vision of the world are consciously laid out in the act of identity creation and management.

3.1 Power Names

To begin, those involved in the production of a rap -

MCs and DJs - all assume 'pseudonyms' which are continually referred to in their raps and are claimed as their legitimate persona ("I'm Cool Moe Dee, that's who I be"). Both individual names and crew names provide a focus for the construction of their hip hop personas and suggest a desire to create a self-image based on power, control, authority, strength and skill.

Name terms or identity labels are not arbitrary but contain descriptive, or affective, content used to denote a public presentation of one's street persona. The specifity of the name condenses or crystalizes one's self-image and is an important aspect of status management (Kohl 1972: 124). Hip hoppers are themselves aware of the significance of acquiring a performance name for, as Mr. Fresh explains it, "having a dance name or crew name makes you feel different about yourself.... It 50 means you have something that is of worth" (Mr. Fresh and the

Supreme Rockers 1984: 37-38).

Some hip hop names, found in the sample raps, such as

King Louis III, Count Coolout, Captain Sky, borrow from titles of authority and are used to associate hip hoppers with the qualities of power and strength the titles suggest. (One might also speculate that at one level, through the creation of a distinct system for crowning kings and procuring doctorial degrees, a play on the dominant culture and a challenge to hegemony is at work here.) Others specifically draw on their

African heritage for sources of power names. Afrika Bambaataa, for instance, took his name from the African king of the Zulu nation, while one crew calls themselves Shango, the West African god of thunder and lightning. The use of the title 'grandmaster' preceding a pseudonym is a common practice. It refers to a martial art expert and the association is to superior combat skill and control. To 'grandmaster' one famous DJ has added

'flash', a reference to the DC comic book hero who is "the fastest man alive". As well, 'flash' is a West Indian word for

'high style' and considering that Grandmaster Flash's family came to New York City from the West Indies, it is not unreasonable to assume this additional association. The total image then is of an aggressively powerful master of the art of controlling the

"wheels of steel" (turntables) with incredible speed and finesse. Other aggressive warrior personas are established through names such as Tommy Gunn, Kamikaze and Cowboy. 51

Still other names suggest a different source of power

— that of the magician. Whodini and DJ Wizard Theodore claim to have the magical ability to create illusions and miracles.

Another group of names calls on central valued traits and activities with which the performers want to be associated. Kool

Moe Dee, Caz (Cazanova), Bad Boys, Boogie Boys, Rock Steady Crew,

The Treacherous Three, Fantastic Freaks and the Furious Five are examples of this sort. The name Whiz Kid is particularly potent for not only does it allude to a youthful, brilliant expert but also the term 'whiz' is used in the subcultural lingo as an aggressive assault -- "whiz off" as being synonomous with "piss off". Others serve to create an image of cosmic or space age power. The Infinity Rappers, the Soulsonic Force and Future

Shock suggest a supernatural or superhuman ability as well as an orientation toward the future.

There are a few names which appear rather innocuous or purely descriptive but in fact, when decoded, they also relay a strong, positive self-image. The Fat Boys (originally the Disco

Three) does not seem a likely choice, considering the negative connotations normally associated with being overweight. However, what these rappers have done is to invert the associations and glorify their obesity, often times with great humour. References in their raps exemplify this practise, for example, "the Fat Boys are beautiful, big and beautiful"; "if you think I'm soft, well, you're wrong, I'm as hard as rock"; "we're fat, we're fat, but we can never to whack" (inferior). The Fat Boys cleverly play with the cliche, "everybody loves a fat boy", giving it a new sexual 52 connotation — "til you've had a fat boy, you haven't had none".

Several other things can be said about this. The inversion is consistent with the transformation of adversity and frustration

into a statement of self-worth and optimism that is in

operation throughout the system. As well, the phrase "if you

think I'm soft, well, you're wrong, I'm as hard as a rock" not

only is a comment on their physical state but also refers to

their state of character and the strength of their rapping

ability. This type of polysemic imagery is displayed throughout

the raps.

Other names, although they may be chosen because they

sound pleasing (as indeed they all must), are also acronyms. DJ

Marley Marl has his name broken down in a rap: "'M' is for

master of scratch, 'A' is for art, 'R' is for rock, 1L' is for

lyrics, 'E' is for ever beats and *Y' — don't ask why, don't

mess with the 'Y'" (Marley Marl with MC Shan, 1985). Another

rapper, Doug E Fresh, is of course aligning himself with the

central aesthetic concept of 'fresh' but also decodes his name in

a rap: "'D' is for dedication, '0' is for ort (art), 'U' is for

unique, 'G' is for god and *E* is for ever so" ("All the Way to

Heaven", 1986). The D.M.C. in the duet Run-D.M.C. breaks down

this way: "'D' - doing it all the time, 'M1 - rhymes that are

all mine, 'C' - cool as can be" ("Rock the House"). This

breaking open of one's name to reveal central qualities is a

clear indication that within hip hop one's name is an

articulation of one's self. The persona gestalt is one of an

all-powerful, eternal artist who is dedicated to producing 53 original music. But more than this, the implication here is that

it is through the act of creating these new sounds that the

rapper gains his god-like powers.

And finally, many rappers' names allude to more than one significant image to create a composite identity. Dr. Ice,

for example, is drawing on the sense of authority and healing

ability, as well as the mind control and arrogance associated with 'cool' and finally is borrowing on the aggressiveness

suggested by the vernacular use of 'to ice' for 'to kill' to

create an image of a person in command, with power both over

himself and others. Ice T(ea) is a clever juxtaposition of two

frequently associated, yet opposite, aesthetic qualities which,

when contained and controlled in one person, possess enormous

power — hot and cold. A common self-referential hip hop cliche

that underscores this relationship is "I'm too hot to handle; too

cold to hold".

3.2 Self-Definitions

Although hip hop names encapsulate the essence of the

persona which is being developed by hip hoppers they by no means

constitute the only evidence for the construction of a strong,

tough, powerful self-image. It is a common practice for line

after line of rap to begin "I am..." and proceed to outline a

series of qualities or traits that are not only desirable but

which the rapper boasts to being in possession of — I'm bad; I'm

dangerous; I'm fresh; I'm the real McCoy; I'm solid gold; I'm the

original cool MC; I'm the lady heart stopper; I'm the girl 54

charmer, the toy harmer; I'm as perfect as a diamond without a

flaw; I'm the flyest, cleanest, baddest, meanest rapper that walks the streets; I'm strong like stone, hard like cement; I'm

number one; I'm the leader of the show, keeping you on the go;

I'm the messiah; I'm a fearless lover; a vicious MC, a sex machine and a money-maker; I'm a mystical, magical man on the mike; I'm badder than bold, bolder than bad; I'm down by law. And

on and on and on. These glorified, hyperbolic self-assertions

proclaim their collective persona to be invincible, unique,

authentic, brave and flawless. They clearly demonstrate a desire

for a sense of power, but also a sense of value and self-worth.

And these qualities are articulated in the arenas that are most

significant to them — rocking a party, busting a competitor and

being with a female. This image is also reinforced by

disclaimers of what they are not — "I'm never uptight, beneath

the bright light"; "I'm not Rodney Dangerfield, so give me

respect"; "I'm not a biter, I don't imitate, I don't front."

To be most effective in the construction of a hip hop

persona the recipient of these assertions is necessarily the

rapper himself. He is of course making a public announcement to

significant others as well, but first and foremost the

declaration "I'm incredible" is for the self. Again, by

asserting through metaphors a self-image, one may be affecting

one's actual identity or performing, as it were, oneself into

being.

Implicit in this braggadocio is the need to display

this persona in an acceptable manner. To succeed an image must 55 be carried off with style and finesse, as one performs oneself

into being. Style in presentation is an important part of the substance. To declare oneself perfect is not enough, one must project an image of perfection and, in the case of rapping, this

is accomplished through adherence to a set of aesthetic canons.

Run-D.M.C.1s rap "Perfection" (1986) outlines what that state

represents to them. Not only is it a handsome appearance and the

right designer clothes, owning a caddy with a bar and being rich

and famous but it is also being a perfectionist and working hard

to live up to one's potential. Once again, more than one agenda

is being addressed here. Although it is true that the status

attached to actual wealth is being expressed, there is also

purely associational imagery at work. When Run-DlM.C. say they

own "a credit card made of solid gold" they are, by associating

themselves with such a fantastic symbol, claiming their own

immeasurable value. This notion of applying oneself to get ahead

is a recurring one and is believed to lead to positive results,

as LL Cool J boasts "hard work pays, I'm getting straight

A's" ("Get Down", 1987 ) .

3.3 Self-images and Associated Values

The images that are being conveyed through the study's

sample raps suggest a value system that is held by all hip

hoppers. Run-D.M.C. in the rap "Raising Hell" (1986) take the

ultimate risk by "dissin* all devils...[and]...cutting the head

off the devil". 'To dis' is to show disrespect and is a

dangerous enterprise in this system of confrontations and 56 aggression, but to successfully challenge the devil is to possess awesome power. Of course this image also suggests the aggressive orientation that is present in so many of the raps, particularly the battle raps. Kool Moe Dee is "a bad, bad, bad mutha fucker" who "puts a hurting on rappers" ("Bad Mutha", 1987). And messing with Run-D.M.C. makes you "a real short liver". The prevailing thrust is one of confrontation and protection of honour for, as

Run-D.M.C. put it, "now if you say you've heard my rhymes we're gonna have to fight cause I make the motherfuckers up last night" ("Rock the House", 1985).

Rappers claim the ability to control and manipulate others as is suggested by LL Cool J's order, fired out in the affected voice of a police officer or military commander: "this is an LL Cool J party — move it, move it, move it, get on the floor baby, that's right". But equally represented is the ability to transform oneself into a character who is comical, for humour too is a valued trait and can be used as a manipulative tool. One example of this is given by Force MDs mimicking

Popeye's voice while rhyming, "well, blow me down, I can't stop rockin' to the funky sound so stand back girls and let's be fierce while I chill out with a can of spinach" ("Itchin' For a

Scratch", 1985). Other voice imitations that contribute to this dual imagery of strength and humour are Mr. T, Michael Jackson, and the Smurfs ("small but mighty heroes"). Voices are also processed through synthesizers to produce robot-like, and generally terrifying, raps. 57

The possession of an original style, an assertion of one's personal mark, is highly valued as a source of prestige and, as Double Trouble points out, "when sucker MCs hear my raps, they wish they could imitate because they don't have a style of their own...but it's all right if they're on my tit cause I know damn well they can't rock this shit...cause my style is def, my words are treach" (1984). Hip hopper veteran, Fab 5 Freddy, explains the link between style and identity this way:

You make a new style. That's what life on the streets is all about, just being you....What's at stake is a guy's honour and his position in the street. Which is all you have. That's what makes it so important, that's what makes it feel so good — that presssure on you to be the best....To develop a new style nobody can deal with (in George 1985b: 111).

Possessing personal style is one way of generating self-confidence. Some rappers profess such abundance of confidence that they actually come with a guarantee — "if you find you don't like my ways well you can send me back in 30 days" (Run-D.M.C., "30 Days", 1984).

In hip hop, as with other manifestations of black style, humour, speed, strength of character and intelligence must be exhibited in everything one does (Hale-Benson 1986: 67).

Although many of these traits may indeed be exhibited in actual behavior, frequently the impression is sufficient. The illusion of personal success and competence is valued in this system almost as much as the actualities (Schulz 1977: 24).

Equally, the lack of style or blowing your style, even in a minor way, is a source of embarrassment and elicits 58 ridicule. In black culture one's style is continually subjected to peer evaluation and projecting yourself boldly means being vulnerable to criticism and rejection (Pasteur and Toldson 1982:

180). In Grandmaster Flash's humourous rap "Underarms" (1987) the point is no less seriously made. A b-boy, all properly suited in his Gucci blazer and tie with "not a hair out of place, a freshly-shave face, thinking he's walkin' out of the house with style and grace" is laughed at and scorned by his girl friend because he failed to use deoderant, thus has smelly, funky underarms indicating that he is "a fool and pathetic".

But, just as in real life, things in hip-hop-land are never quite that simple. Just when you get the rules worked out

there are those prepared to risk breaking them to acquire the

additional power of succeeding. Hence one rapper claims that he

can "dress ordinary and still impress". And, even though the

implicit rule is 'thou shall not bite' (i.e. steal from another

DJ or MC) it happens all the time and signifies both disrespect

and the highest compliment. Recognizing imitation as the

greatest form of flattery, UFTO invite others to copy their old

rhymes — "we're delighted to give you permission to bite it".

But of course a challenge like this is also an insult to rappers

with "no minds of their own", as well as a testimony by UTFO that

they consider themselves worthy of being copied.

According to the investigator's NYC informants,

assuming someone else's style is read as an act of "dissing", yet

overtly using actual cuts from a previously recorded and

identifiable.source is acceptable, indeed expected. On the other 59 hand, using someone's material in a particularly clever way is a source of honour for the elaborator. This practice is a form of

'topping', an example of which occurs in "The Roach Rap". Lines from two popular funky raps — "stop those rumours from running around" and "the roof, the roof, the roof is on fire" are executed using the same tunes while the lyrics are transformed -

"stop those roaches, from running around" and "the roaches, the roaches, the roaches are on the wall".

3.4 Power Symbols

A significant aspect of persona construction is the development of symbols of power which are associated with that persona. The two objects previously identified as the central icons of hip hop are of such high stature that entire raps have been written as odes to them. In "Radio" (1985), LL Cool J claims "you know I can't live without my radio" and in "My Adidas and Me" (1986) by Run-D.M.C., the rapper's identity is presented as inseparable from his footwear. Portable radios, and brand name runners are the symbolic icons of hip hop and indicate the importance of continual access to music and of outstanding athletic toughness, agility and speed that is required to maintain their image.

Other status possessions through which a hip hopper projects his identity are brand name clothes (Fila, Polo, Gucci and Cadillac), popular team sweat suits such as the Mets and the

Raiders, Rolex watches, Kangol hats, and gold and diamond 60 jewelry. These portable (and hence exhibitable on the street where they have "currency") symbols are frequently mentioned in rap lyrics as important representations of the b-boy's persona of quality and value. Many of these are status symbols of the ultrarich which have been appropriated by the ghetto kids in their search for exhibitable self-worth.

3.5 Central Metaphors of Cynicism and Optimism

How a hip hopper sees his world and his position in it is a theme explored within the message rap genre. Much of this view is expressed through three central metaphors: "the world is a" ghetto"; " life is a game"; "life is like a dance". And throughout these images co-exist two parallel attitudes — one of cynicism and one of optimism.

The center of the hip hopper's world is the ghetto of

New York City so it is not surprising that many raps present a search for some understanding of this harsh environment. They are of course keenly aware of the hard times that are "spreading just like a flu", the pressures of dealing with the poverty, crime, violence and decay around them. And they are by no means naive about its influence on their lives. They express in the raps an understanding that they are often driven to become players -- gangsters, drug dealers, pimps -- in order to give them an edge for "you got to have a con to survive". However, they also appear to be saying that the price of a short term solution is too high and that inevitably the fast life leads to self-destruction. 61 That savage ghetto mentality is the kind that keeps you in the streets Hey, fast kid, use your head If you don't you'll soon be dead... If you deal then you play and then you pay How long can a good thing last? (Dr. Jeckyll & Mr. Hyde,"Fast Life" 1985)

Refusing to remain prisoners to the ghetto mentality and succumb to its pressures is something hip hoppers are struggling with in their search for a place to belong and be free. They are precariously balanced, continually confronted with the possibility of giving up, as Grandmaster Flash and the

Furious Five warn:

Don't push me cause I'm close to the edge I'm trying not to lose my head It's like a jungle Sometimes it makes me wonder how I keep from going under ("The Message", 1982)

Like a jungle the world of the ghetto is dangerous and full of wildness and unexpected hazzards. It demands that one constantly have his wits about him and use all the knowledge and resources available to combat it and survive, yet even then it may overpower him. Yet, however hard and stressful ghetto life may be, there is an attempt to find value in it. Since escape is difficult, rappers'suggest that ghetto youth try to make the best of the situation and see the challenges and excitement their environment provides.

The city's wild - how can you stay? City life is like a metal track You break away for a while but then you come right back and it seems like you can't get away... 62

Things get rough and that ain't no lie But as I think about it I just got to have my city life... Advice about the city, you just can't give it The only way to learn about life is live it I've been to other places, so I'm justified When I say city life can teach you to survive It's city life that makes you strong In the city you've got to keep moving on The pressures grow, but so do you You've got to fight to make dreams come true (Boogie Boys, "City Life", 1984)

Thus, rather than expressing a resignation or resentment for their lot, there is a sense of acceptance of it while searching for a way out. And from some there is the suggestion that it acts as a source of strength in overcoming.

Hard times is nothin' new on me I'm gonna use my strong mentality Like the cream of the crop, the crop of the cream Beatin' hard times, that is my dream Hard times in life, hard times in death I'm gonna keep on fightin' till my very last breath

(Kurtis Blow, "Hard Times", 1980)

What is emerging is-a dual vision of their immediate world. The street life, for all its harshness, is a place of excitement and action — fast cars, fast girls -- and, as UTFO suggest, "without a doubt, it's all about hanging out". It is yours -- it belongs to you and you belong to it. But you must choose what to make of it. If you do not apply yourself and look beyond the street life, it will seduce you so that "you will never succeed and know how really smart you are — instead of walking round in the streets, smoking LSD". This ambivalence about ghetto living suggests a bicultural orientation, as discussed by Hannerz (1969: 153). At least for hip hoppers the 63 ghetto specific system of values and behaviour has not been

bought into in totality. They are clearly being pulled towards mainstream notions of success.

By extending their immediate environment to encompass

a worldview — "the world is a ghetto" — they are accomplishing

two things. They are legitimizing their world by suggesting that

it is really no worse than anyone else's or, rather, that the

rest of the world has just as many problems and dangers and

secondly, they are implying that, due to their experience and

knowledge of the ghetto, they are well equipped, maybe the best

equipped, to survive whatever the world has to offer. The

inevitability and pervasiveness of frustrations and the need to

maintain mental stability in the face of these pressures is

echoed in Kurtis Blow's lines, "Hard times you know is a natural

trip, I'm gonna keep my balance, I will not slip". It appears

that hip hoppers are trying to place their suffering in the wider

context of historical world suffering and injustice, perhaps

making it more tolerable.

Running throughout these articulations is the notion of

gaming, that we are all players in some wild, deadly game, one

with high stakes and few winners, but within which each one of

us is struggling to gain an advantage.

Yo, life's just a game, one great big riddle And we're all wrapped up, smack-dap in the middle ...We're gonna rap about the game that people are playing... Don't look for any trouble, it'll surely look for you If you try to play tough then it's just your luck that it'll call your bluff and then trouble's gotten you all wrapped up

(Grandmaster Flash, "All Wrapped Up", 1987) 64

In the ghetto people are continually engaging in gaming activities of one type or another from playing the lottery and gambling to playing at social and sexual roles in an attempt to win out. Hip hoppers have extended the analogy beyond themselves into the realm of political gaming, international war games and racial injustice everywhere. In Melle Mel and the Furious Five's rap "1984 - world war III" the message is clear. Man is acting in conflict with nature and one false move, one poor play and the delicate balance will be disrupted with "one big bomb the world's a ghetto".

Yet, by viewing life as a game one can manipulate it and improve one's odds by figuring out an angle which serves to one's advantage. In the ghetto environment the game is often aggressive and hostile, yet much of what is said and done is playful and funny. Gaming, like play, suggests that life is a performance in which to act out a role and that the line between reality and fantasy is a fine one and easily blurred. Playing with reality, a reality that is an elusive, highly constructed and ever shifting entity, is a recurring theme in ghetto living.

Things are not often as they seem (Hannerz 1969: 146).

Ultimately the rather pessimistic vision of the world is balanced in the raps by a more philosophical view.

Life is like a dance called the merry-go-round It goes up and down and round and round Sometimes I get dizzy but I also get busy

(Whodini, "Life is Like a Dance", 1987) 65

In this metaphor life becomes a familiar performance and challenge in which to take chances, learn new steps, take one step at a time, develop one's own unique style, yet be willing to share and participate with others for ultimately we "all move to the same bass line".

3.6 Defining Existence and Reality

According to information articulated in the raps, hip hoppers also appear to see the world revolving around a configuration of activities that form the center of their existence. As it is used in black vernacular in general, the phrase 'to go' denotes the most basic and essential action, just as the quintessential 'it' represents the primary entity which defines life. Hence a rap by the Fat Boys (1986) defines the various meanings of 'go for it' within hip hop as sex, dancing, fighting and success. The first three are well-established as a set in black culture, the difference here being a shift in focus to hip hop battling as opposed to physical fighting. And, interestingly, the addition of the pursuit of success as a principle activity seems to be an innovation here, and is defined in mainstream as well as ghetto-specific terms.

Implied in the hip hopper's articulation of life's essential activities is a self-image of a man in control, participation is these activities provides a means of negotiating and measuring maleness — a maleness that is consistent with the generalized ghetto male identity. To be able to "go for it" a man must exhibit independence, verbal dexerity, stylish 66 presentation in dress, walk and dance, toughness, sexual and physical prowess, ability to command respect and manipulate a situation (Hannerz: 1969: 78).

Overall there is an attempt by hip hoppers, being expressed in their raps, to construct, within the confines of hip hop, an alternate reality, one that inverts their everyday existence. In the 'real world' most ghetto youth "get no power, got no say, watch [their] life just slip away". They are continually struggling to dispel their "darkest fears of reality" which are "knockin' down [their] door". Within the realm of hip hop, where they reign with omnipotent control, their constructed reality is claimed as the real thing and the 'real world' is dismissed as illusion. Grandmaster Flash explains:

You're entangled in a great big ball of confusion Trapped in a world that is just an illusion You're thinking it's real, but that's not what's happening Well, we're here to let you know the real deal That's why we're rappin'

("All Wrapped Up", 1987)

Within their own reality the natural order is challenged, parodied and often inverted. In hip hop reality men can defy the natural laws ("I can walk through the desert and still be chill") and structure their own system of crowning kings and bestowing legitimacy. Sunglasses get worn under the chin or on the back of the head; suspenders hang between the legs and shoes have no laces and this is how things are supposed to be in Hip-Hop-land, just as these young males are supposed to have power in their lives. 67 And, as they weave their own reality, rappers assert its authenticity: "What I'm saying is real, this ain't lala land" or "we always tell the truth, never, never lying". And throughout the raps the black cliche 'word' (meaning "that's true") is interspersed wherever claims of powerfulness are being asserted.

The raps used to construct the preceding discussion of hip hop persona and worldview are clear and self-conscious articulations of the self-image being negotiated by hip hoppers in general. And, like other ghetto men, the hip hopper is casting himself in a positive light, struggling to control his world, even to the point of redefining reality. But more than merely communicating this identity, it is apparent that these rappers are expressing a belief that through a commitment to rapping, like other hip hop activities, the desired role can be achieved. And this constitutes a new choice of means by which a ghetto male can assert his self. 68

CHAPTER FOUR RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP SOCIAL RELATIONS

In the enactment of an identity one's peer group constitutes the major arena in which the dramas are staged. Much of how a person sees himself is defined in terms of how he

interacts with others in his community. This chapter discusses various relations with significant others as articulated within

the body of analyzed raps.

4.1 Comradery Within Crews

Although as individuals hip hoppers have a wider range

of significant others with whom they interact — parents,

teachers, employers, etc. — within the subcultural context it is

their immediate peers who represent the meaningful network.

Within the raps the category of peers is divided into three

subdivisions — close male friends, male rivals and desired

females.

The group referred to as one's crew or posse is

primarily defined as one's performance partners. The

predisposition toward one's "homeboys", as crew members are often

referred to, is one of mutual support, mutual promotion,

democratic cooperation and team effort and spirit. Hip hop

expressions are collaborative efforts and although a master DJ or

MC may be deferred to and possess more status and authority, no

explicit division of power or legitimacy is expressed. As LL

Cool J puts it, "I'm not runnin' my posse, cause every man is a

boss" (1987). 69

Rappers take on the responsibility of singing the praises of their DJs, who do not voice their own accomplishments. Kurtis Blow, as others have, dedicated an entire rap to his DJ:

Up in the Bronx, where the people are fresh There was one DJ who had to pass the test And now he's down by law and he's ready to play That's right you all, his name is AJ Never get nervous when he cuts the beat Top notch service in the clutch on the street A complete elegant treat that can't be beat Cause AJ never knew the agony of defeat Grandmaster Flash, Afrika Bambaataa Sparkey Dee, Spoonie G and Run-D.M.C. Gotta realize that he goes way back And now he's down with the king And he could never be whack So just kick off your shoes and relax your feet And rock to the rhythms of the Kurtis Blow Beat Ya, y'all and just shake your butt Because AJ is gonna cut it up

("AJ Scratch", 1984)

Here Kurtis Blow not only lends his voice in support of his DJ, but stresses that they complement one another in forming a great sound.

At the beginning of many raps, prior to the theme proper, a crew will do a short introduction of themselves which establishes them as a united front. For example in "Here We Go"

(1983) by Run-D.M.C.:

1,2,3 is the place to be as it is plain to see He is DJ Run and I am D.M.C. Funky fresh for 1983 DJ Jam Master Jay inside the place with all the bass He leaves without a trace And he came here tonight to get on your case We are the crush groovin', body movin' The record-makin' and record-breakin' And it goes a little something like this Hit it — here we go... 70 Other evidence for mutual support between crew members is reflected in the act of back up vocals. The Cold Crush Brothers in the "Basketball Throwdown" (1983) rap illustrate this credentials the others reinforce and encourage his efforts by calling out his name or the name of the crew.

...Well I'm a T (Theodore) I'll dog my face When I get you on the court I'll beat Charles Chase (Cold Crush)

...Well I'm the R (Rudy Dee) And you got a lot of nerve When you play against me You know you're gonna get served (Cold Crush)

Clearly a relationship of mutual admiration and trust is being expressed for as Double Trouble explains, "we're true blue brothers who stand side by side from beginning to end". This quality of "tightness" or brotherhood may be a continuation of the strong ties between gang members and the general predisposition among ghetto men to form street families (Short

1968; McCord, et al 1969; Schulz 1977).

This is not to say, however, that this relationship is all love and roses. Among comrades there is room for friendly teasing and competition. UTFO engages in a playful vying for the attentions of a "fly girl":

[Kangol Kid] I thought I had her in the palm of my hand I'm gonna be her man 71

[Educated Rapper breaks in] Yo, Kangol, I don't think you're dense But you went about the whole thing with no experience You should know she doesn't need a guy like you She needs a guy like me with a high IQ And she'll take my rap cause my rap's the best

[Dr. Ice cuts in] I know you're educated, but when will you learn Not all girls want to be involved with a bookworm You got to be strong, so she can't resist

("Roxanne, Roxanne", 1985)

This practice among crews is not unlike what Abrahams identifies as a "cutting contest" strategy, a verbal assault among "cutting buddies" (1976: 57). In a system where individual competitiveness is paramount and masculinity is evaluated through comparative performance, joking relationships, while signifying friendships, can also mask antagonism and overt hostility.

Signifying, as this form of verbal play or needling is referred to, allows competition to exist among friends, as well as providing an opportunity for serious comment on the recipient's behavior — both innocently masked in humour (Smitherman 1977:

119) .

4.2 Competitiveness with Male Rivals

In contrast to the relationship with one's crew is the overtly hostile one which is expressed between rival crews. Here open aggression and competitiveness are the norms. The relationship is based on one-upmanship, of gaining an advantage at the other's expense and the primary exchange is one of challenge and ritual insult. The fact that the insult is ritual 72 in nature is evident when Kool Moe Dee explains: "rapping is a competitive sport and we're all enemies on this here court, but when the game is over I'll shake your hand" (1987). Types of verbal aggression used in raps include derogation, commands, threats, defensive reactions, as well as sarcasm and mocking.

Sounding challenges are often thrown out in general to all comers

— "if you think that was fresh, bust this" (the crew proceeds to exhibit some elaborate DJ mixing and scratching); "don't mess with us unless you're looking for trouble"; "just listen while

I'm dissin' cause you're pissin'me off, cold betty is spreading all across your face"; "calling me a sucker, you're pushing a broom"; "I keep suckers in fear by the look on my face"; "don't you dog me". The use of threat and insults, what, according to

Abrahams (1976: 35),was previously called "woofing" or "chopping" is an established street strategy used "to gain, without having to actually become violent, the respect and fear from others that is often won through physical combat.... Once someone's repuation is established he can walk the streets with impunity" (Kochman

1981: 49). Ultimately, if you are not the aggressor in a relationship, you are prone to becoming the victim.

At other times particular rappers, DJs or posses are targeted for an attack. Exaggerated mimicking of other MCs voices is a popular and humourous form of signifying insult.

Another way is to refer to another's material quite subtley. LL

Cool J throws out a line "that's why the others can't eat, I'm a carnivore, I can eat much more than a fat man" (1987). This is a direct jab at the Fat Boys. 73 But it is more than one's gastronomical abilities that are challenged in rap. Primarily, of course, it is one's expertise in rap itself. However, two other areas of expertise that have high currency in the ghetto are prime targets — one's sexual prowess and one's dancing ability. LL Cool J's rap "You

Can't Dance" (1985) is the ultimate of put downs. Not only is the opponent despised because of his apparent lack of dancing skills, but the lack is associated with a basic incompetence and ignorance. The connection between music and dance on the one hand and power and knowledge on the other is one that will be explored more fully later, but this rap does make it explicit that, "if you can't dance you're nothing and know nothing".

in a contest for superiority one of the most effective means of recourse is to proclaim your own greatness in comparison to others. Once again LL provides an example of a boast:

...No rapper can rap quite like I can I'll take a muscle-bound man and put his face in the sand ...Make you say "yo, LL" and do the whop If you think you can out rhyme me Yo, boy, I'll bet, cause I ain't met a motherfucker who can do that yet

("I'm Bad", 1987)

The tradition of black boasting involves self-praise and claims of superiority over others and is characterized by humour and exaggeration. It is not intended to be understood as the truth for no correlation between words and deeds need exist.

The intention is to cast an image of greatness only(Kochman 1981:

63). Although much of this type of incredible boasting occurs in 74

the raps there are also claims made, like L L's "no rapper can

rap quite like I can", which borders on bragging, that is, a presumed statement of truth. Here again the lines between playfulness and seriousness are tested. It is also interesting

to note that although these practices in rapping relate to

existing forms of verbal combat in the black vernacular, one

significant category, that is, "playing the dozens", has not been

incorporated into rap music. This type of formalized insult

directed towards an opponent's family, especially his mother, is

completely absent. Here attacks are confined to the hip hopper

and his crew (and rarely to his female mates).

4.3 The Role of Ritual Insult

As has been suggested, within the boundaries of hip hop

rivalry, as depicted in rap lyrics, aggression has been

institutionalized as ritual insult. Actual physical violence or

fighting is virtually never alluded to. However, the metaphor of

the battle is central to all expressions of hip hop competition.

Although this can not be taken as conclusive evidence to support

the actuality of the claim that gangs were replaced by hip hop as

an arena for status evaluation and aggression venting, there is

no doubt that a transfer of destructive imagery and a carry over

of associations into their creative activities has occurred.

Whether the battle metaphor is being drawn upon simply

because it evokes a sense of control in the process of image

management or whether it also suggests that hip hoppers believe 75 that they are channeling actual hostilities is difficult to

tell. A tradition of substituting fighting words for physical

fighting, trying to destroy someone through boasts, challenges,

and insults has an established history in black expressiveness

(Abrahams 1976; Smitherman 1977; Folb 1980; Kochman 1981).

Verbal combat has supposedly provided a means of managing

hostility without loss of self-control. One can successfully

avoid having to prove oneself through deeds if his "word bullets"

are strong enough (Smitherman 1977: 82). Yet even these

activities must be interpreted cautiously. There is evidence

that much of what, from the outside, appears as overt expressions

of hostility between ghetto males is viewed by them as an

important part of their image management and is not considered

true animosity but merely "having a good time"(Hannerz 1969:86).

I have little doubt that in its originating context and

perhaps to this day on the streets of New York City's ghettos

rap, like the other forms of hip hop, can operate to channel real

hostility. However, although the expressions used may be the

same in recorded raps, it is less likely that intense anger is

being channelled at the time of performing. This is not to say,

however, that rappers who have become stars do not still compete

with other rappers in face-to-face confrontations, nor that their

honour as males is any less at stake. Competitive battling

remains a viable enterprise, if in no other sense at least in

that suggested by L L Cool J's challenge: "You wanta battle me?

Sell more records than I do" (in Interview, Dec. 1987, p.114). 76 Whatever the case may be, raps represent the creator's tough self-image and are loaded to fire with images of rappers as gladiators, boxers, Ninja warriors who are equipped with the most deadly weapons of all — their raps. Raps are "fierce, devastating and armed to kill"; they're "camouflaged powers in words and music"; they're "cyanide, deadly lethal". And DJs have their weapons as well -- "needles as sharp as a knife to cut".

Indeed the very act of cutting a record is violent and literally cuts up the music, destroying its original sound and meaning and recreating it into a rhythmically aggressive sound.

Rappers speak of "crushing", "busting" and "slaughter• ing" one another with raps. Confronting a rapper in action is a dangerous proposition for "asses are bust, pride is swallowed, souls cremated, lips are sealed". To render an opponent speechless or unnerve him so that his rap becomes impaired is to have gained power over him. The ability to control words is a source of power, not only for hip hoppers, but in general for black ghetto dwellers. Thus LL claims "when I'm involved all the amateurs stutter". One rapper claims to be armed with a .357

(actually his microphone), another boasts that "trying to battle me is like defusing a bomb", while yet another warns that "the microphone master D.M.C. causes 1,2,3,4 casualties".

Linquistic transfers also illustrate a transference of destructive expressions into hip hop creative forms. The term

"blow your mind" was originally a threat of violence, but in hip hop suggests that the strength of the music will blow you away.

Prior to hip hop to "turn it out" referred to breaking something 77 up by starting a fight, especially at a party (Folb 1980: 103).

In hip hop lexicon it still operates within the context of a party but now, according to information in the raps, refers to using the musical break to stimulate the crowd. Raps and performances are frequently referred to as "def" meaning incredible, yet the word "def" is derived from the word "death", presumably drawing its power from that association. A translation of fighting spirit into constructive, as opposed to destructive, activities, is suggested in lines like, "I'll create a devastating masterpiece" or in the name of one DJ, Cut

Creator. One can only make sense of the fact that Grandmasters

Flash and Melle Mel appear on album covers in full supersonic

African tribal war gear, yet are rapping about peaceful worldwide harmony, in terms of a transfer of this nature.

The purpose of effective rapping style is indeed to

"blow someone's mind", thereby causing them to loose their cool while advancing the position of the rapper. Performing in a competitive manner that will outwit an opponent and show off one's own abilities is to gain both self-respect and the recognition of one's peers. Folb has suggested that in the ghetto cultural system words have become tools of power and operate as equivalents to money as they can access commodities (women, goods, status) (1980: 90). Both personal and cultural messages are communicated through black speech style.

As one informant explains:

See yo' rap is your thing. It's like your personality. Like you kin style on some dude by rappin' better'n he do. Show'im up(ibid.: 91). 78

4.4 Ambiguity Concerning Females

To return to hip hop articulations of social

relations, the third category of relationships expressed in rap music is that of the hip hopper to females. In the sample

investigated there was one dedication rap in praise of mothers,

all other females referred to were ones either sexually or

romantically involved with or sought after. Based on evidence

from the raps, other than cold cash money and respect, the hip

hopper's primary pursuit appears to be for sexual encounters.

One rap instructs the listening audience, "if you love sex, throw

both hands in the air and say 'sex' and 'more sex' say 'I like

it, I love it, I eat it'". But more than an avenue for expressing

their desire for females, rap, like the other hip hop activities,

has become a means of impressing and winning over "the ladies",

and this function is also articulated in the raps — "we're the

men of the hour, make the ladies scream and holler" (Whodini

1984).

According to the rap lyrics, the relationship to

females does not appear to be based on attributes such as

friendship or compatibility. Attraction is by and large a

physical one. A "fresh" female must be sexually alluring and

have a clean appearance. Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five

spell it out: "The girl's fresh — dress so (fresh), on the

dance floor (fresh), body smells sweet (fresh) jeans too tight,

blouse so loose and open (fresh), walks so fresh, talks so fresh,

that girl is fresh" ("She's So Fresh", 1982). 79

A desirable female is most commonly referred to in raps as a "fly girl", the connotations most often mentioned are being well-dressed, cool and original. Fly girls are considered to be sexually available — "a real fly cutey, she's always ready so I can rock her steady". A special category of female sex partners entered the picture as rappers became more and more commercially successful. "Skeezers" appear to be the hip hop equivalent to groupies. Skeezers are "fly girls who desire the man they admire" and are "always on [their] jocks". As

Run-D.M.C. (1985) explains it, "I got jetset women that offer me favours, my face is a thousand lipstick flavours". But skeezers, although referred to as a mark of status when trying to impress other males, are not always responded to favourably, especially if they are aggressive, possessive or offering money for sexual privileges. LL Cool J, rejecting a skeezer, says, "ya I'm a hit man, but I'm not for hire" (1987). It would appear that they feel more comfortable if they are the ones who are "hitting on" the women.

Not only do rappers talk about their presumed exploits proudly to others ("she's the talk of my room"), but also boast of their abilities to please women. Many hip hop raps are no more than the more traditional black man's raps used to secure females set to music, filled with lines like "hey girl, I can give you more". In addition to sexual gratification and glorification the role of women depicted in raps is a very conservative one — "she does my dishes... keeps a fat man well fed". Females tend to be referred to as valuable property that 80 can be exhibited in order to gain prestige — "you got to have a fly girl on your devine [sic], have her come to your shows wearing nice, fancy clothes".

The male hip hopper's perception of females is an ambiguous one, one wrought with suspicion on the one hand and idealistic romanticism on the other. A metaphor used for the relationship is one of addiction. In one sense sex is offered as an exciting substitute for drugs, but in another it is also viewed as sharing the dangers, for one can get "strung out" on a female because she has the power to "blow your mind". This concept of women is consistent with that reported by Folb (1980:

127) in her discussion of black teenage relationships.

Often females intentions are suspect. In Force MD's rap, "Let Me Love You" (1984), two rappers are at a party discussing the nature of love relationships:

Hey, TCD, can you love her better than me? Yes, Jessie D, cause I have the money It's not about that money, it's about that love, peace and happiness

Well, I thought the same thing til I was talking to this girl last night -- I said, "Yo, baby, what's up? She says, "Don't say nothing to me. You ain't got no money

Not only are women accused of wanting men only for their money, but they also appear to be subjected to the double standard measure of promiscuity. Lisa Lips (UTFO, 1985) is "fly and definitely chillin'", yet her "lips are so red and rough like

[she] did a tour of the whole neighbourhood and still wants more" thus "not only is [she] nasty, but stupid, too". 81

This reference to promiscuous females as somewhat indecent is in marked contrast to the analysis on black sexuality given by Kochman (1981) in which he suggests no moral stigma is attached to sexually active females. The area of promiscuity seems to be one of particular ambiguity in hip hop and may as yet be an unresolved issue. On a single album Whodini (1987) present a rap warning against the hazzards of promiscuity and calls for a sense of responsbility ("you brought it on yourself"), yet also do one extolling the virtues of one night stands and sex for sex sake ("I want a girl that wants me for my body, my funky fresh body").

Either Kochman was overstating the case or a shift to mainstream values may be in process or, which is more likely, there is an emerging reaction to the very real risks of disease that has recently become a major source of concern, especially in

New York City. Indeed, The Fat Boys came out with a rap

("Protect Yourself", 1986) which explicitly warns about deadly

AIDS. In Kool Moe Dee's "Go See the Doctor" (1987), he makes explicit the need for both males and females to be cautious of sexually transmitted diseases. Thus the sentiment expressed in

1984 by the B-Boys that "me and my homeboys running like ponies" may now be in question. However, there is yet another factor which can, at least in part, help to explain this apparent contradiction. The call for youth to protect themselves against disease is a serious message rappers are attempting to convey.

On the other hand, the outrageous claims to sexual feats of wonderment are operating at the level of ritual boasting (or 82

"talking bullshit" as LL refers to it) and is simply part of their tightly controlled image-management and is not intended, as a sanction of indiscriminative sexual behaviour (nor would it be received as one by an initiated audience).

As has been reported for ghetto men in general (Hannerz

1969: 79; Folb 1980: 133) the creation of illusion as a mechanism of male image management operates in attitudes towards women. It is the impression of sexual prowess, more than the actual exploits, that counts in hip hop masculine identity. The investigator recalls a case in point. Upon first meeting a breakdancer and rapper from Tacoma, Washington, she was bombarded with boasts of his sexual attractiveness and the conversation was heavily spiced with sexual innuendos. Only much later, when pretenses were slackened, did the hip hopper admit to being sexually conservative when is comes to actual encounters; yet he maintained the public image of a "fly guy".

Nonetheless women who reject the advances of a

"fly guy" can expect to be ridiculed. An informative dialogue is provided on an UTFO album (1985) in which several of the jams consist of crew members trying to "put some weight on1 Roxanne.

In one rap, "the real Roxanne" (one of the three female rappers in the sample) responds to their advances, giving her side of the story:

Say, me to Rox give up the box so you can brag about it around the block you must be crazy

Once her rejection is known then insults are hurled back and 83 forth. On her part she attacks their musical and sexual expertise:

Where's the beat, you guys can't do it I need a man who can make me feel it

(This is but one example of the simultaneous referencing to musical skill and sexual proficiency, associating these two basic performance activities and underscoring the rhythmic and explicit body moves that black music tends to inspire.) In retort, UTFO, who originally were rapping her praises, respond:

If ugly was a burger, you'd be a Big Mac Two all pork patties surrounded by fat

This particular interaction even though indicative of male/female exchanges also is part of a second scenario. Because Roxanne is a rapper, as well as a female, she is subject to the rules of battle rap and at this level can be treated (and act) like one of

them. Thus UTFO attack her as they would any sucker MC:

Hey, stupid, yeh you Roxanne, get your face outta the garbage can Don't try and hide now since we've made you a star Come out and face it like the man you are ...Roxanne must be terminated... So as of right now, Roxanne is demolished

Thus far the relationship of hip hopper to females has

been portrayed as a sexual transaction with little reference to

the more spiritual aspects often associated with love. However,

in sharp contrast to this cocky and casual attitude is a second

set of raps about women. And, strictly speaking, they are not

even raps. Ocassionally on a rap album a rapper includes a love

ballad in which his rap bark is substituted with a gentle voice 84 and the DJ's mixes switch from hard sounds to quiet melodies.

(The inclusion of such material is probably a factor of the recording industry, yet presumably the expressed sentiments are theirs. ) This is the only time throughout the expressive system that hip hoppers relax their hard, tough image and show a more vulnerable side of their natures, for being in love "makes a man soft". As LL Cool J explains:

I'm surprised I found a desire for true love floating around in my soul cause my soul is cold One half of me deserves to be this way till I'm old but the other half needs affection and joy and the warmth that is created by a boy and a girl — I need love ("I Need Love", 1987)

In this context a woman is fantasized about as "a dream girl I haven't met yet" and talk is all sweet kisses on the cheek, roses and eternal bliss. Here the hip hopper, the man who can destroy opponents with his words, becomes tongue-tied, shy and insecure. He seeks a haven from the world of unrelenting masculine pride, yet is fearful of being hurt because love, in its own way, is hard too. LL, at a party where the girl of his dreams appears:

Finally I get the nerve to buy you one more [drink] Sit back, crack a smile Try to act like I'm relaxed and not a child... You're the Queen of Elegance but maybe I'm just another puppy love nuisance I'll tell you straight up — I feel I should disappear — out of sight Rejection is my fear To me you're like a drug or a hazy red light I want you

("I Want You", 1985) 85

A hip hopper through his social relations expands his persona, using them as a means of furthering his impression management and hence reinforcing his identity. The impression which is being managed is one of superiority, invulnerability and coolness. LL Cool J has suggested that this character is neccessary in order to successfully negotiate self-pride and peer respect (in Interview, Dec. 1987, p. 116). Yet it would seem that the struggle to maintain the facade through role-playing is not the only agenda addressed through social relations.

Complementing the individual competitiveness is a sense of collective community.

What is beginning to emerge in this analysis is a picture of the rapper attempting to balance his self- glorification with a sense of responsibility for serious social issues and a genuine caring for others. Imparting cultural information and norms of behavior, attempting to socialize peers is also part of a rapper's agenda and is consistent with the functions of generalized black street talk as reported by linguist John Horton (1972: 29). 86

CHAPTER FIVE RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP ROLES

A discussion of the various roles which a hip hop male portrays, as expressed in their raps, is necessarily linked to the types of identities which they are constructing for themselves. Thus, not only do self-images based on associations with kings, saviours, wizards, doctors, captains and so forth help construct an identity of power, skill and control, but also suggest the various roles they see themselves fulfilling within their community. In both message and party raps hip hoppers are presented as social commentators, moral agents and spiritual healers. They command obedience from their 'subjects', yet profess to use their fighting spirits to help alleviate problems and guide ghetto youths toward a better life. They define appropriate behaviour and attempt to inspire greatness. The rap lyrics suggest they believe that the sense of power and authority created through their self-constructions can be employed to facilitate social control and motivate social action.

5.1 Sources of Secular Power Used by Hip Hoppers

Hip hop leaders present themselves at times as an irresistable force ("contagious like a disease"); at other times requiring coersion to elicit obedience ("take a girlie on the dance floor and if she don't dance, well I slap and you know why

— if Run says 'dance' you do or die"), but ultimately they can

"make a crowd do anything they say". (The distinction between leaders and regular members of hip hop is never made explicit. 87

Those with the most currency in terms of recognition, charisma and skill are deferred to and emulated. Many leaders are those who have become recording stars, but there are also local, as yet undiscovered, heroes.)

In one sense the generation of power is operating at a metaphorical level and indeed metaphors may be assisting in actual affective changes in one's persona. But, beyond this, there is a sense in hip hop that at a very real level hip hop activities can be used to create power, power to manipulate others and stimulate positive feelings. Thus, when the Fat

Boys (1984) announce that their rapper has "a million watts of power coming out of his mouth, making all the young ladies want to scream and shout", or the Bad Boys (1985) claim to be

"bringing this place from the depths of hell to the skies of heaven way up above...[for] I'm not an ordinary man but a microphone wizard, I can hypnotize your body and soul, make you feel like 24 carat gold", they are combining metaphorical associations to superhuman displays of power with actual claims of their ability to affect their followers. Although hip hoppers will draw on virtually any imagery of power to enhance their position, it is interesting to note that in battle raps associations with warriors and devils prevail, whereas in message raps allusions to healers and gods dominate.

The sources of secular power among hip hoppers include those shared by many black ghetto males -- prized possessions, especially hip hop status symbols: cash flow, access to females and high status and reputation among peers. The latter is 88 primarily achieved through success in hip hop activities. It appears that the principle source of power operating within the system is that generated by their music and the dance it inspires. The closer a performer is associated with his music the more power he can wield. Celebrated rappers have developed the ability to literally transform themselves into their music through human beat-boxing (the voice imitation of a drum machine) and voice imitations of synthesizers and scratching of records which blur the distinctions between rapper and music as they merge into one. The transformation also operates in reverse. DJs can programme synthesizers to imitate the voices of rappers.

The notion that music and dance possess actual power is expressed repeatedly. (References in this section to dancing are not limited to breakdancing, although rap music is of course the music used by breakers and parties are a usual context for breaking. A more general reference to black social dance which occurs alongside breaking is included.) For example, Melle Mel and the Furious Five (1984) in their message rap, "1984 WW III", suggest as a solution to the world's plight to "let the music play on". Another message rap claims that in order to achieve world harmony we have to have "peace-power, unity-power, love-power, fun-power and children-power". The last two sources of power indicate a belief that young people and their activities of play can lead the way to a "world of one community". The rap states that "doing the wildstyle" can lead to a "revolution of the mind". And doing the wildstyle means dancing, being 89 literally motivated by the driving force of music to experience an emotional uplifting or spiritual enlightenment that leads to heightened awareness.

In a similar rap, "dancing the funk" is explicitly portrayed as synonymous with knowledge, wisdom and understanding. Here the rappers see themselves as world reformers.

From a different solar system many, many galaxies away We are the force of another creation, a new musical revelation We are on a musical mission to help the underprivileged improve all men, singing electronic jams

(Afrika Bambaataa and the Soulsonic Force, "The Renegades of Funk", 1984)

And, again, Rock Steady Crew, in their search for peace and unity, claim that "getting into something that will make you move" is the solution.

The body's an expression, the music's inspiration Tell us when you feel it cause we're going to rock the nation ...It ain't no bullshit, this is hip hop

("Hey You, The Rock Steady Crew", 1984)

The association of knowledge and insight on the one hand, to deep involvement with music and dance on the other, is further represented in raps by the regular usage of the double meaning of the black term "get down" (profound awareness/deep involvement in music and dance). Clearly a belief that creativity has the power to better their lot in life is being expressed. p

We're the future, it's up to us To make our home great and A plus 90

Let your mind be pure and feed it — create Use the beat in your heart and aims to be great

(Grandmaster Caz & Chris Stein, "Wildstyle Subway Rap #2", 1983)

The use of music as a form of black power is a well established phenomenon within black culture. Slave songs, blues, spirituals and soul music overtly express community concerns but more than this, the music acts as a solution (however temporary)

to some of those problems. Black music is more felt than

interpreted and one listens to and understands black music

through the body. The experience of music within the body is believed to empower the listener. According to Firth, gospel music, for example, activates spiritual insight by means "closer

to the dance floor than to the white Protestant church" (1983:

20). The lyrics contain the "motivations, attitudes, interests,

conflicts and other emotionally and intellectually based concepts

of psychological thought as they pertain to black people"

(Pasteur and Toldson 1982: 128). The music motivates the body while the lyrics motivate the mind; together forming an

experiential gestalt (Larkin 1972: 96).

5.2 Problems Addressed by the Subculture

Although some raps address universal concerns of war,

political corruption, injustice and deprivation, most focus on

evaluations of ghetto living and lifestyles and call for social

reform. The figure of the young street hustler, who has enjoyed

a position of prestige and glorification among ghetto males, is

challenged by hip hoppers. A general suspicion and distrust of 91 males, who might be fronting or conning is expressed. In Kool

Moe Dee's narrative moral tale or toast of Little Jon, this young

con whose "looking for an easy break" is depicted as an

insignificant loser, for "street heroes don't mean zero...his

only choice is to die or live in jail" (1987). Street hustlers

and thugs not only are reprimanded for their lack of morals, lack

of sense and self-destructiveness, but also their detrimental

effects on others.

Like Hercules your body's strong but your mind is like the devil, your ideals are wrong You hurt people's feelings, mess with their minds Then have the nerve to call me brother and wave the 'B' sign The young and the old, they all hate your sight Because of people like you, they're scared to walk in the night (Grandmaster Flash & the Furious Five, "Survival", 1983)

Young pimps are also put down in raps as failing to pursue more

legitimate avenues of success, such as gaining an education.

This segment of ghetto peers are rejected by hip hoppers as being

unaware of the real source of power, respect and prestige in the

ghetto: "You think you're cool, you think you're good, you're

gonna pay one day, you big time hood"; "you knuckleheads, you're

not down, you can't join this party, you know you can't fight,

you're nothing but a fool, you ain't nobody".

It is also significant to note who hip hoppers do not

attack as a threat to ghetto youth. The traditional institution

of street territorial fighting gangs is only mentioned in the

context of historical recounting: "got shot with a gun, stabbed

with a knife, had to pay my dues, lord, to learn the rules, had 92 to separate the smart from all the fools". The suggestion is that hip hoppers have learned from their violent past and that at least this type of gang is simply a non-issue. Competition for members is thus between hip hop and the hustler criminal elements, especially the newly formed drug gangs that have become so prevalent in the last three years.

Not only are young gangsters denounced for selling drugs, but ghetto kids are warned not to use drugs. Many rappers declare that they are 'clean' thus setting an example, and several raps are devoted to the topic. In "White Lines" (a reference to cocaine) a plea "don't do it" is repeated over and over again in a chant and the highs of sex and music are suggested as substitutes. More recently rappers have attacked the crack epidemic that has swept New York's inner cities.

"Monster Crack" is characterized in the raps as a poisonous demon who will take over your life and destroy you.

Throughout these social commentaries, runs an optimism for the future of ghetto kids: "just get off the wall, let's have a ball, the 70's are gone, it's the 80's y'all". Rappers, speaking as leaders, present their peers with an alternative to the traditional ghetto avenue to success, one more in line with mainstream values, yet grounded in black ghetto ideology. As well, the apathy, negativity and impotence experienced by young ghetto dwellers are attacked.

Stop sleeping y'all, if you know what time it is Because someone's taking yours as well as gettin' his ...and don't chill out too hard or you'll be out of the box Stop running your face and try to listen instead ...Success is out there for everybody, take it from me Achieve without a licence or some sort of degree 93 And, if they claim you can't do it, this is what you say "You follow, lead, but get out of my way" Get yours, winners never quit ...Get yours, go for yours, we went for ours Why sit at home bummin', just a-wastin' your time when all ya gotta do is seek and you'll find ...If you work real hard, all your dreams will come true If it happened to us, it can happen to you ...Get on top of your game as your confidence grows ...Ya see, what your future holds is no mystery when you're the one whose in control of your destiny ...An eternal flame burns in everyone of us turning the negative things in your life to a plus

(Grandmaster Flash, "Get Yours", 1987)

Or as the Boogie Boys express it:

...You said you want to get ahead Why are you still in bed? You have potential but it's dead You let yourself be misled playing all those silly games Who are you going to blame? If you want to stay alive it's time to get a nine to five Do or die is the only way to get by You've got to go for yours ("Do or Die", 1984)

This emphasis on self-reliance challenges the dependency on others and on fate to free them from the prison of 'ghetto mentality'.

The call to aggressively take charge of their lives and make something positive out of the limited circumstances they were born into is echoed in one of Doug E Fresh and the Get Fresh

Crew's raps (1986). Here the case is made in a more abstract, less literal sense, however, the message is equally clear. The rap consists of the word "nuthin'" cut by the DJ over and over in a monotonous yet overwhelming tone while, sporadically, the rapper throws out the challenge, "somebody try and change this sound — come on". The DJ is able to create a rhythmic dance 94 beat with the "nuthin1" while background b-boys and b-girls clap and chant, "you ain't really doing..." to which the "nuthin"' is cut in. Without a doubt this jam illustrates the belief in their power to create something out of nothing. in general, the actual means of forming hip hop music suggests a similar orientation.

Taking music which already exists, that which is available to them, and reworking it into a new, fresh, strong sound illustrates that at a structural level the expressive form is consistent with the explicit messages of the lyrics.

Not all hip hop dogma is deadly serious however.

Humourous anecdotes and analogies are used to convey their messages as well. Run-D.M.C. in, "You be Illin" (1986) are discussing the uncoolness of being 'ill', that is unknowledgeable, confused, messed-up and exhibiting incorrect behaviour. But rather than use examples of drug dealing and crime they opt for the ridiculous. Eating dog food, ordering a

Big Mac (with a quarter) at a Kentucky Fried Chicken or screaming

"touchdown" at a basketball game all constitute 'illin'.

As this discussion of rap unfolds it is becoming more and more evident that rappers see themselves not merely as involved in a transformation of the self, but also in transforming their community. As Hale-Benson claims, one function of black expressiveness is to mediate between two worldviews — a cooperative, interdependent collectivity, on the one hand, and a competitive, independent individualism, on the other (1986: 62). And this appears to be the case with rap. 95

5.3 Consciousness-Raisinq Among Black Youth

What appears to be the principle role of hip hoppers is that of consciousness-raiser. Hip hoppers, both through dedications appearing on record jackets and direct references in raps, have identified themselves with black reformers such as

Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. Actual segments of recorded speeches by these men, such as King's "I have a dream" and "let freedom ring" as well as Malcolm X's "no sell out" speech are cut into a number of message raps. Rappers claim to want to use their own influence on young ghetto people to teach and inspire them. They profess that hip hop constitutes a master plan, that will lead the way to a new, free, and harmonious society. As

Kurtis Blow expresses it:

Well I am the member of a new breed and the solution is a revolution So I hope you all see the light Hear my name - Unite! ("Under Fire", 1984)

The idea that anything is possible if you believe in yourself and work hard to live up to your potential is the doctrine of hip hop, as well as the epitome of the American

Dream.

Now get a hold of yourself, think positive because that definitely is the only way to live Don't let your mind flow like water from a cup Don't you ever let me hear that you say you're giving up (Grandmaster Flash & the Furious Five, "Survival", 1983)

Melle Mel confirms the notion that by refusing to submit to the pressures of life, it can be turned into a celebration: "the 96 future of the world is in your hands so throw your hands in the air and wave 'em like you just don't care". Flash provides a testifying rap that is a direct tribute to Jesse Jackson. "I am

Somebody" (1987) claims that everyone has a right to be somebody for "you were meant to be somebody from the second you're born....Be proud of what you are and whatever you've got....Stand up for your heritage, rejoice in fact".

The promotion of black arts and culture as part of black consciousness-raising was prevalent in the 1960's (as hip hop was emerging) as a counterpart to the political movements in

Northern black inner cities. The Black Arts Movement, as it was called, acted as an artistic means of transforming suffering into constructive action (Smitherman 1977: 177-178). The assertion of black soulfulness, in particular, was an attempt to transform liabilities into a communal assertion of pride by promoting a valid and distinctive black character and positive group identity. Soul constituted a refusal to wallow in self-pity and the daring to have faith in one's self (ibid.: 56; Bonnett 1980:

12) .

Thus, like black reformers before them, hip hoppers acknowledge the importance of accepting your background and drawing strength from it. Even if you succeed in life and leave the ghetto you should not forget it, for, as Whodini reminds their listeners in, "Remember Where You Came From" (1987), one can't and shouldn't want to escape it and should never lose track of their way back, for to lose one's roots is to risk losing one's sense of self — to be nothing. 97 The hip hop 'prophet' appears to employ two principle strategies in his efforts to inspire his followers. Not only does he teach and preach through message raps, he also provides an experiential context within which he attempts to alleviate their sufferings and incite them to a heightened emotional state or euphoria. 'The party' is the primary arena for rap music performance. It is within this context that most battle and message raps are presented as well as all party raps. It is through party raps that rappers attempt to move their audiences.

Generally in black American culture and most certainly in the hip hop subculture, 'to party' is synonymous with 'to dance', thus the MC's and DJ's job is to motivate people to dance. Even more recently at rap concerts where limited space restricts actual dancing, it is essential for the performer to get the audience moving. Interjections of "put your hands in the air and wave 'em like you just don't care"; "just move your body from left to right"; "rock and roll, roll and rock, rock, rock let's rock out of control" or, "jump up, jump up, jump back, jump back" are used to promote a corporeal response. The investigator has attended several concerts where the entire audience is shimmying, waving and shouting in unison.

According to rap lyrics hip hoppers are proposing to use the power of music — both the words and the rhythmic beat — to stimulate dance which in combination stimulate a therapeutic or cathartic experience. It can be argued that rap, like the other forms of black music, operates, at least in part, as a form of social aesthetic therapy, reinforcing the use of 98 expressiveness as a way of dealing with stress. Funk music and dance (rap and breakdancing's kissin' cousins) are believed, for instance, to have definite curative qualities (Pasteur and

Toldson 1982: 145). By "getting down" into them the soul is felt to be purified and cleansed for, as funk singer George Clinton puts it, "funk not only moves, it removes". Going hand in hand with the spiritual cleansing is an emotional releasing; both of which presumably create a sense of rejuvenation or revitalization of energy, both for the individual and his culture (Kochman 1981:

108).

Rappers, drawing on the imagery of the magical healer, use the combined effects of music and dance to affect a change in mental state. Dr. Ice in "Calling Dr. Ice"(1982) is sped to a party in an ambulance to "bring the party back to life".

Referring to himself as a miracle-maker, he uses his "disco pill" or "boogie medication" to effect a cure on the party people who are ,"illin,M.

You're feeling real ill - then just rock with me Let the one and only doctor operate Just get on the floor and get wild ...What you need is a little bit of pleasure You're feeling fine cause the doctor just eases your mind ...Rocking your mind, young and old Ease the pain, get you in a trance

Several raps express the sentiment that through music and dance one can gain a respite from the harshness of everyday li°fe and become energized.

You're feelin' kinda bad about the day you had You've got to find a way to make it right And your body's got the juice and you're feelin' kinda loose 99 You're stepping out and throwing down tonight ...The only way for me to set my body free is dancin' til the sun begins to rise ...where the music is running hot And let the music take you far away The DJ is the dude to keep you in the mood to keep you dancin' til you have to drop You got to feel the beat, to generate the beat to make you say you never wanna stop You got to dance ...Now I know a lot of ways to get me through the days But night time is the time I come alive cause dancin' is the way that I survive I got to dance (Kurtis Blow, "Got to Dance", 1983)

Kurtis Blow provides another explicit explanation of the function

of a rap party as a stress reduction mechanism, as well as

suggesting it as an alternative response to frustrations as opposed to the pursuit of crime.

I hear your girlfriend just left town and the bill collector's coming around To save your job you took a cut in pay and your wife just said she's gonna stay And the Russians may start World war ill And things ain't what they used to be Should we start a life of crime? (No!) Then call your friends, its party time You're workin' every day trading sweat for tiny pay Got no power, got no say, watch your life slip away Tough stuff, five days, bad job, no raise Whatcha, whatcha, whatcha gonna do? In the morning take the train, bust your butt and waste your brain G-g-g-g-got to be a better way for you ...Do you need a break? (You know we do). Well, I ain't got no break but how about a party? (Well, alright!) ("Party Time", 1983)

Rappers use their manipulative powers to "mesmerize,

rectify, hypnotize" an audience, as well as causing them to "go

wild". They instruct their audiences to "put the boogie in your

body and let it work for you". The party functions here,, as it 100 . does wherever it appears, as a ritual of liminality, a time of licence and cultural inversion. (And inversion, by creating a significant difference, creates a sense of power.) Giving oneself up to the music, allowing it to excite one to an emotional transformation by entering into a frenzy, possibly even a trance-like state, is the expressed intention of hip hop partying. Within the party raps there exists an inversion, evident at the linguistic level. In everyday life to be "ill",

"stupid", "insane" or in any way out of control (a loss of cool)

is considered inappropriate behaviour. However, in the party context the opposite is true. "Freaking out", "blowing your mind", "bugging out", "getting crazy" "busting loose" and

"getting fly" are the explicitly desired behaviour. Here they are used to refer to mystifying displays of wildness and

originality in performance which is intented to impress and gain power over others., Both the hip hopper and the crowd are

infected.

When we shock the party and do it right They seem to all go crazy ...Are you ready to freak it out? We'll make you scream We'll make you shout ...Make a dead party come to life (Fantastic Freaks (live at the Dixie), 1983)

This temporary "insanity" is believed to allow you to "relax your

body and your mind" for wildness is thought to have a renewing

property. Ultimately the release of emotion and the loss of

structure allows people to unite in participation and have the

power to "rock the nation". 101

Take to the street with the wildstyle beat Rock the town with the wildstyle sound Enter the gate to the wildstyle state Shock the nation with the wildstyle sensation

(Grandmaster Caz and Chris Stein, "Wildstyle Theme Rap #1", 1983)

Both rocking and wildstyle are not only considered aesthetic canons, but are also promoted as a desired mental state and code to live up to. Both are used to refer to doing and being the very best at whatever you are or do with your life (and of course in the context of hip hop this means to perform to perfection)

(Hager 1984: 109-110). What is implied is that through the development of communitas hip hoppers create an identity that has the strength to manipulate reality and generate real change both in themselves and in the world around them.

Music evolved, the problem was solved Party people must get involved It's gotta be bold, so you can control Your emotions and feelings So you won't grow old before your time Before you reach your prime

(UTFO, "Beats and Rhymes", 1984)

And once again, structurally the music supports the power of the words. DJs "breakdown" the music periodically, creating a segment of particularly wild beats and bass that is meant to encourage "rocking" and "illing".

5.4 Parallels to Black Preaching Communication Conventions

An imagery based on healing effected through music and trance-like dance suggests an analogy between the presented hip hop role and that of black secular preaching. The encouraging of 102 ecstatic fits of wildness and the attempt to instill righteousness indicated in the raps parallels the functions of black preaching. Holt in "Stylin1 Outta the Black Pulpit" (1972:

189-204) presents a portrait of the black preacher that, both in role and strategy (with the exception of the sanctity of

Christianity), is almost identical to the hip hop rapper. Holt explains that the black church has developed as an instrument of resistance to low self-esteem and frustration resulting from racial oppression and poverty. This is accomplished primarily by using the power of the Holy Spirit to transform suffering into a sense of self-worth, dignity and a viable identity.

Both the content of the preacher's sermons (the message) and the means by which he manipulates his congregation toward an emotional release constitute a dual strategy used to promote both short term relief and longer term consciousness- raising which may contribute to actual social action or change.

Operating within a small, stable community system, the black preacher bestows moral virtue, comments on parishioners' conduct, instructs them on appropriate behaviour and incites hope for the future and inspires the congregation to continue trying to overcome their hardships.

A black preacher does not merely convey a message from

God, but literally performs a service with style and charisma.

He uses particular communication techniques to manipulate the congregation to a state of ecstacy, or even frenzy, referred to as "getting happy". Drawing the congregation into participation through call and response, repetitive chants, shouting and 103

rhythmic swaying and reliance.on gospel music and singing to stir feelings — all have the expressed function of getting both preacher and followers "turned on" (Firth 1983: 18).

At the rap party the MC uses similar devices to "rock

the house" and even draws on religious imagery to establish his

authority. Kool Moe Dee (1987) portrays himself as a messiah

come to "feed the hungry soul that's starved for excitement" and

Doug E Fresh testifies, "it's a gift from God, sent through me.

I'm just like Moses, took a vow on the Bible to always rock the microphone and reach and preach, through music I'll teach"

(1986).The use of chants in raps is wide-spread and the

repetition of fixed rap cliches, often by the audience, create an

effect which is at once agitating and hypnotizing.

One has only to replace the word 'house' with 'church'

(or simply imagine it as a reference to the house of the Lord)

and 'party' with 'pray' to mistake this rap for a preacher's

"come on".

All the ladies in the house, come on Let me hear you say 'Owwww' (owwww) The homeboys in the house Let me hear you say 'ho' (ho) Party people all we need is your cooperation. to rock the house Let's go to work — can't you feel it? Come on everybody, start to clap Let's party till you can't party any more — can you feel it? (Afrika Bambaataa and the Jazzy 5, "Jazzy Sensation", 1981) 104

In the documentary of hip hop Wildstyle (1982) streetcorner rappers incite onlookers:

Throw your hands in the air Throw your hands in the air like this Everybody, I want everybody to look at their hands and pretend your hand is that man who killed the little children in Atlanta And I want you to smack the hell out of it Like this — come on — clap, come on, clap Come on, clap your hands

And in the docu-drama Beatstreet (1984) the association is made explicit. Rappers Melle Mel and the Furious Five, at a funeral for a young graffiti artist, team up with Bernard Fouler and the

Marnier's Baptist Church Choir to chant "do you believe? — we are the miracle, we are the strong".

The use of the communication style of the black preacher in secular contexts has an established tradition in black culture. Martin Luther King and Jesse Jackson used it to move audiences. But more than expressive style, the content of their messages share a similarity in calling for a change in attitudes and beliefs among blacks as well as challenging white supremacy. Hip hop is part of this tradition and, although themes and values conveyed may not all be similar, black music from gospel, blues, rhythm and blues, soul and now rap have retained a spiritual quality (Toop 1984: 47). As Smitherman

(1977: 56) suggests concerning soul music, it constitutes a

"movement of the spirit from the realm of the sacred to a secular context". 105 Through message and party raps hip hoppers not only define the specific roles they see themselves fulfilling within their community, but also activate those roles, using their musical power to confront many of the fundamental problems which plague black ghetto existence. And both in developing the appropriate roles and means of expressing their messages, rappers appear to have relied on their cultural heritage while reformulating it within a new articulation. Indeed making the old new is a theme which runs throughout the system, whether it be in musical mixing or cultural collaging.

5.5 Note on Female Involvement

At the street level girls who operate as hip hoppers are presumably attracted to action-filled activities and are breaking with the typical ghetto female role. In a sense they are the "torn-boys" of the ghetto and are taking on a male-defined role and identity. A female graffiti writer or breakdancer, for instance, is perceived by her male counterparts as being "just like one of the guys". Regrettably there are no reports by female participants explaining their position, but the males, when asked, claim that females do not normally get involved because they find its aggressive and competitive nature unappealing.

The use of female back-up vocals in raps is not usual in the street or party performance context, but was added to the recording phase to make up for the lack of a live audience.

These females are not members of the crew, just as cheerleaders 106 are not members of a football team. Female rappers on the other hand, do exist, although they are quite rare and appeared only after the commercialization of the music in the entertainment business. Of the one hundred and seventy-five raps investigated

only three were by female rappers. Often they exist as a novelty

or an auxiliary attached to a male crew, although more recently

some do perform in their own right and are developing their own

styles and lyrical messages.

That hip hop is unquestionably a celebration and

exploration of maleness, and thus, by definition and inclination,

excludes females as active participants, is not to suggest that

females do not play a significant role in the subculture. Girls

who follow hip hop, as supportive and enthusiastic onlookers, are

not considered hip hoppers, but are recognized as part of the

system by virtue of being referred to as "b-girls". The approval

and attention they provide to the males and their activities acts

as reinforcement and motivation for continuance. Within their

peer group, a hip hop male is deemed most desirable by the .

opposite sex, and winners of hip hop competitions are insured an

increased access to women. But more than mere "prizes", females

also function in roles as appreciators and as judges, with the

power to evaluate performers. In the case of breakdancing and

rapping contests,, females, in forming a substantial portion of

the audience, assume an active function in selecting the

winners.. Hip hop males, aware of this fact, direct much of their

attention to increasing their popularity and establishing a

female following. 107

CHAPTER SIX RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP PERFORMANCE

Rapping is a discrete performance activity reaching an

audience either through live performance or records. The performance aspect of rap constitutes the 'how* of the

communicating system since the act of performing provides the mechanism for conveying the messages embedded within them. As

well, by focussing on rap as performance, the 'to whom1 is

further revealed. The performance aspect of hip hop provides a

key to the identity which is being created. Like play,

performance serves image management and cultural transformation,

providing a vehicle through which to transcend reality and in

this system individuals are "on" most of the time. A hip hopper

performs himself into being, as it were, through his deep

commitment and involvement in his performance, or, put another

way, what he does is synonymous with who he is. (Ice T expresses

this association this way: "I'm a self-made monster of the city

streets, remotely controlled by hip hop beats".) The areas of

aesthetics and performance are so closely aligned with the hip

hop persona that both are articulated in the same terms. Hence

performance evaluation parallels the evaluation of the hip hopper

himself. Consistency also is evident between aesthetic and

cultural agendas and indeed the expressed aesthetic concerns can

be tentatively used as evidence of cultural concerns. 108

6.1 The Receivers of Rap Messages

Rap lyrics identify a number of target audiences. As should be evident from the previous sections hip hoppers are primarily speaking to themselves and significant others. Here significant others not only include the crew members, opponents and females discussed earlier, but a wider peer group as well.

Prior to the appropriation of MC rapping and DJing by the hip hop subculture and its subsequent development as a hip hop expressive form, its primary audience was formed from the general pool of ghetto teenagers who attended dance parties where MCs and DJs presided. This audience has prevailed as a significant receiver of hip hop rap music and its messages.

Interaction with "home boys" and "home girls" or "party people" are presented in raps through a call and response mechanism:

All the ladies in the house, come on let me hear you say "owwwww" (owwwww) The home boys in the house let me hear you say "ho" (ho)

This raises a question of the boundaries of hip hop membership.

It appears that strict membership demands a level of commitment

to and participation in hip hop activities, but 'participation1 can be interpreted as attendance to rap parties and providing the essential responses to their calls. However, according to the

investigator's NYC informants, this group is not acknowledged as hip hoppers per se, but rather as people who are "down" with hip hop. Hip hoppers also try to recruit other young people, or at

least convey their ideologies to the uninitiated by drawing them

in through the music. 109

6.2 Effects of Promotion to a Wider Audience

In its earlier history rap was performed and recorded exclusively for a limited in-group audience. Recording did expand the category beyond New York City ghettos into other black urban centers, such as Philadelphia and Los Angeles, so that

"party people all across the nation" were included. But it was by the mid-80's that rap music began reaching the mass youth audience. Although most themes and concerns remained stable and focussed on the in-group, some raps appear to be directed towards its newer audience. Raps, for example, which explicitly explained what hip hop was, its history and role emerged.

Run-D.M.C, one of the most successful commercial rap groups, saw the need, for instance, to define 'bad' — "not bad meaning bad, but bad meaning good" (1986). This of course would be an absurd act when speaking only to the initiated. Or:

From the streets came art, very new you see Now seen in the museum or gallery Not hung in mansions or hallow halls but on buses, trains, even the walls Graffiti ghetto art or tagging your name The artist's way of reaching for fame by the public like a lightning storm Now recognized as a new art form

(Grandmaster Caz and Chris Stein, "Wildstyle Theme Rap #1", 1983)

It should also be noted that these declarations can function within the subculture as an aspect of identity construction.

One's own verson of one's history is just as important to self-perception as it is to the projection of self to others. As 110 their anticipated audience broadened so did their perception of their influence and impact, flaunting their control over a desired product.

Bronx is the home of hip hop You don't have to believe me And if you don't agree Don't listen to me Just look what its done to you Now dance sucker

(D. St., "Home of Hip Hop", 1985)

Or:

The Zulu's run this mother, not you The people of the world are caught in the groove

(Shango, "Zulu Groove", 1985)

Performing with a mainstream audience in mind

created new meanings for them from those originally intended.

How rap messages are received by mainstreamers, or why the appeal

exists in the first place is, an issue not explored. However an

explanation of this consumption should take into account that rap

music, like other forms of pop music, is adolescent music and

speaks to adolescent powerlessness. In general terms rap

expressions of self-reliance and its critiquing of society can be

interpreted by virtually any young person as relevant to their

circumstances, even if the intended meaning was more specifically

geared toward black ghetto youth. As well, it is worthwhile to

remember that black ghetto kids are kids, too. In their case the

sense of powerlessness is two-fold. They are not only black and

ghettoized, but also experience the urge to gain control of their

lives that all teenagers experience. Ill

Considering a mainstream audience may have also promoted the development of message raps specifically concerned with problems of social relations with the dominant culture.

The Boogie Boys in "Colorblind World" (1986) plead for a world where race is irrelevant and people are judged for their inner worth. They challenge young people to accept and promote racial equality.

Prejudice dwells in the hearts of men Must we be judged by the color of skin? I got a message worth more than diamonds or pearls I wanna live in a colorblind world In this, our world, I stand surprised Why we are labelled as civilized? We can't take the time to form a congregation Just to put an end to racial segregation It's a crying shame, but yes it's true There's hate in the world but it's up to you To make a change for the better Forget about race, study my heart and not my face.

Many raps appear to address more than one audience simultaneously.

I'm proud to be black and I'll say it out loud and that's a fact you all Like Martin Luther King, I will do my thing Like Malcolm X said, I won't turn a right cheek I ain't no slave, I ain't baling no hay Don't get in my way cause I'm full of ambition I'm proud to be black and I ain't taking no crap I'm front of the pack and I'm proud to be black... Any man with a mind could create Like Dr. King said, we shall overcome

(Run-D.M.C, "Proud to be Black", 1986 )

A message of black pride is not only to inspire peers to resist suppression but also serves as a warning to the dominant culture to make room for them or they will take it. An element of ambiguity no doubt operates, at least in part, to facilitate this multivocalism. 112

Not all addresses to the mainstream are as antagonistic as the previous one:

Wake up you mighty nation from your sleep Activate your mind, get movin' before we're all through Do your part before you die Search for truth and freedom Get on the move without delay, break the bonds Free yourself, show the earth your worth Free of doubts, reassure yourself you can win Sacrifice (The Last Poets, "Get Movin'", 1985)

This rap expresses both a sentiment of internal black

consciousness raising as well as a call to the dominant culture

to rise to the challenge of discrimination.

In general much of the power of rap lies in its ability

to be multivocal. Rap has built on the existing ambiguity in

their lexicon to convey different messages to different segments

of their audience in a single phrase. This practice is most

repeatedly used in raps in relation to references of "rocking".

Rocking a party indicates stimulating an audience, specifically

motivating them to dance. However, to rock also has the more

personal meaning of engaging in sexual intercourse. . Time and

time again raps transmit this double meaning, for instance, "like

T and T, I'm dynamite, rock your body all night long" or "I'll

take your mind places your body's never been, I want to rock you

again and again and again".

One last word is required on the impact that the

introduction of rap performance to a wider audience has had.

By inference the promotion of raps is testimony to its popularity

and success in the music industry. As has been pointed out in 113 chapter two, the new arena has become a new source of concern for commercially successful rap groups. Previously success was internally evaluated by one's peers and rewards were largely in the form of status and prestige. More recently rappers have begun evaluating themselves in terms of success in the recording business as well.

Rappers have always been concerned about "cold cash money", in the sense of desiring it, but rarely have had any substantial amounts to deal with. Recently they have been expressing through their raps ambiguous feelings about their new•

found wealth. They appreciate the status attached to it and enjoy spending it, but also indicate a fear of losing their

original motivation and reducing hip hop to a business venture.

Thus Whodini (1987) claim that, although they have gotten their well-deserved piece of the pie, they are not rocking for the money, for "this comes from the heart...it's an art". No matter

how commercially successful rap becomes, hip hoppers are

expressing the concern that it must remain viable in the

subculture or its potency will be lost and it will become "lame".

Related concerns about jealousy and insincerity

("people.fronting for your money, ain't even funny"), or abusing

their wealth (e.g. using it to get hooked on drugs) are also

raised. Nonetheless, success in rap performance is clearly held

as a viable and accessible means of financial gain. In "Rhyme

Pays", (1987) Ice T tells his success story and encourages others

to try it as an alternative to crime. But his message also

suggests that they should remember that hip hop has value in other than monetary terms. 114 Rhyme pays, buys my food every night and day pays my rent, my bills, I guess I'm doing OK But when I say rhyme pays, I mean in different ways Cause rappin' gets a lot of kids out of the streets each day.

6.3 Rap Aesthetics and their Relation to Cultural Style

Any discussion of hip hop as a performative enterprise demands some exploration of hip hop aesthetics. At a structural level rap music utilizes a number of aesthetic devices employed in black expressiveness in general. Call and response, repetition, improvisation (although restricted by studio recording), rhyme and rhythm, humour, mimicry, play on words and hyperbole, are all employed in a good rap. Grandmaster Caz, when asked to describe a classic rap responded, "a classic rap requires an original use of slang, unusual and unexpected rhymes and strong visual imagery" (in Hager 1984: 57). More specifically, Kool Moe Dee in his "The Best" rap (1987) provides a check list for evaluations of the "art of rap". According to him, a great MC needs to exhibit brain power, articulateness, originality, innovativeness, and versatility in the use of vocabulary. He must be able to execute the rap in a way that shows he "feels it in his heart" as well as be able to "take a crowd to a mental orgasm". Lastly he must speak with a loud voice of authority which can intimidate all comers. And, most important of all, this all must be done at relentlessly high speed.

At a musical level for the DJ to create a heavy, pulsating, driving beat, yet one that is rhythmic and compels its 115 listeners to move, is the desired aesthetic as presented in rap lyrics. A good DJ not only can cut and mix records with speed, precision and dexterity, but must "agitate" the records, that is, keep the beats stimulating and aggressive sounding. Thus MC spyder D can praise DJ Divine for "cutting it up so exact", for being "shocking and non-stopping" (1985). Or Double Trouble

(1983) can refer to their DJ's music as "souped up sound, if you stand too close you might be knocked down".

The importance of speed is demonstrated at the structural level by Grandmaster Flash. On one jam he cuts in

"Flash is fast" from another of his records three times in rapid succession just to prove how fast he really is. Grandmaster

Blaster (1984: 28) claims that "your rap has to stay consistently rapid [125-144 beats/minute] or you will start to loose energy and fade. This is really whack." The association of a rapper's identity with this aesthetic of rapid movement is made explicit by one MC when he says, "I'm so full of action my name should be a verb". The importance of speed, for example, is not only a valued ingredient of a rap, but is a survival technique at the cultural level as is suggested in the rap, "Stick Up Kid", in which the b-boy explains that he escaped robbery and certain death when attacked, thanks to "the speed that [he] possessed".

The aesthetic of speed not only reflects the belief that ghetto life is an action-oriented "fast life", but also that one must act and think quickly in order to survive. Again as Ice

T (1987) puts it, "just living in the city is a serious task.

Bitch didn't know what hit her, didn't have time to ask". As 116 well, there seems to be the suggestion that at another level ghetto life breeds apathy and lethargy, hence there exists a need

to energize the community.

The call for motivation is evident at the performance

level, paralleling the cultural agenda of hip hop. A common

interaction in raps between MCs and DJs involves the MC

commanding the DJ to "hit me" or "put it in my face". To those

unfamiliar to the system these could be interpreted as aggressive

challenges. This is not the case, however. The reference is to

the level of intensity and power of the music. The DJ is being

asked to blast out the bass, to advance the break or "go to the

bridge". At this "breakdown" the music becomes so strong as to

seem to hit you in the face. And this high-powered music acts as

a motivational factor for the MC, spurring his rap on.

Hip hop aesthetics evoke the established concepts

associated with blackness. Not only performers, but raps

themselves are articulated in terms of 'cool', 'bad', 'soul* and

'funk'. Being cool in hiphopland appears to follow the

established black norms for this behavioral code. It suggests

that the actor must be at once controlled and loose, both in body

and mind. Casualness, indifference and a relaxed attitude

("chill") signify cool. Cool, according to Thompson (1966),

operates to balance emotional intensities — both "hot"

situations and "stone-cold" rigidity are normalized through an

attitude of cool. He suggests tHat to be cool an individual must

first resolve the conflicts of the self and then dissolve the 117 differences that lie between people. Learning to speak cool is to learn to speak with high character in order to enforce peace,

"to cool down others with your mouth" (64). Thus not only individuals, but entire groups can be cooled down, set in order, having serenity and social equilibrium restored. Although never explicitly discussed in the raps, the imagery of coolness abound and when we considered the expressed agenda of hip hop, then it is not unreasonable to accept that hip hoppers are applying their coolness to matters of social balance, as well as aesthetic substance.

According to black linguist Roger Abrahams,bad is an alternative expression of cool (1976: 84). On the one hand "bad" is simply a linguistic relabelling of mainstream values of goodness. Yet, much of what is "bad" is indeed negative behavior in mainstream terms. It has been suggested that since much of ghetto-specific behavior is bad, then badness has been bestowed with the quality of goodness so that self-esteems can remain intact (ibid.: 85). What seems likely is that the concept of

'being bad' is a powerful one because it incorporates both positive and negative aspects. Folb (1980: 116) provides some evidence to support this idea. Her description of a "bad man" reads like a modern-day urban trickster. The "bad man" is violent, dangerous and courts trouble, yet operates within a code of ethics, has strength, courage and style and thus is respected and viewed by many as a cultural hero and a real man's man.

Within hip hop this duality of the "bad man" has been retained, albeit in image rather than actuality. 118

Soul, as has already been mentioned, is a reworking of the black cultural heritage of struggle and suffering into a statement of power and strength and has come to characterize the essence of black pride. Funk is an ideology that celebrates that which is wild and raw, and is viewed as a natural, instinctual way of being. Funk celebrates the body, embracing the sweat,

tears and semen of life as something "sweet". And interaction with the funky part of life, as has been previously mentioned, is

thought to be therapeutic (Pasteur and Toldson 1982: 145).

Interestingly, the more negative connotations of the term 'funky*

that exist in the general black vernacular (i.e. smelly, slobby,

dirty, etc.) never appear in hip hop lexicon. Instead, funky has

been associated with the positive "clean" aspects of hip hop, as

the term for superlative greatness, "funky fresh", suggests.

Funk parallels much of what has been said in regard to the hip

hop promotion of "getting ill" or wild as a revitalizing

process.

To these traditional ideologies a new and central

concept has been introduced into the black expressive system by

hip hoppers. Performances may meet any number of other

requirements but if they are not "fresh" they will never "get

over" or as one rapper puts it "it's gotta be fresh to impress

the rest". 'Fresh' is the litmus test for all hip hop and it is

in terms of fresh that the older concepts appear to have been

redefined. As LL has suggested hip hop is all about making the

old new. At a structural level this refers to taking old soul

and funk records like those of James Brown and creating new

sounds with them. At the cultural level it suggests reworking 119 these traditional ideologies by relating them to the hip hop self-image.

Other than its designation as a term of excellence, fresh embodies a series of characteristics which describe not only the expressive forms but the cultural orientation being endorsed by hip hoppers. Although fresh is never explicitly defined in rap lyrics, its contextual use as well as information provided by informants has allowed the investigator to formulate an aesthetic of fresh. Most obviously fresh represents newness, originality and innovation, a fresh idea, one full of new tricks and surprises. And associated with this is a quality of youthful vigour and strength as well as references to cool and refreshing, energizing and invigorating. Fresh to hip hop is all things bright and clean, having connotations to a fresh, clean life, as well as an inversion of the filth that defines ghetto life. But,

although fresh signifies a new beginning for hip hoppers, it also

suggests a retention of traditional machoism. To be fresh thus

connotes the ability to be saucy, impertinent, bold and

impudent. Indeed fresh, like funk, is sometimes associated with

natural 'rawness* and with both the frenzied intensity and

striving to excel that defines "wildstyle".

This promotion of an active spiritual strength is

sanctioned by articulations of fresh in terms of moral

superiority ("if it's fresh, it's gotta be right"). Fresh, as

the central defining character of hip hop, reinforces the

suggestion that hip hop is concerned with providing ghetto youths

with an alternative way in which to view themselves and the

world. 120

The aesthetic of fresh is in keeping with the 'work for the

future while retaining your roots' mentality that defines hip

hop. And, indeed, the need for ever new combinations and

recombinations of existing sounds in search of something great

can be seen as analogous to the redefining of existing cultural

beliefs and lifestyles in a search for a better way of life.

Although no explicit connections are made within raps,

linking the aesthetic canons to their value system or cultural

style, the parallels are quite evident. Style in presentation,

authenticity, resourcefulness, balance, and quick reflexes have

been outlined earlier as valued abilities for the hip hop male.

And we have only to recall Kurtis Blow's desire to keep his

balance in the face of hard times or the hip hop command to "rock

steady" or to note that the greatest MCs and DJs are those who

are reckless, that is, willing to take artistic risks, to

recognize a consistency between the aesthetic and the cultural

realms.

6.4 Evaluation of a Poor Performance

Just as hip hop music reveals the standards by which a good performance is evaluated, it is equally clear about what is

a poor performance. The reference to "sucker MCs" suggests that

by being less than emotionally sincere or authentic in one's

performance one can be discredited. And authenticity must be

proven in more than emotional terms. Material must exhibit an

original and identifiable style. And consistently a sucker DJ is 121 one that is unable to create the intricate cuts and mixes without resorting to fakery. As Ice T (1987) explains: 'that Evil E is the greatest, his cuts are real, not fake, not emulated effects or a playback tape like sucker DJs". Sucker MCs and DJs are referred to as soft and sexually impotent, thus are lacking the toughness, strength and virility required to be a great performer as well as a great man — for authenticity is a valued trait at the cultural level as well. Rather than valuing "fronting", or projecting a false image, "the only way to survive is to be yourself". And what it is to "be yourself" is to work hard at a legitimate enterprise, like hip hop, rather than "trying hard to make it through the easy way of life, thinking you can fake it with a pistol or a knife". A sucker emerges as one who is both inept and easily duped and is approached with contempt and condescension.

A poor performance is also discussed in terms of

'stale', 'soft', 'whack' and 'lame'. A stale rap "smells" and is not only old, unoriginal and non-progressive (as opposed to a fresh rap), but is also "soft", or impotent, that is, not exhibiting the hard, loud and aggressive sound that is expected.

A "whack" rap is one that is unoriginal or simply is not performed at par. It is out of whack, not in the groove, it fails to live up to the proscribed criterion. A "lame" rap again has no strength, it is weak, but more, because it is slow it does not motivate or stimulate an audience to move, to dance. The denoting of people or things found lacking with limited mobility reinforces the positive connotations, both at the linguistic and 122 cultural levels, to rapid and unrestricted movement (Kockman

1972a,: 160). Elsewhere lame talk has been referred to as

"shooting blanks", associating impotence in verbal power with physical combat (Folb 1980: 43). And, ultimately, if a rapper's music is deemed "lame", "soft", et cetera, so too is the rapper, being denounced as easily taken advantage of and unworthy of

respect.

Another category of lesser performers, in addition to suckers, are "toys" (or "Fisher Price MCs"). These are not as aggressively criticized as suckers, rather they are dismissed as

inexperienced rookies or as lacking dedication to hip hop. They play at hip hop, rather than operate at the level of commitment and discipline of a master or expert. A master, on the other

hand, has both the skills and perseverence to succeed.

Jam Master Jay, the big beat blaster He gets better cause he knows he hasta It's '83 and he's a little faster And only practice makes a real jam master

(Run-D.M.C, "Here We Go", 1985)

The virtues of a master apply to the cultural as well as

aesthetic realm for the implications are of someone with

leadership qualities who can control power and command respect.

Ultimately, hip hop performance is a performance of contest and,

although every one may claim to be number one, just as in life,

there clearly are winners and losers. 123

6.5 Summary of Rap Analysis

The preceding analysis of hip hop's rap music illustrates the polysemic nature of this genre of communication.

Through it a distinct image of the hip hopper has emerged. Both content of lyrics and, to a lesser degree, the structure of the music itself, has served to reveal the hip hopper's perception of his identity. His persona, his significant social (and power)

relations, his role in the community and his world view and aesthetics are outlined.

Together they articulate an identity that typifies the traditional ghetto male image, one that retains the existing measure of a man through extensions of the self — his personality, the clothes he wears, the possessions he displays,

the women he claims as his own, the males he can intimidate and, not the least, his ability to rap (Folb 1980: 38). But the role of a hip hopper, portrayed through the raps, is much more than

just another rendition of the same old song; rather it suggests a

rearranging of the tough guy image, combining it with other models available to black youths — civil rights and black power

leaders, gospel preachers and socially conscious performing entertainers. Hip hop involves both a highly formalized attempt at redefinition and a retention of central community values. The

result is a person who, although he appears aggressive, manipulative, tough and competitive is also committed, not only to self-improvement and achievement, but to inspiring his fellow 124 ghetto youth to do the same, to avoid the pitfalls of ghetto living (apathy, drugs, crime, violence, etc.) and to use the strength it provides in the pursuit of self-fulfilling goals.

At once the educator, the healer, the entertainer, the deceptor, the fighter — the hip hopper negotiates power through these roles and through his competence in rap itself. This power gives him a sense of control — control over himself and his world. And he applies this feeling of powerfulness, together with that granted him through his position as a culture hero, to energizing his community and instilling it with a sense of self-worth and pride.

Seemingly contradictory statements appear within the expressive form, but rather than contradict perhaps these opposing orientations complement one another. in any case they presumably operate at two different levels. Boasting and exaggerated self-glorification ("talking shit") co-exists with a

call to "be yourself" and not "front" others. The first articulation operates as an aspect of image management in which an illusion is created through role-playing. And, although this practise may indeed lead to actual experiences of self-pride and powerfulness, it is distinguishable from the reality of presenting yourself in a false light -- to yourself or to

others. As with other forms of black expressiveness, the raps

suggest that hip hop is attempting to balance arrogance with

sincerity, aggression with tenderness, an explosion of raw energy with self-disciplined containment (Pasteur and Toldson 1982:

203). 125

in formulating rap music its creators illustrate their rootedness both within the cultural heritage and their immediate cultural environment and their involvement with the wider mainstream culture. The aesthetic and linguistic choices made reflect all three influences. The qualities of good character advocated by hip hoppers, through their rap lyrics, for instance, not only are to some extent in keeping with mainstream values of hardwork and discipline, but also with ghetto-specific values of extreme competitiveness and style, and finally, by paralleling the qualities required for successful execution of a rap performance, are in keeping with a specific history of such a link between culture and performance. The combining of spiritual uplifting with secular concerns about life is also evident in gospel and soul music, for example. And the general categories of themes -- the ego, the community, sex, violence and dancing — have formulated the basis of black sung communication since the beginning of Afro-American culture (Lomax 1966: 123).

This analysis, due to its emphasis on the content of

recorded raps, although uncovering much of the subculture's agenda, has limited value in determining the function of the

street activity. And obviously the act of recording raps in a

studio is far removed from battling against a rival MC or DJ in

Prospect Park in the Bronx. Keeping in mind enthnographic accounts, it is not unreasonable to suggest that at the street

end of the continuum rappers may indeed be involved in a ritual

act of violence containment by expressing it in safe ways, but

that at the professional end the focus is more likely to be on 126 entertainment, financial gain, fame and "talking to the people".

Both however are founded on a highly competitive spirit and involve the notion of self-improvement and restructuring the community in a positive manner. The system appears to accommodate both the maintenance of personal honour and prestige at the community level and the desire to succeed within the wider mainstream culture. Ultimately, however, the analysis has been of a communication system, and has been concerned with the expressive, not the experiential, level of rap. And although the messages conveyed in the raps cannot be taken as conclusive nor neccessarily comprehensive., they do contain suggestions of its functions.

Rap music is more than flaunt and taunt, although it is

that too. Rap music aims to do more than entertain, although it

does that too. While professing his own cool, a rapper heats up

the environment and controls high voltage situations in an effort

to stimulate the minds and bodies of his followers. 127

CHAPTER SEVEN GRAFFITI: GETTING YOUR NAME OP

7.1 Moving Onto the Subway Trains

You know what it evolved from? The toughest guy on the block always had his name the biggest in the street. It told everybody it was his area, that he had the juice to do what he wanted and nobody could mess with him (Tracy 168 in Hager 1984: 13).

Hip hop graffiti was the first of the hip hop

expressive forms to be systematically developed, beginning to

distinguish itself within the gang institution by 1969. Unlike

the other two forms which have a lineage to traditional black

dance and music, it has a more recent and less ethnically bound

urban heritage, primarily as gang territorial markers used to

intimidate rivals (Ley and Cybrisky 1974). Kohl and Hinton have

suggested that the hippie movement with its "flower power"

psychodelic graffiti asserted an influence on the usual gang

inscriptions. As well, community art projects began at this time with professional mural artists encouraging ghetto youths to

beautify, rather than deface the inner cities (1972: 132-133).

As "tagging" (writing your name on public space) became

more important to some members than other gang activities, they

broke off to form writing crews, and the writing was elaborated

both artistically and through the development of behavioural

codes. According to the film documentary Style Wars (1982) in

the pioneer phase (1970-1974) "getting up", that is, writing

one's name as often as possible and in as many places as

possible, was the principle goal. To further this end the NYC 128

transit system became the most desirable surface, allowing for maximum visibility. As one writer, Blade, put it, "graffiti is aboutbecoming famous because your name is all over the city, on

the trains" (in Graffiti 1983: 12). Much later, in the mid 80's,

due to accelerations in policing and "buffing" (cleaning of the

trains) the writers were pressured to reduce subway "bombing", moving hip hop graffiti back onto street walls and handball

courts.

7.2 The Development of Style

As this form of expression gained status, participants

began investing more of themselves in its development. Magic

markers were replaced by colourful spraycan paints, names got

bigger than life and moved to the outside of the trains, letters

were elaborated and distinct regional and personal styles

emerged. In 1975 only four main styles were used but by 1983

this had expanded to over thirty (ibid.: 56).

By 1977, spurred on by intense competition, a second

criterion for evaluating graffiti, and hence its creators, had

emerged. To the value of how many people knew your name was

added the quality of that name. One's name could no longer only

be a "tag" but should be a (master) "piece" as well. As one

writer explains, "anybody can be a writer, but if you're

recognized it means you're a master" (in Mailer 1974: n.p.).

Interestingly this dual status system parallels the gang

tradition of measuring a man's reputation by both the extent to

which his name was known and by how "bad" it was (Horowitz 1983: 129

PHASE 2: THE EVOLUTION OF A STYLE, 1971-1982 130

Phase 2 con'd

(Hager, 1984, pp. 28-29) 131

90). In hip hop, however, the process is reversed. One's name does not become big in accordance with one's reputation, rather one's reputation is measured by how big (and stylish) one's name

literally appears.

One's name, simply written, was no longer sufficient to convey one's identity. Embellishments, backgrounds, images, peripheral epigrams -- in a word, substance was added. Just as graffiti writing moved from static wall graffiti to motion

bombing on trains, static designs were replaced with electrified, active forms -- quite possibly signifying a culture "on the move".

Letter styles, such as bubble, 3-D, computer and mechanical, were adapted from the vast pool of American popular

culture — T.V., videos, advertising, comics, posters, films —

as were the figures, like Snoopy, Underdog and the Pink Panther,

that became incorporated into pieces, often representing the writer's self-image. By recontextualizing these well-known

characters, members of the subculture redefined them in terms of

their own self-image. One writer whose tag read "Stay High 149"

transformed the haloed stick figure insignia from the T.V. show

"The Saint" by giving him a joint to smoke (Cooper and Chalfant

1984: 15). Violation of an orthodox icon, through an inversion

of its significance, confronted the straight world with its

contradictions. But of course the saint figure itself, as a

popular culture form, was a play on, an interpretation of,

traditional religious culture. There is little doubt that the

development of distinct styles of writing expresses the 132

investment of the ego within the form and that the ego, like the

graffiti, was enhanced and distinguished through the process.

7.3 A System of Communication

The question of to whom hip hop graffiti writers.are

communicating and what it is that they are attempting to

communicate is central to understanding hip hop in general, and

subway graffiti in particular.

Due to its public visibility it might be assumed that

writers are merely conveying messages to the general public, in a

subversive manner. However, according to all accounts, the

internal dialogue between ghetto males who are proclaiming their

images of power through bold, durable, confident, tough-looking j signatures is the primary communication goal.

We're trying to produce something. It's a challenge. Like going all city so people will know who I am and knowing I can do it. Its for me and other graffiti writers. I don't care if anyone else sees it or can read it -- all those other people who can't read it, they're excluded — they don't matter to me. Tt ain't about them — its for us (in Style Wars 1982).

Or:

Other writers -- that's the only thing that matters. We want the public to like us, but other writers is what is important. We want recognition (Smith in Chalfant and Prigoff 1987: 28).

To reinforce the notion of exclusivity names are encoded in the

popular "wildstyle" or in "camouflage" style. The letters are so

entangled as to be virtually indecipherable to any but the

initiated. (As writing, like the other forms of hip hop, moves 133 away from the ghetto-specific street culture end of the continuum towards the mainstream professional end, of course more concern

is expressed about recognition in mainstream terms of fame and

financial success (Graffiti 1983).)

Not only the need to communicate with others but also

to compete with them motivates writers. As Tracy 168 explains:

One thing that kept me writing on trains and seeing my name again. You thought your tag would just disappear because there were so many trains. But then it would come back the next day and you'd see somebody else's tag right next to yours. That was part of the communication thing.... Competition was important too (in Hager 1984: 18).

The activity in general, by providing a means of

evaluating peer status and recognition in terms of excellence and

productivity in writing, affirms the importance of competition as

a mechanism of identity creation in this community. Evidence for

this also appears within forms of the graffiti. Written

challenges, incorporated into the "pieces", are thrown out to

other writers -- "Can you burn this?".

To "hit" someone's name by going over it is read as a

kill in this system (Mailer 1974) and is construed as a violation

of the code of behaviour, the perpetrator being denounced. Hence

competition is not arbitrary but operates within strict

regulations. No "kings" would ever "hit" another writer's piece,

nor would he "bite" someone's specific designs. Honour, both

one's own and that of one's opponents, is a respected attribute 134 of a hip hopper's identity, as it was for the earlier gang member. To be a king of the trains is to respect the code while producing "burners" (dazzling, brightly coloured original and elaborate designs, free of drips) which are "def" and thus capable of taking out the competition (Cooper and Chalfant

1984: 31).

As a public performance which is subject to critical evaluation and reflects one's status in the community, any mistakes in execution call for explanations and apologies in order to save face. Again these are incorporated into the pieces: "too fuckin' dark in dem tunnels", "too late, too

tired", "sorry no more blue", "cheap paint", "sorry about the

drips", "chased", "fucked up, my hands were cold" (ibid.: 38).

Viewed within its cultural context, hip hop graffiti,

although illegal in the eyes of the law, is not intended as an act of vandalism, although part of its appeal for some may be

associated with the risks involved in defying authority. Slogans

such as "a dream of some, a nightmare to others" or "graffiti is

an art and if art is a crime, let god forgive me" suggest that writers, although aware of the mainstream rules, are prepared to

defy them (or perhaps dismiss them as irrelevant) in favour of

their own agenda. As Taki 183 put it, "It's an expression of my

self, a way of saying 'I am here'" (in Flinker and Romanowski

1985: 30).

And, if it is a sign of rebellion against the wider

dominant culture, then it is to challenge them to see the beauty

in it and in them. "The real vandalism is what you'd see if they 135 scraped the windows [of the subway cars] clean", claims writer

Ali (ibid.: 33). A common practise is to begin a piece by first painting a simulated brick wall, so representative of the decay of the ghettos, and then to paint one's bright, strong and colourful name over it, suggesting the power to overcome their environment and make something positive out of their lives.

Articulations of their renewed self-image and optimism appear frequently as asides, complementing the graphic statements made by the artwork itself: "we are unstoppable, we are uncatchable, we are nasty"; "we are the sons of the ghetto and we will survive"; "extra, extra, TNT (The Nation's Top) takes, over

New York City". Use of the imperative when addressing those in authority and expressions of their own inflated importance underscores the desire for a sense of control and a position in

society — to be news headliners. Writers appear to be claiming a right to their very existence. Almost all tags, for instance,

are accompanied with an (R) or a (C^ symbol suggesting that their

names, or egos, are being publicly registered and copyrighted

against violations of authenticity.

Pieces are frequently embellished with "cosmic" images

— clouds, stars, meteorites, rainbows, thunder and lightning.

Tags appear to be busting out, with colours^flying off them into

space. The significance of these references is made explicit in

one piece by Bill Blast (1982) in which "Sky's the Limit" floats

above the Statue of Liberty, the words beingformed out of the

flames and smoke emitting from the statue's torch. A giant

ghetto blaster, symbolizing hip hop, stands alongside, 136

Figure 2. "Sky's the Limit" by Billy "Wise" Blast, 1982. (George, et al, 1985, p. 43) 137 music notes rising out of it and floating into the sky. The imagery is elaborate; the message clear. These young men of the ghetto believe that they, are freeing themselves and seizing power through their arts. Another self-portrait piece shows the b-boy as a robot who has broken out of the chains that bind him and burst through the ghetto walls. He is armed with a huge spraycan

inscribed with "Beyond Control". Maze One and Blade collaborated on a piece that both symbolically, through its imagery, and

literally, through its inscription, testifies to their belief

that they are making constructive headway in their lives, or

"breakin ground" as the piece reads.

in the hip hop documentary by Charles Ahearn,

Wildstyle (1982), Zoro is discussing ideas for a new piece. He

imagines a giant star radiating energy and light rising out of an

image of gloom and doom. Admitting that the star represents

himself, he eventually paints the piece with the hands of doom

surrounding his personal hip hop character, whom Zoro claims is

undefeated by his environment. This metaphor of breaking out

appears over and over again. Another writer, Lee, for example,

who claims that his life story is painted in his murals (Chalfant

and Prigoff 1987: 14), portrays himself in his work as a chained

lion freeing himself — the fierce protector of the urban jungle

breaking loose of environmental restraints. As with the other

forms of hip hop expression, the overall image being conveyed is

of a tough, aggressive youth who is exerting his power to

overcome. And although this message is being expressed to

significant others, it is also being spoken to the self. 138

Figure 3.

(Chalfant and Prigoff, 1987, p. 27) 139

7.4 Individual Competitiveness and Collective Cooperation

As is evident from the preceding discussion, there is, predictably, a consistency between the statements made by informants about the significance of hip hop writing and the actual messages communicated through the works — messages written explicitly, and those suggested symbolically and aesthetically.

A closer examination of particular pieces can then reveal further evidence to support the emerging notion that graffiti, like the other forms of hip hop expressiveness, serves two cultural agendas — individual competitiveness and the search

for a powerful self-image and collective cooperation stressing a

strong moral sensibility. By viewing it as an attempt to fulfill both these agendas the apparent contradiction between internal

style wars among writers and unifying ephigrams of "make peace,

not war" can be understood.

The strong identification of the self with the art is

evident in Lee's comment which appears within his 1982 "Silent

Thunder" piece: "Lee...alive again.... There is only one reason

for art, to know that you are alive". In another mural the writer literally has become his art as he paints himself as a

giant, tough-looking, animated spraycan.

These b-boy characters which appear alongside the

elaborate tags are identifiable by their direct pictorial

references to the hip hop image — Kangol hats, Kazol frames,

nameplate belts and wide-laced runners. Poses are aggressive and Figure 4. "Lee — Silent Thunder", 1982. 141

Figure 5. 142 tough-looking. Often these personas are holding one of two objects, which appear to be interchangeable — a gun and a spraycan. Spraycans, aggressively pointing outward, and marked

"danger", substitute as symbols of toughness — just as

informants claim that hip hop substitutes for gang violence. One graffiti piece makes the point most graphically. A b-boy garbed

in army camouflage fatigues has a gun on one side and a spraycan on the other.

The objective of these aggressive b-boy figures is not to suggest a violent threat to society (as has been misinterpreted by outsiders), but as writer Parish explains:

to make you look "bad". You know, it's like an image of yourself and what you were thinking about that night.... It's like a statement to another writer. You're trying to talk to another writer without really meeting him. The way he sees your name, he sees characters, he can picture it in his head. The task force say when they see these characters, they feel violence. I don't understand that. I don't see anything violent about the way it's on there. I could see if you were drawing a bunch of people killing one another, but nobody draws anything like that. The b-boy character projects the image for another writer. He's not trying to show that to the city (in C&a&caer.]i aeid Prigoff 1987: 12).

In a system where to be someone is to "destroy" all comers, one's

hip hop name is symbolically armed to kill. As one writer

claims, by over-decorating their names they are imbued with power

and are "armed to combat" (Rammelzee in Graffiti 1983: 56).

The message of strength may be blatant, as in one piece

which shows a huge b-boy running shoe crushing the city's

skyline as a skeletal figure, swinging a blade, pronounces

"Death". A bomb, burning on a short fuse, substitutes for the

'0' in one writer's tag. Often, however, the image is coded and 143 144 only comprehensible to those familiar with the system. Arrows in pieces, for example, symbolize attack. They are considered to be equivalent to weapons. The direction of the arrow signifies the

intent of the battle. Representing self-destruction, for example, is felt to be the ultimate statement of power and is

indicated by having all the arrows in a piece pointing inward.

According to one informant, this is saying that, "at ground zero

everything is destroyed, obliterated.... This is definite battle

style. This piece is so armed for warfare it's ridiculous. This was a kamikaze run and the sole purpose of this piece was to

destroy all other pieces next to it and itself" (Doc in Chalfant

and Prigoff 1987: 38).

In contrast to this elaborate means of establishing

individual self-worth through competitions of style and cool are

the accessible, easily read peripheral messages which suggest a

concern for communal values. Writers produce a running

commentary on their lives and concerns: "love stinks", "I love

my Mom", "dump Koch", "planet rock, don't stop", "stop real

crime", "stop the Atlanta killings". Many hip hop graffiti

writers appear to see themselves as self-appointed social

reformers and are sensitive to the immediate perils that threaten

their ghetto peers. The recent drug explosion in American inner

cities, for example, has elicited commentaries denouncing their

use: A world so different, call it a wack frustration to live for a rock in such a hard place. The world goes around, but crack cuts you down — Stop Crack Or: 145

For those of you that meet me you never forget me. I became your every thought, your worries, your pain — but once you've met me your life will never be the same — I'm Monster Crack.

Writers also look beyond their immediate social environment, lending their voices to the world fight for peace, providing preacher-like mini sermons on the ghetto walls: "stop

the bomb", "stop the draft", "no star wars", "peace:war", "El

Salvador Vietnam No. 2", "united artists against aparteid", "we are the world".

Other murals are painted as memorials to culture heroes

such as Martin Luther King and James Dean. Hip hoppers, like

Michael Stewart who died from a beating received from NYC police when caught "tagging", are often paid tribute. King Pin, when

commenting on the social consciousness aspect of hip hop graffiti

suggests that one strong motivation in the practice is for young

people to work together "to change things in life/society through

art" (in ibid.: 86).

7.5 "Rocking All City": An Aesthetic and Cultural Concern

If, as has been suggested by a number of graffiti

writers (Wildstyle 1982), the primary aim of writing is to "rock

the city" (as indeed it is for all of hip hop), that is, to take

out all competitors with one's style, then it should be clear to

participants how to evaluate "rocking". "To rock on a train, the

piece needs movement.... It's like the piece is tearin' itself

apart" (Shane 181 in Chalfant and Prigoff 1987: 9). Indeed, 146 movement, especially rapid movement, appears to be a principle aesthetic of hip hop in general. The execution of graffiti, both mechanically and to avoid police apprehension, demands that writers work at a furious pace. And not only do the names, when on subway trains, quite literally fly across the city, but in a formal aspect appear to be bursting with action. Letters crack, melt, twist, turn, bleed, explode. They are painted on a slant or on wheels to suggest movement. They flow into arrows which are shooting energy out in all directions. Blockbuster letters tumble as if they are walking. Futura 2000 explains his outer space imagery as "a journey to where there is light and movement" and Crash has developed a "tornado-effect" to emphasize movement in his letters (in Graffiti 1983: 30). Even on stationary wall pieces it is common to retain the illusion of movement by depicting subway cars speeding towards the viewer. Characters associated with the writers in the pieces also symbolize rapid speed. Superman, a frequently used character, for instance, is of course "faster than a speeding bullet".

There is evidence to suggest that this aesthetic concern with speed reflects a social orientation held by hip hoppers. The concept of self-motivation in making something out of one's life in the face of cultural apathy may be represented here. At another level the action-orientation of street life may be echoed in the art. Tracy 168 discusses writers who died:

Graffiti artists live fast and die young. It's part of the way you are. A graffiti artist is different. It's the way you live...a little bit more than most. You're more open, 147

you're "here I am", you're louder, you want to show people that you're there, you live a wilder life and people that are seen too much usually die a lot faster and a lot of them died fast (in ibid.: 92).

Or, as Fab Five Freddy simply puts it, "if it's true that this

stuff reflects life, it's a fast life" (in George 1985: 111).

The second criterion for "rocking" is to do something

"wildstyle". New York City graffiti is characterized, more than by any other style, by letters which are tangled and contorted

beyond recognition and produce a feeling of intense energy. The

aesthetic of wildstyle is to redefine the concept 'letter',

creating something new and exciting (Chalfant and Prigoff

1987: 75). Wildstyle, however, is more than an artistic canon,

for, as Tracy 168 puts it:

Wildstyle is people. It ain't even art. It has a lot to do with how you act and who you are. You gotta be good at what you're doing. The best writers were from a crew "Wildstyle" (in ibid.: 31).

As has been pointed out in the case of rapping (and

also is expressed in respect to breakdancing (Mr. Fresh and the

Supreme Rockers 1984: 41)), both rocking and wildstyle suggest a

philosophy that promotes excelling in whatever you do — to be

the best that you can be (Hager 1984: 109-110). If we accept the

premise that a graffiti tag represents the writer's ego, then

through wildstyle more than just letters are cut up and

recombined in new ways, but fresh self-images are being created

in the search for a sense of power. As black linguist, Grace Sims

Holt, has pointed out, power is the ability to redefine (1972: 157). 148

We have only to look at the tags selected by hip hop graffiti writers to represent themselves to appreciate that, as writer Cay states, "the name is the faith of graffiti" (in Mailer

1974: np). Taken together Revolt, Zepher, Crash, Futura 2000,

Quik, Blade, Blast, Phase 2, Skeme, Freedom, Vulcan, Ex-Vandal,

Sane, Daze, Flash, Style Messiah, Wizzard and Dream create an

undeniable synthesis of an identity based on optimism, energy, confidence and vision. As depicted here hip hoppers see

themselves, as one rapper puts it, as "a new kind of hero that's what we're going to be, the fresh extraterrestrial brothers, it's

the latest, you know it's the best" (in Style Wars 1982). 149

CHAPTER EIGHT BREAKDANCING: ROCKING WITH BODY LANGUAGE

8.1 Battling in the Inner Cities

The summer of 1975 found scores of young Afro-American kids dancing in front the 77th Street fountain in Central Park.

The music they danced to was largely provided by James Brown.

Brown appeared on numerous teen T.V. shows (e.g."Soul Train") and his dance moves, many based on early Afro-American dances (e.g.

the knocked-kneed camel walk and the backslide), became the accepted standard. As early as 1969 black gang members in the

Bronx were doing the Good Foot, to Brown's "Get on the Good

Foot", which involved quick complex footwork, drops and spins.

At this time individual freestyle dancers would compete on the

streets, but it was not until the early 70's that dance crews

began to form and to devise structured dances, specifically for

competition. (Holman 1984: 45).

It is claimed by early participants in the dance that

it emerged as an alternative vehicle for status and image

evaluation. As one breaker explains:

You see, breakdancing was created by some real tough gangs in New York. That's the truth. The bottom line is that they got tired of fighting with guns, knives and bombs; they stopped breaking each other with weapons and started breaking with music and incredible dance steps (Watkins and Franklin 1984 : 2).

This usage of the word 'break' suggests one origin of the name,

but there are also others reported. Some informants claim that

it comes from the practice of gangs breaking from their fights to

socialize at parties, in which dancing and dance contests were 150 the primary activities (Hazzard-Gordon 1983b). Hip Hop historian

Curtis Marlow suggests that it is derived from the vernacular term 'to break', which is a generalized expression for an outbreak of anger and that the dance is associated with it due to its intense and aggressive nature (1984: 14).

What is now known as breakdancing was originally three distinct street dance forms that merged and were subsumed under

"breakdancing" or "breaking". Two of these forms, breaking and uprocking, originated in the South Bronx. The third was a

Californian form introduced by Californian dancers moving to New

York and joining New York breaking crews. Electric boogie, as it

is called, although performed competitively, did not originate as an alternative to gang violence as the other two reportedly did.

Original breaking, or downrocking as it is sometimes

referred to, constitutes the gymnastic, acrobatic aspects of the

dance executed low to the ground. Uprocking is the kung fu mimed

fighting moves, and electric boogie forms the spasmatic,

isolated, mime illusion-type gestures. In general the moves

developed demand extreme physical strength, control and agility.

Although both breaking and uprocking emerged as types

of ritual dance battles, the latter proved unsuccessful as an

alternative to fighting. It involved two opposing dancers

dance-fighting one-on-one at close range, using extremely

aggressive movements. The object was to humiliate your opponent

through kinetic taunts. In most cases it served to stimulate

outbursts of violence, rather than deter them, and was eventually

adapted, having its movements incorporated into solo breaking

(Mr. Fresh and the Supreme Rockers 1984: 22). 151

Breaking, from the beginning, was a team-structured dance in which one or more members entered into the centre of a circle or semi-circle of dancers and spectators to perform their brief, but intense, routine before making way for a dancer on the opposite team. Never would both crews be performing

simultaneously and this is believed to have contributed to the

containment of violence.

As with gang warfare, verbal confrontation forms a

significant preamble to actual "battles". Dance crews egg on

their opponents with taunts intended to initiate a physical

confrontation — "You boys are biters", "I think I hear your mommy calling you", "You're looking at death, man, you're going

to have to put a bag over that face to hide the shame", (in Beat

Street 1984 and Breakin' 1984). This heated exchange is

continued in dance form through a call and response format.

Dancers are interrupted by opponents throwing physical taunts,

performances are punctuated with gestured boasts and moves are

repeated for emphasis. In breaking to "cut" someone with your

moves is a physical extension of verbal disparagement.

Although a specific and highly ritualized format

standardizes the dance, individual style and inventive

innovations are a central criterion for evaluations. As with the

other forms of hip hop, the dance provides a playful, yet

competitive, means of negotiating personal power, rivalry and

status. Shaming another, making one's opponent look stupid while

enhancing oneself, is the objective of "cutting", "burning" or

"busting" within this battle challenge (Hazzard-Gordon 1983b:

247-252). 152

Dancers are highly protective of their moves and have devised a strategy for competition. As one dancer explains it:

I watch him [the opponent] dance and see how good he is. If he is not so good, then I just use my cheap moves. When I dance, I save my good moves. Then if he comes back with something good, I pull out my good moves (Mr. Fresh and the Supreme Rockers 1984: 28).

"Taking someone out" by using the same move as he does, but with

superior execution, is considered desirable since it allows a

dancer to save his original moves from potential theft or

"biting". Strategies are carefully planned to best enhance

reputations. Going against an inferior crew, for instance, will

arouse criticism and derisive jokes, yet going against dancers

who are too good is to risk defeat. The performance of the dance

is a highly managed affair since so much of a dancer's ego is

invested in it and indeed maintained through it. Although,

initially, breaking reportedly functioned as a serious means of

containing violence, it was from the beginning, and continues to

be, a form of entertainment as well. Indeed, in general American

blacks exhibit a cultural predisposition towards viewing

competitive activities as a source of entertainment, just as

performance, to be entertaining, should be highly competitive in

nature (Kochman 1981: 144).

8.2 Breaking as Cultural Continuity

To construct a complete picture of breakdancing it is

necessary to see it within a cultural heritage of black dance

which reaches beyond the immediate context within which it 153 arose. A cultural continuity both of analagous functions and specific dance formations suggests a retention of African dance articulations extending throughout American black dance.

As documented by Thompson (1986) and others (Banes 1985;

Marlow 1984), the foundation upon which breakdancing developed has direct roots to Africa, however recombined and blended with other influences these origins may be. The possible threads of this lineage are many and the few provided here are simply examples.

Traditionally in West Africa, particularly in Mali,

Gambia and Senegal, competitive and warrior dances provided an arena for judging the strength and endurance of potential

leaders, contributing to male identity construction and moral education (Marlow 1984: 10), as well as serving as status markers, channels for aggression and vehicles for sexual display

(Hanna 1979: 180-181). Another type of traditional African dance

that shares its function with breakdancing is the dance of

derision, which forms a basis for social control and a display of

ethics. Through mime, the pride and pretentions of others are

attacked and behaviour is monitored and directed (Thompson

1966: 96).

Dance as a primary source of expression moved with

Africans to the Americas. Elements of self-assertion and of

ridicule and mockery of others (in this case directed towards

white masters), so evident in breakdancing, were in operation

during slave times. And street dance is by no means a recent

phenomenon in the Bronx and Harlem. The tap dancers of the 154

1900's to the 1930's would gather on street corners and back alleys to challenge and stimulate one another. One tapper

referred to these street performances as being "like fighting"

(Hanna 1983: 49). Another states that he hated violence and

tried to convey that through his dance (ibid.: 56).

And, as with breakdancing, a relationship with the mainstream culture factored in early Afro-American dance.

Tappers and Charleston dancers performed on the streets, not only

for their own pleasure and expression, but in hopes of earning money and recognition by those in a position to give both

(Stearns and Stearns 1964). These early street dancers longed to

be discovered and promoted to stage performers just as today's

breakdancers see their street performances as an opportunity for

fame and fortune .

Not only similarities in function but similarities in

actual dance vocabulary have moved down the body line

intergenerationally through black culture. The body waves, for

example, of the tranced healers and the fast moving sports-like

dance battles of East Africa's Kongo, precisely parallel breaking

moves. The nsunsa is comparable to breakdancing's uprocking,

sharing an orientation towards mimed dance combat based on

lunging, knife-slashing movements and martial posing. West

African dances, such as the Ibedi-Bedi, consist of a series of

hand spins and freeze positions similar to those in breaking

(Marlow 1984: 10). Shadowboxing movements appear in

Afro-Brazilian Caporiera and the preliminary steps referred to as 155

Figure 7. Nigerians doing headslides

(Holman, 1984, p. 48) 156 "the entry" in breaking are identical to an Afro-Haitian move called "the break".

From the rapid, fancy footwork of Afro-American slave dances like the Virginia Essence, in which possibly the first moonwalk was executed, to early vaudeville performances like the competitive Virginia Breakdance, the wild derriere spins of the

Black Bottom, the solo male Juba circle dance, to more recent popular black dance forms, such as the acrobatic flashdancing of the 1920's and the Lindy Hop, formal aspects have been perpetuated. The developing lineage is by no means a straight• forward or pure one, however. Many aspects required to establish direct correspondence are lacking and the complexities of

influences are not always clearly perceived. For example, the moves of early vaudevillians were not limited to African

inspirations but incorporated other ethnic moves, such as Russian elbow spins and Irish jigs (Holman 1984: 49).

Nonetheless, in the case of breakdancing, there is evidence to suggest a direct connection between the African and

the Afro-American dance formations as a result of the recent

revived interest in their African roots by Afro-American

choreographers. Several New York-based dance troupes, such as

the Chuck Davis Dance Co., travelled to Africa in the late

1970's, returning to perform the rediscovered dances in community

centres and schools throughout the inner cities; no doubt being

seen by aspiring street dancers (Marlow 1984: 10).

One reason for exploring cultural continuity in the

case of breaking is that it reinforces, through historical 157

Figure 8. Flashdancing in the 1920's. (Holman, 1984, p. 51) 158 precedence, the claims concerning the use of breaking as a problem-solving mechanism, specifically as a means of containing

aggression and evaluating masculinity. According to black

culturalist Thomas Kochman (1981: 144) competitiveness is a well-established and central aspect of black aesthetics. In

addition to the historical evidence to support this claim, there

is linguistic evidence, especially in relation to dance. The

vernacular term 'to throw down' is used to signify a contest or

fight, as well as superior dancing ability or to compete through

dance (Folb 1980: 104). 'To go' also is used both for 'to fight' t

and^'to dance'. Similarly, the hip hop term 'rocking' indicates

both competing stylishly and stimulation through energetic dance.

There is a final aspect in which breakdancing

constitutes a form of cultural continuity, one especially

significant when viewing it as a successful self-imaging

mechanism. According to sociologist and black dance historian,

Hazzard-Gordon, there exists a general cultural predisposition in

Afro-American culture to view dance as a core black experience.

Not only is cultural integrity, one's in-group status or simply

put one's 'blackness' reinforced through dance, but the very fact

of being known as "a dancer" in black culture carries with it a

positive sense of identity. Being a dancer is equivalent to

being somebody — and to be good at dancing is to be a man with

strong self-esteem and peer-recognition (1983a: 21-25). There is

no question that breakdancing, at one level, is a natural

continuation of this cultural condition, however "fresh" its

expression may be. 159

8.3 Additional Sources for the Dance

Beyond reflecting their black dance heritage, breakdancers also draw on a rich variety of sources for inspiration in formulating their dance. Activities which enjoy high status in the community have become incorporated and reaffirmed in the new system of representation. The high profile given competitive sports supports the athletic thrust developed in the dance. Boxing moves, acrobatics and martial arts became rich sources, contributing an energetic and aggressive movement vocabulary and allowing for the retention of fighting prowess and physical strength as measures of male aptitude.

Personal cultural experiences also have reportedly been incorporated. The three dancers credited with inventing the electric boogaloo recall being impressed by the ecstatic fits of

Baptist Church members. This, combined with an attempt to imitate the effects of a strobelight, the passing of electricity through the body and the jerky, poorly synchronized movements of cartoon video figures, as well as a response to the relentless beats emerging from the drum machines used in black music, and finally Michael Jackson's electrified version of the robot performed on "Dance Machine", resulted in the violent body wave motions. It has also been suggested that these moves were introduced by gang members who were not involved in breaking. By mocking the dancers through facial and body contortions they simply gave them another source of gestures to latch onto

(Watkins and Franklin 1984: 2). In actuality it does not seem likely that all of these sources were combined directly or 160 consciously to create the dance form. More likely a number of related and unrelated experiences reinforced the moves by promoting one another toward an overall gestalt. Nonetheless, this artistic collaging is a common and repeated practice found throughout hip hop, and is indicative of the aesthetic of fresh and its orientation towards making something new by combining available materials in surprising and exciting ways.

Television and films appear to have provided role models for the cult or comic book hero image the dancers create for themselves. Steve Martin doing a King Tut routine on

"Saturday Night Live" is attributed with inspiring the tut move.

The smurf walk was taken directly from the cartoon characters.

The robot dance incorporated into breaking was developed from the

robot character on the program "Lost in Space" (Holman 1984:

130). Shields and Yarnell, a well-known street and television mime couple, provided a model for humorous mime. Others point to old Fred Astaire, Donald O'Connor and Gene Kelly movies as

inspirations, especially for combining dance and comedy.

Although the most obvious influence of popular culture on breakdancing is in the creation of dance moves, it must be

stressed that its impact goes far beyond these superficial adoptions. For example, martial arts films, as well as inspiring

actual moves such as the windmill and the backspin, also provide

a comic strip-like image of the superhero engaged in

choreographed fight-dancing which appeals to hip hop

sensibilities (Toop 1984: 129; Holman 1984: 27). But they do more than this, as the popular 1979 Chuck Norris film, A Force 161 of One illustrates. Not only are macho men executing exquisitely balletic kick boxing (all the more powerful in the sparring scenes), but the movie makes a direct appeal to inner city youth. in it the Chuck Norris character's adopted son is a streetwise black kid who has all the physical abilities to be a great fighter, but the wrong attitude. The right attitude, according to the film, is to abandon revenge and violence for its own sake and seek inner control. With it one can overcome any obstacle. As well, the movie suggests that violence is containable within a competitive yet honourable organization.

And, to further associate its message with hip hop members, the film uses graffitied walls as backdrops for street performance scenes.

While breaking, as the latest in a long line of black vernacular dances, is rooted in the past, the choices made in its construction also indicate that it is a product of the immediate present, while orientating itself towards the future. This expansiveness parallels the flexibility exhibited in the execution of the dance moves, as well as suggesting a mental and

cultural flexibility that facilitates the shift in one's

image-management machinery that hip hop represents.

8.4 An Analysis of Form: Expressions of Male Identity

When attempting to interpret an expressive form such as

dance the various levels at which the phenomenon is operating

within the culture should be distinguished from one another.

However, at least in the case of breakdancing, it seems that the 162 experiential level (both individual and collective experience) illustrates a high degree of consistency with the expressive level. Thus what is said about the nature and significance of the dance parallels the messages encoded within the dance moves themselves.

Informants, when speaking about the experience of breakdancing, refer to a heightened euphoric, yet frenzied state, a sense of unlimited confidence and invincibility. The investigator has witnessed a dance crew using their dance as a means of increasing self-esteem. On occasions when the group has been required to do something which demands a sense of self-worth

(such as seeing booking agents, recording producers, calling a girl) they will dance as a preparation for the encounter, explicitly to psych themselves up for it. Comments such as

"breaking out on the dance floor is getting real", "you do it til you feel good", "glides make me feel suave and sophisticated",

"when you bring your rib cage in you feel like the Hulk",

"sliding on the floor you look and feel like you're walking on air", "it's a freak show on the dance floor", all testify to a transformation occurring within the individual dancers.

The character of this transformation, one in which the dancer's sense of self-worth and personal power is enhanced, is consistent with the images conveyed within the dance forms and it can be argued that the act of engaging in the dance steps effects the emotional change (Fernandez 1986). This empowering is concretized through mimetic movements drawing on traditional ghetto representations of strong men — pimps, gangsters, muscle 163 men and tough guys. The desire to transcend the mundane and soar to great heights freed from earthly bounds (much like the space, imagery on graffiti) is alluded to in moves dubbed "moonwalking",

"hang gliding" and the "helicopter". The series of electric boogie moves is based on imagery of energizing the self and the entire dance vocabulary, with its emphasis on executing moves which appear undoable, and communicates a general desire to test the limits of human ability and create a persona that is omnipotent and can defy natural laws.

Appearing throughout the dance vocabulary is a metaphor of the machine. Dancers become robots and helicoptors and simulate the pops and shocks of video games or the effects of strobelight. isolation movements are sharp and explicitly executed so that "the more you look like a machine, the better"

(in "Let's Break" 1984). The overall appearance suggests a wild, out of control electrification, yet at the same time, an incredible body control and precision. Seeming at once rigidly tight and contained, yet loose, flexible and jointless is a kinetic articulation of the controlled looseness embodied in the concept 'cool'. As Thompson has pointed out (1966: 85-97), balance is the principle aesthetic component of cool and is given further kinetic expression in breaking through the defiance of gravity, the teetering on the edge of equilibrium that is evident in the headspins, handspins, elbow and kneespins.

In addition to cool, another aspect of typical male ghetto identity which is manifested in the dance form is sexual virility. Dancers blatantly hump the dance floor, fan their 164

Figure 9. Manny demonstrates a handspin-. begin with a handstand, twisting legs to one side; then spin, balancing on one hand. Figure 10.

Laurie does an airplane—which makes him look like a pinwheel spinning out of control. Both arms are extended to the sides and he spins on knee. He keeps the left leg in the air and the left foot off the floor as he does his airplane spin. (Nadell and Small, 1984, p. 55? p. 53) 165 pelvic areas (suggesting that it is too hot to handle) and mime sexual behaviour in a flaunting fashion. Even feminine role-playing gestures, with eye batting and hip swinging, and typical homosexual gestures, enter the vocabulary, presumably as boasts of ultra-masculinity. These young men are saying that they are so confident in their masculinity that they can even do this and still be potent men. It should be mentioned, however, that these moves (along with others such as miming a baby sucking its thumb) also provide comic relief and elicit much laughter from onlookers, if not from opponents, to whom they are directed.

A number of movements in breakdancing have come directly into the dance from the commonplace black street culture body language. The use of black handslap salutations, for example, emerge in the dance to intensify energies, acknowledge comradery and lend support and approval to crew members. Another form of greeting, that of cupping the hands over the genitals, has become a dominant breaking stance, as has the hands on the hip, signifying aggression and deep involvement (Johnson 1975:

304-305). These gestures appear in the dance as part of formatted poses or "freezes" which, in general, have been devised to communicate defiance and mockery towards opponents (Mollov

1984: 15).

in addition to stopping with style, as indeed freezing is, the predominant movement articulation in breaking is walking with style and again indicates a transfer of street "stylin1 out" into the dance arena. According to Johnson, rhythmic styles of 166 walking, akin to dance, declare that the street man is strong, beautiful, cool, yet disdainful and insolent (1975: 301). One particular mode of walking, a quick pivot presenting one's back to others at close range while raising the head and briskly strutting off, signals both derision and superiority and is in common use within breaking. Finding as many ways as possible of propelling the self through space seems to be the aesthetic criterion on which breaking has developed. "Moonwalking", "the spider walk", "the crab", "the worm", "the smurf walk", "the tut walk", "the ET walk" are testimony to the search for elaborate and new alternatives in locomotion (and are reminiscent of the earlier Afro-American walk dances such as the camel walk and the cake walk). Knees, hands and even heads are walked on. Spins are discussed in terms of walking ("walk around the floor in a

circle on your hands"); slides and glides, slow motion and high

speed walking, running on the spot, miming walking against the wind or in a weightless vacuum all feature in routines.

It is tempting to infer from the predominance of

imaginative and seemingly endless variations of locomotion within

it, that the dance, at least at one level, represents a metonym

for survival on the streets, where one's ability to maneuver

creatively may literally save one's life. And the notion that an

activity can be carried on in new ways is, of course, consistent with the concern of hip hoppers to find alternative ways of

existing in the ghetto. Further, the speed, flexibility and

agility with which dancers switch characters — one second

walking like a robot, the next like a centipede, the next like a 167

Figure 11. Spiderwalk on finger taps. 168

pimp -- suggests a cultural predisposition towards adaptability and role playing. And, once again, we are reminded of Holt's point that power is the ability to redefine.

The role of body movement in effecting actual changes within the participant is, of course, a complex one, yet is an

especially important one when examining black culture -- for in

black expressiveness cognition and movement are closely aligned

(Hale-Benson 1986: 75); or as Pasteur and Toldson (1982) put it

"the way you move can change the way you think and feel"(241).

There is even evidence at the linguistic level to support an

association between knowledge and movement. To be "hip", for

example, is to have understanding of a situation, but to be hip

in the fullest black sense of the term you must literally use

your hips (Kochman 1972a: 169). This is no small point if we are

to surmise that during the performance of breakdancing the dancer

experiences a transformation of the self and creates, at least

momentarily, a new reality, one that contrasts the reality of the

everyday world.

Finally, the high speed with which most breaking moves

are executed and evaluated by ("If you're slow you blow but if

you're fast you pass.") is consistent both with the general

aesthetic of hip hop and with the cultural orientation of ghetto

street life with its intense spurts of high-powered action. Both

Kochman (1972b: 263) and Folb (1980: 128) agree that ghetto

survival comes down to movement and the creation of action in a

static and restrictive environment. Street activity is dominated

by a kinetic element. Reputations are built in terms of success 169

his hips, lifts his hands off the ground, pushing off again with hands. Figure 12. (Nadell and Small, 1984, pp. 48-49) 170 in action activities. Even the power playing and manipulative behavior is, by its very nature, kinetic and demands quick reflexes. Opportunities to create action provide an arena for status negotiation and testing self-awareness. Conversely, to move slowly or stop moving is to be vulnerable (Abrahams 1976:

88). In this light, black performance in general, and breaking in particular, is indeed a statement of personal and social action.

As has been implied in this discussion of hip hop, the creation of a strong self-image based on power requires not only self-inflation, but the deflation of others. The cultural context in which breakdancing generally occurs promotes a system based on competition through which a male can be evaluated. As well, within the dance routines themselves, ritual insults and shaming are given kinetic expression. The presence of these aggressive gestures helps substantiate the claims that breaking may function as a mechanism for violence containment.

Mimetic moves are particularly successful in fulfilling this role. Two team members will mime walking a dog, the one playing the dog will lift his leg and urinate towards the opposing crew, who respond with lewd finger and arm gestures or by holding their noses to suggest that the dancer stinks. Common verbal taunts such as "eat my dick", "suck on it", "shit on you",

"kiss my ass" and "jerk off" are all graphically actualized in dance gestures. For example, a dancer will mime pumping his penis and spraying his opponent. Instead of blowing a kiss it is thrown off the hand onto the floor and stomped on. The Zulu 171

Nation love and peace sign, or the more traditional 'V sign are aggressively flashed in opponents' faces accompanied with ironic

leers in attempts to unnerve them. Not all signals of aggression and combat are as overt as these, however. Symbolic codes are also evident. A significant degree of pointing, for instance, accompani-es aggressive moves and represents, according, to one of

the investigator's NYC informants, the dance equivalent to the

arrows shooting out of armed graffiti names. And, as with

graffiti, a kamakaze approach is symbolized in the "suicide"

dance move.

Thus far this analysis of breaking has been focussing

on the individual dancer, however it is evident that much of what

he is imparting through the dance are collective concerns and

beliefs shared by the group. Although few social messages are

visible in the dance movements themselves (only the occasional

references to the hazards of smoking are mimed, for example),

both the experience and expression of self-confidence and

self-worth ("I am somebody") appears to be transferred, at least

momentarily, to those in the community who witness the dance ("we

are somebody"). Observing the infectious elation and overflow of

power from performers to audience, as well as the participation

of onlookers through clapping, waving, cheering and ultimately

determining the winners, one cannot help but be reminded of

other, more verbally oriented, forms of consciousness-raising in

black expressive tradition. 172 The general ethos of the dance denotes an approach to the,problems of growing up male in the ghetto that is indicative of hip hop. Breakdancers on a dance floor do the impossible -- their moves defy gravity, create illusions; dance locomotion and kinetics are redefined. And the dance reflects the cultural agenda. It reflects a cultural concern with maintaining equilibrium in the face of poverty, violence and racism, of redefining reality and transforming their experiences of the world. As one rap song so aptly warns, a warning echoed in the dance vocabulary: "don't push me cause I'm close to the edge, I'm trying not to lose my head". The concerns encoded in the dance

— aggression, risk-taking, manipulation, balance and control, projection of an image of power, strength and speed —are not new, they constitute the primary survival tactics used in ghetto living (Hannerz 1969). However, the means by which hip hoppers have chosen, not merely to negotiate their cultural agenda, but also to combat apathy and self-doubt, are artistic ones conveying a constructive personal identity and social climate of limitless potential and possibility for the future. Like the electric boogie dancers who seemingly draw an energy source out of thin air with which to energize their bodies, hip hoppers pull out of their limited environment and resources the means to motivate themselves. 173

CONCLUSION

Hip hop is an attitude which made its mark on forms of expression that had been around for years -- dancing, fashion, graffiti, disc-jockeying and schoolyard rapping (Toop 1984: 140).

The preceding presentation of the ghetto youth movement, hip hop, has drawn on three general types of data in

the construction of a reading of the subculture. Available

descriptive material, including the accounts of participants, provided the initial framework for viewing the expressive forms.

These in turn were examined for evidence to affirm (or dispute)

claims made about the nature and functioning of hip hop. And

finally the messages communicated through the expressive forms were unpacked, not only with reference to ethno-historical

information on hip hop, but also to general black expressive

traditions. This study brings together disparate data, and from

their synthesis I has been able to extract a perspective from which to view the phenomenon. Drawing conclusions concerning the

actual nature of hip hop from an analysis of expressive forms is

a precarious enterprise, however. To infer "hip hop is" from

"rap (or graffiti or breaking) communicates" requires a leap of

faith on our part; thus it is with caution and some reservation

that I does just that.

Without further qualification, then, the study

concludes that through hip hop an attempt is made to provide a

viable alternative lifestyle and ideology to young ghetto males

who: 174

1. construct an image of power for themselves based on creative competitiveness and self-glorifying role-playing and

2. apply this sense of greatness to community concerns and, by establishing themselves as cultural heroes and leaders, attempt to outline a strategy for coping with their existence by

reenergizing it and transforming it into a positive experience.

At one level hip hop represents a suspension of

reality, or the construction of a new one, through image-making and fantasy and can be seen as no more than an expressive outlet engaged in during leisure time. Yet, on another, it involves very real feats of greatness and a very real call for cultural change and offers solutions to structural and existential problems these young men face. it constitutes a testing ground

for questions about their world and their relationship to it.

Hip hop not only provides a means for expressing their cultural agenda, but also constitutes a process through which it can be actualized.

Hip hop appeared in New York City's ghettos at the peak

of a period of reported cultural apathy and despair, coupled with

a marked increase in gang violence. It constituted a formation

of self-pride and optimism within an artistic movement. It appears to have arisen to provide an alternative way of measuring

self-worth and commanding respect and recognition from peers.

The model enacted drew on a variety of available orientations.

Traditional communication conventions -- boasting, taunting,

testifying -- were retained. Established aesthetic canons of

rhyme, rhythm, humour, rapid movement, call and response, among 175 others, were employed. Many role models from the existing repertoire — the cool stoic, the rebel, the badman, the activist, the entertainer, the -athlete, the preacher — were combined to create a distinct synthesis of a superman empowered with the ability to redefine himself and successfully control his environment.

The hip hop image is one of looking tough, inviolate, fearless, virile, secure and cool. And hip hop activities provide the stage for enacting this role. Strong identification of the participant with the expressive form indicates a belief

that you are what you do. An entire identity with an accompanying code of behavior, values and beliefs is performed, evaluated, created and changed through participation in hip hop.

Hip hoppers appear to be seeking solutions to their

concerns about ghetto violence, poverty and low morale. The

initial intention was reportedly to provide a substitute mechanism for channeling interpersonal hostility that existed within the gang institution and there is evidence within the

expressive forms to substantiate this claim.

More than simply containing violence, however, hip hop

has developed as a general means of reenergizing a dysfunctional

culture. Hip hoppers appear to believe that participation in hip

hop can reduce internal problems as well as provide a means of

indoctrinating others with their philosophy and lead to cultural

change. Regardless of the nature of the problem, in general hip

hop operates as a problem-solving mechanism, and, whether at the 176 street level or the professional level, expresses the intention of creating an identity through competition and self-improvement.

Aspects of traditional ghetto ideology are upheld

(primarily the emphasis on competitiveness and confrontation), although given new expression, while others (primarily the defeatist "ghetto mentality") are challenged. Through the development of new defining concepts, both used as aesthetic canons and cultural mandates, hip hop expresses a masterplan for confronting the restrictions and frustrations of ghetto living.

'Fresh1, 'wildstyle' and 'rocking' define the hip hop ideology which represents an optimistic and enthusiastic belief in their powers to improve their existence and to overcome adversities through perseverence and self-confidence and assertion. Like other forms of black expression, hip hop represents a struggle to balance hardships with celebration — a celebration of self, blackness, maleness and a belief in the future. Much of hip hop

cultural and artistic style involves the negotiating of seemingly oppositional forces, not the least of which is the integrating of

individual competitiveness and collective cooperation and, as

Abrahams (1976: 82) has suggested, "it is precisely in the way

that a culture chooses to dramatize these oppositions that it

asserts its own characteristic patterns of life — as well as art

— style",...

As a revitalizing movement within the ghetto, hip hop's

primary concentration appears to be on building up the local

community and fulfilling itself internally. Yet it also 177 concerns itself with the larger world. Here a certain ambivalence is sensed. On the one hand, hip hop, by denouncing violence and crime in favour of status measurements somewhat more in keeping with the mainstream and, by seizing modern high technology (both in imagery and in engineering practices) with a vengeance, it perhaps is appropriating dominant ideologies and attempting to bridge the gap. On the other hand a certain resistance and aggression toward the wider culture and a protective exclusiveness are being expressed. Hip hop is not, however, in any sense a revolutionary or particularly subversive wholesale rejection of the dominant culture as seen in Punk or

Heavy Metal musical subcultures. Particularly as hip hop activities become legitimized in the mainstream, hip hoppers appear to be playing both sides of the fence, retaining their biculturalism, by fulfilling the ghetto-specific code while striving for the so-called "American Dream".

Throughout this presentation the labels 'rapper',

'graffiti writer' and ' breakdancer' have been used interchangeably with the term 'hip hopper', for indeed rappers, graffiti writers and breakdancers consider themselves members of the hip hop movement. However, not all hip hoppers participate in all three activities, nor can we automatically assume that the three are identical in their defining characteristics.

Therefore some distinctions, as well as similarities, among the three have been alluded to throughout the text. 178

Rapping and breakdancing are most closely aligned as performance arts which grew out of a long history of black

cultural traditions. Graffiti writing, on the other hand, is

less ethnically bound and performance-based, and stands alone as

the only sanctioned criminal activity promoted by hip hop. Yet,

all three were well-established forms of expressions within the

ghetto. Graffiti and dance were particularly tied to gang

activities — graffiti as an important aspect of gang business;

dance more as a social outlet. DJing and MCing, on the other

hand, originally did not begin as a gang enterprise, but were

adopted into hip hop, often by ex-gang members seeking an

alternative image-management mechanism.

All three forms stress competitiveness and containment

of aggression and involve a strong commitment of the self to the

respective enterprise. All three express the central ideologies

and aesthetics of fresh, wildstyle and rocking, et cetera, and

all three strive not only to empower the participants, but others

as well, through energetic and strong imagery. And, although the

way of life and particulars of their cultural agenda are not as

evident in the other forms as they are in the rapped

articulations, testimonies of participants suggest a degree of

consistency of beliefs, dress, style and behavior throughout the

system.

The overall intention is to create a unified

declaration of self, a total mode of existence that stresses

actively taking charge of shaping one's own destiny, drawing

strength from one's circumstances rather than succumbing to the 179 pitfalls, possessing self-pride and demanding respect. A vision of both personal and cultural transformation is being communicated as hip hoppers apply their fighting spirit to the challenges of coming up in the ghetto.

The story of hip hop, like most true stories, has no discrete ending. It continues long after the recounter has summed up and tied all the loose ends together. Be it an epilogue or simply the as yet untold ensuing chapter, there is a

final note that this investigator wishes to make in her story of hip hop. Dick Hebdige (1979), in his discussion of youth

subcultures, has suggested that that which was originally an act

of resistance is later incorporated back into that which was

resisted. It appears that this is happening in the case of hip

hop. What began as a resistance against ghetto gangs has now

come full cycle. Aspects of hip hop, in particular rap music, has been adopted by the recently formed inner city drug gangs as part of their identification. The irony is that the ritual aggression

so prevalent in raps has come to represent the very real aggression practised by the drug gangs.

Drug gangs, especially those of Jamaican origin, refer

to themselves as posses, as do hip hop crews. Both claim symbols

of the ultrarich, such as Rolex watches, huge gold chains and

flashy cars, as tokens of their image, and both utilize graffiti

as a means of internal communication (Morganthau et al 1988).

Here, however, a significant difference exists. The scrawled 180

codes of the gang graffiti exhibits none of the artistic sophistication, bright colours or elaborative style of hip hop graffiti. Rather, it is all black, harsh lettering which spells out very real threats, not ritual image-management taunts.

There is also evidence to suggest that the cycle will

indeed repeat itself. Again reports of gang members leaving the

fold to pursue careers in rap are emerging; ice T being the most

notable example. Ice T was a New York City kid who moved to Los

Angeles and got heavily involved in gang warfare. Yet he was

also drawn to hip hop and eventually used it to help him break

away from the gang life. Many of his raps, however, represent a

new strategy that is emerging in the genre — one devised to

confront the gang institution once more. The persona he

represents in his raps is that of the gang member telling it how

it is -- "I am a nightmare walking, psychopath talking, king of

the jungle, just a gangster stalking, living life like a fire

cracker - quick is my fuse....My life is violent but violent is

life, peace is a dream, reality's a knife" ("Colors" 1988).

Rather than leaving it at that, this new breed of

rappers continue, trying to explain the social conditions that

make gangs inevitable and, ultimately challenging young ghetto

men not to waste their lives, but rather to develop the mental

strength to avoid the "fatal mistake" of joining a gang (MC Shan,

"A Mind is a Terrible Thing to Waste", 1988). These rappers are

aware that they must first win the confidence of their listeners

before they can begin to preach and teach. As KRS 1 of the South

Bronx describes his approach: 181

Here's someone you can follow who's just like you are, who sees the things you see. Now they're listening and this is the second chapter of what I see as a book or a kind of a process of education. On the first album, I talk about superheroes. On this one I talk about AIDS and contraception. On the first album, we had a track called "9 mm Goes Bang" and only now, at this point, am I able to say "Stop the Violence" (in McCready 1988: 99).

Reportedly (Lamar 1988: 21) New York City, during the

1980-1987 period, had the least increase per capita of drug-related juvenile arrests of all major American urban centers. And, according to several of the investigator's

informants, all three expressive forms of hip hop are alive and well in NYC and actively competing with the gangs for membership. Only time will tell if the fighting spirit of hip hop will succeed in winning this battle. 182 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Roberts, Kenneth 1983 Youth and Leisure. London: Allen and Unwin Publishers. Romanowski, Patty and Susan Flinker 1985 Graffiti. In Fresh: Hip Hop Don't Stop. Pp. 29-54. New York: Random House. Roseman, Marina 1980 The New Rican Village: Taking Control of the image- Making Machinery. New York Folklore 6(l):45-54. Schulz, David 1977 Coming Up as a Boy in the Ghetto. In The Black Male in America: Perspectives on his Status in Contemporary Society. D. Y. Wilkiinson and R. L. Taylor, eds. Pp. 7-32. Chicago: Nelson-Hall. Schwartz, Gary and Don Merten 1967 The Language of Adolescence: An Anthropological Approach to the Youth Culture. American Journal of Sociology 72(5 ): 453-468. Short, James F. Jr. 1968[ed] Gang Delinquency and Deliquent Subcultures. New York: Harper and Row. Short, James F. Jr., and Fred Strodtbeck 1968 Why Gangs Fight. In Gang Delinquency and Deliquent Subcultures. J. F. Short Jr., ed. Pp. 246-256. New York: Harper and Row. Silverman, Stuart 1975 The Learning of Black English by Puerto Ricans in New York City. In Perspectives on Black English. J. L. Dillard, ed. Pp. 331-357. The Hague, the Netherlands: Mouton and Co. Singer, Milton 1959[ed] Traditional India: Structure and Change. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society. Smitherman, Geneva 1977 Talkin and Testifyin: The Language of Black America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. Sommer, Sally 1983 The People Dance. In In Performance, Dec. Pp. 26-27. Spencer, Paul 1985[ed] Society and the Dance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Stearns, Marshall and Jean Stearns 1968 Jazz Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance. New York: Schirmer Books. Stewart, James B. 1980 Perspectives on Black Families from Contemporary Soul Music: The Case of Millie Jackson. Phylon 41(1):57-71. Sullivan, Jim and Lori Calicott 1984 Break Dancing 1(1). Skokie, Illinois: Publications International Ltd. Sutton-Smith, Brian and Diana Kelly-Bryne 1984[eds] The Masks of Play. 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DISCOGRAPHY

Extended Play Singles

1979 Sugarhill Gang, "Rapper's Delight", Sugarhill. 1981 Furious Five/Sugarhill Gang, "Showdown", Sugarhill.

Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five, "Wheels of Steel", Sugarhill.

1982 Afrika Bambaataa and the Soulsonic Force, "Looking for the Perfect Beat", Tommy Boy.

1983 G.L.O.B.E. and Whiz Kid, "play That Beat Mr. DJ", Tommy Boy.

Grandmixer D. St. and the Infinity Rappers, "Grandmixer (Cut It Up)", Celluloid.

Jonzen Crew, "Space Cowboy", Tommy Boy.

Shango, "Shango's Message", Celluloid.

Special Request, "Salsa Smurph", Tommy Boy. 1984 Afrika Bambaataa/James Brown, "Unity", Tommy Boy.

Afrika Bambaataa and the Soulsonic Force, "Renegades of Funk", Tommy Boy.

Boogie Boys, "Do or Die", [label unkown].

Disco 3, "Fat Boys", Sutra.

Grandmaster Melle Mel and the Furious Five, "Beat Street", Sugarhill.

Kurtis Blow, "AJ Scratch", Mercury.

Kurtis Blow, "8 Million Stories", Mercury.

Pumpkin, "Here Comes That Beat", Profile.

Run-D.M.C, "30 Days", Profile.

Run-D.M.C, "Rock Box", Profile.

Whodini, "Friends"/"Five Minutes of Funk", Sutra. 190

1985 The B Boys, "Stick Up Kid"/"GirIs", Vintertainment.

Bad Boys (with K Love), [untitled], Starlite.

Boogie Boys, "City Life"/"A Fly Girl", Capital.

Doug E. Fresh and MC Ricky D, "La-Di-Da-Di", Reality.

Grandmaster Flash, "Larry's Dance Theme", Elektra.

Marley Marl with MC Shan, "Marley Marl Scratch", Nia Records

Run-D.M.C., "Can You Rock It Like This", Profile. 1986 . Run-D.M.C., "Together Forever(Krush-Groove 4)", Profile.

Boogie Boys, "Colorblind World", Capital.

Doug E. Fresh and the Get Fresh Crew, "All the Way to Heaven"/"Nuthin'", Reality.

Albums

1980 Kurtis Blow, Kurtis Blow, Mercury.

1981 The Sugarhill Gang, 8th Wonder, Sugarhill.

1982 Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five, The Message, Sugarhill.

Various artists (including Capt. Sky, Count Coolout, Dr. Ice, Treacherous Three, Disco Four), Rap Tracks, Virgin.

1983 Kurtis Blow, Party Time?, Mercury.

Various artists (including Grandmaster Caz and Chris Stein, The Chief Rocker Busy Bee, Lil Rodney Cee with DJ Grandwizard Theodore, Cold Crush Bros., The Fantastic Freaks, Double Trouble), Wildstyle, Animal Records.

1984 Fat Boys, Fat Boys, Sutra.

Grandmaster Melle Mel and the Furious Five, [untitled], Sugarhill. 191

1984 con'd Various artists (including Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five, Twilight 22), Breakdance, K-Tel.

1985

LL Cool J, Radio, Def Jam Recordings.

UTFO, [untitled], Select Records. Various artists (including Shango, D. St., Material, Time Zone, Last Poets), New Africa 2, Celluloid.

Various artists (including Dr. Jeckyll and Mr. Hyde, Kool Kyle and Billy Bill, Run-D.M.C), Rap 2, Profile.

Various artists (including Force MDs, Lovebug Starski), Rappin', Atlantic.

Various artists (including Afrika Bambaataa and the Soulsonic Force, Afrika Bambaataa and the Jazzy 5, Pressure Drop, Force MD's, Beatmaster), Tommy Boys Greatest Beats, Tommy Boy.

1986

Fats Boys, Big and Beautiful, Sutra.

Run-D.M.C, Raising Hell, London.

1987

Fat Boys, Crushin', Polygram.

Grandmaster Flash, Ba-Dop-Boom-Banq, Elektra.

Ice Tea, Rhyme Pays, Sire.

Kool Moe Dee, Kool Moe Dee, Jive.

LL Cool J, Bad, Def Jam Recordings.

Whodini, Open Sesame, Jive. 192

LIST OF FILMS AND VIDEOS

Style Wars, Tony Silver and Henry Chalfant, 1982.

Wildstyle, Charles Ahearn Productions, 1982.

Beat Street, Orion Pictures, 1984.

Breakin', Cannon Group Inc., 1984.

"Breakdance", K-Tel, 1984.

"Let's Break", IMA Inc., 1984

Breakin' II, Cannon Group Inc., 1985.

Rappin', Cannon Group Inc., 1985. 193

APPENDIX I SELECTION OF RAPS

"Throughout Your Years" Kurtis Blow

Throughout your years, your ups and downs Your highs and your lows I'm the man with the mike who rocks the house The man called Kurtis Blow So get out of your seat and grab a girl Because I'm about ready to rock the world And listen to my story cause it's gotta be told Like an Oscar winning actor when he's playin' a role When I went to bed there was something in my head To be a rapper was my dream Like in the morning with the bacon and eggs the coffee and the cream So I made up my mind that I would always try to be the best that I could be Now here I am rappin' at the jam with the, huh, fly guys and the young ladies

[bridge]

You just take your time, you don't have to hurry Hang in tough, you don't have to worry In society, the strong survive So rap, so sing, get a nine to five With a little hard work and dedication We'll pull together and rock the nation So if you do the do and you think you're great Come on everybody, participate

[chorus]

Say ho-oo (ho-oo) You got to say ho-oo if you're ready to go Say owwww (owwww) You got to say owwww if you're ready right now say pride (pride) Cause pride's what we got inside To the top (top) We're going to the top and we ain't gonna stop Get down

When I started out the way wasn't clear There was much confusion and a lot of fear Walking in the shadow, searching for the light to be the me that I could be that might make it right Cause it ain't all champagne and caviar Ridin' 'round the town in the flyest car Livin' in the skylife of luxury 194

"Throughout Your Years" (cont'd) and being seen around the world in the place to be Letdowns, no jobs, false handshakes, hang-ups setbacks and, huh, bad breaks So you've got to believe you can be the best You've got to work real hard to achieve success So listen close cause I insist, I got some and it goes like this

[bridge] [chorus]

There's a man up there who calls the shots He says who's gonna have and, huh, have not There's only one way to stake your claim You gotta beat the man, you gotta play the game Some people you may be around have negative vibes and try to get you down But if your mind is sound and your will is strong You've got the faith to override the wrong Winter, summer, fall and spring Give it your all and your everything Don't be no other, be yourself You can do that better than anyone else Now I can't tell you what to do But the things I say are sure enough true

[bridge]

Say na-na-na-na-na-na-na-na-na (na-na-na-na-na-na-na-na-na)

[repeated 4 times]

Owww! 195

"The Message" Grandmaster Flash & the Furious Five 1982

It's like a jungle sometimes it makes me wonder how I keep from going under Broken glass everywhere, people pissing on the stage you know they just don't care I can't take the smell, can't take the noise Got no money to move out, I guess I got no choice Rats in the front room, roaches in the back Junkies in the alley with a baseball bat I tried to get away but couldn't get far cause a man with a repossessed my car

Don't push me cause I'm close to the edge I'm trying not to lose my head It like a jungle sometimes it makes me wonder how I keep from going under

Standing on the front stoop, hanging out the window Watching all the cars go by, roaring as the breezes blow A crazy lady living in a bag, eating out of garbage pails used to be a fag hag Had a sex change, seems to loose her senses Down at the peep show, watching all the creeps so she can tell the stories to the girls back home She went to the city and got social security She had to get a pimp, she could't make it on her own

[chorus]

My brother's doing bad, stole my mother's T.V. Said she watches it too much, it just not healthy All My Children in the daytime, Dallas at night Can't even see the game or the Sugar Rae fight The bill collectors they ring my phone and scare my wife when I'm not home Got a bum education, double digit inflation Can't take the train to the job there's a strike at the station Neon King Kong standing on my back Can't stop to turn around, broke my sacorilliac [sic] Mid-range, migraines, cancer, membranes Sometimes I think I'm going insane I swear I might hijack a plane

[chorus]

My son said, "Daddy, I don't want to go to school cause the teacher's a jerk, he must think I'm a fool And all the kids smoke reefer, I think it'd be cheaper 196 "The Message (cont'd)

if I just got a job, learned to be a street sweeper I'd dance to the beat, shuffle my feet and wear a shirt and tie and run with the creeps cause it's all about money, ain't a damn thing funny You got to have a con in this land of milk and honey They pushed that girl in front of the train Took her to the doctor's, sewed her arm on again Stabbed the man right in his heart Gave him a transplant for a brand new start I can't walk through the park cause it's crazy after dark Keep my hand on my gun cause they got me on the run I feel like an outlaw, broke my last glass jaw I hear them say you want some more living on the seashore"

[chorus]

A child is born with no state of mind blind to the ways of mankind God is smiling on you, but he's frowning, too because only God knows what you're going through You'll grow in the ghetto, living second rate and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate The places you play and where you stay look like one great big alleyway You'll admire all the number book takers Thugs, pimps and pushers and the big money makers Drive big cars, spending 20's and 10's and you want to grow up to be just like them Smugglers, scramblers, burglers, gamblers pick-pocket, peddlers, even pan-handlers You say, "I'm cool, huh, and I'm no fool" but then you wind up dropping out of high school Now you're unemployed, all non-void walking around like you're Pretty Boy Floyd Turn stick-up kid, but look what you done did Got send up for an eight year bid Now your manhood is took, and you're a maytag Spent the next 2 years as an undercover fag being used and abused, just served like hell till one day you was found hung dead in a cell It was plain to see your life was lost You was cold and your body swung back and forth But now your eyes sing the sad, sad song of how you lived so fast, but died so young

[chorus] 197

"Shango's Message" Shango 1983

We are Shango, the gods of Thunder We came to protect you and give a helping hand Don't follow fake religions Do what you know is right Just listen to Shango We protect the shining light Just funk to our rhythms and get on down We are the almighty Shango and we don't fuck around Take heed you foolish people The world is out of hand and if you don't believe us then you are damned, damned, damned

J 198

"Basketball Throwdown" Cold Crush Brothers vs. 1983 the Fantastic Freaks

Well I'm a T (Theodore) I'11 dog my face When I get you on the court I'll beat Charlie Chase (Cold Crush) Charlie Chase, as cute as could be You'd sell your soul to the devil to play like me

Well, I'm the R (Ruby Dee) and you got a lot of nerve when you play against me You know you're gonna get served (Cold Crush)

Davy L, the lord of lords Ruby Dee's my man You're shit is on the boards

You all can't ball, you all can't ball I'm the K (Kevie Kev) and not the fink You know I'll eat your ass up like the stake(?) you take (Cold Crush)

You know y'all the game legit and when we get the court I'm gonna stick your shit

The W (Whipper Whip) and I'm here to say I could rock the world like the Dr. J. (Cold Crush)

Toney Tone, known to be ill but everyone knows I can deal with the pill

I'm the D (Dota Rock) on this here court Been nine years playing this here sport (Cold Crush)

Hey, Dee, highest degree well I'm a better jump shot than Rick Berry 199

"Basketball Throwdown" (cont'd)

Well I'm the M (Master Rob) Like all the girls I'll serve your monkey ass like Earl the Pearl (Cold Crush)

I'm Master Caz or G.M.C. I'm gonna stick it on the board Now can't you see - Play ball! (Bad Crush) 200

"Wildstyle Subway Rap #2" Grandmaster Caz & Chris Stein 1983

South Bronx, New York, what do I see? Kids growing up in the community South Bronx, New York, what do I see? Kids growing up in the community

Hey, Caz, Caz, look at those kids over there - check 'em out Yeh, you know Charles Chase, those kids now they're the grown-ups of tomorrow, man, they're the future I hear that, I know where you're comin' from, man That's what I'm talking about, man

Streets are filthy, crime is high People look suspicious when you walk by Those smiles and grins as the city sins And when it comes to violence nobody wins Man, look how dirty everything is, man I hear that, hey look at that I hate this poverty, man It's not like that everywhere, though I just hate to see it - terrible

Look past the garbage, over the trains Under the ruins, through the remains Around the crime and pollution And tell me where do I fit in?

South Bronx, New York, that's where I dwell To a lot of people it's a living hell Full of frustration and poverty But, wait, that's now how it looks to me It's a challenge, an opportunity It rises above the stink and debris Got to start with nothing and then you build Follow your dream until it's fulfilled

I can dig that - about following a dream, man cause I got a dream It's to be number one in the number five line My dream is the same as yours I wanta be up there - well, we all have our dreams

I'm a warrior, my art is my sword A place in society is my reward A mind is a terrible thing to waste Success is something we all want to taste Everyone's got a talent on the earth 201

"Wildstyle Subway Rap #2" (cont'd)

And you can take it or leave it for what it's worth No matter how hard things may seem You've got the potential - fulfill your dream We're the future, it's up to us To make our home great and A plus Let your mind be pure and feed it - create Use the beat in your heart And aim to be great

Word! That's what it's about, man I'm gonna do my thing and let nothing else hold me back, you know Just try to be number one - always That's the same thing I told my little brother He said he wanted to drop out of school and I had to tell him, man, you know, you gotta push, push That's what it's all about, man I hear that, Charles

South Bronx, New York, what do I see? Talent rising out of the community

[chorus repeated 6 times] 202

"The Truth" Grandmaster Melle Mel and 1984 the Furious Five

Rap is our way of life, that's why we do what we do Born to rock the mike like E. F. Hutton, don't say nuthin'

Yo, I am the man called Scorpio The one that's seen but never heard But all my sons just running their mouths So it's time for daddy to speak his word You see the biggest problem with all the MCs is that I look good and they are ugly They all get together, say I'm not cool The curls is out, being my fool Cause I'm the first attractive, exotic male to walk around town with beads in his hair Be stopped on the street by the people I meet saying where'd you get your beads? Cause you look so sweet Hey, for any fellows who think I'm gay I'll pull five girls right in your face I'm not saying that I'm the playboy king cause I didn't make it up, but I made it swing I spent more on spice than they did on clothes So how can they front that they've go gusto They just barely made enough for a gram of blow To start hoping and praying before their next show But a brother like me could rock it all day But I'm smarter than that in my own way And you know what I'm saying is a natural fact cause momma says he's outside, Where's they at?

Check me out while I run my game There's not another MC that can make me feel shame My name's Cowboy, not given no slack I'm like 4,5,6 better known as Headcrack I've been rocking the party eight years of my life Got shot with a gun, stabbed with a knife Had to pay my dues, had to learn the rules Had to separate the smart from the fools People talk behind my back, but never to my face But they make a clear path when I step in the place I can make them clap their hands, stomp their feet Make them party to the rhythm seven days a week Make them shiver and shake, just like an earthquake Making people jam without a mistake I can cruise around the world, all across the nation Get a big kick out of competitipation Make them hip to the hop and all that stuff Cause the other MCs know I'm just too much 203 "The Truth" (cont'd)

My eyes are brown, my legs are bold I can tell an MC right where to go I can get a young lady with a wave of my hand I can stretch out long like a rubber band Saying, one for the trouble, two for the bass Cause I'm the Cowboy — put a smile on your face

You know 'K' is for Kool, it runs through the veins I gotta smarter bunch so I show no shame Intelligence and dex and that stands for 'I' It's something you inherit and you can not buy 'N' is for Knight, I'm gonna shine Slaying other MCs with vicious-style rhymes And 'G' is for great, to describe this man My name is King Lou, I got a masterplan From the shores of Paris to the streets of Maine There's a certain reputation I've got to maintain I've got to write good rhymes and say them well And if I don't do that I know I've failed These are a few things I use to get me ovuh They all fit together like a four leaf clover First and most important is originality You got to be an innovator, versatile as can be Second on the list you got to know how to fake Gotta make the crowd shout, cause a major earthquake Make them stomp on the floor and scream for more From the very first minute that you walk in the door Moving right along to the end of the line You got to get a fly girl on your devine Have her come to your shows wearing nice fancy clothes Looking sharp as a thorn on the stem of a rose

Melle Mel is potent, super high powered To make other MCs feel devoured Taught all the MCs the birds and the bees But they still can't get your young lady Well, I'm a legend in leather — the lord of the rhymes If you can't see that you must be blind I always wear black and I alway will Cause I'm dressing for your funeral Heads are gonna roll, rappers gonna die And who ever wants a battle, I'm gonna give him a try Ain't no pressure, you know I'm fresher Cause I was born to never be lesser It's more than a record and it's sure to be Cause I came here to set the world free From around the way, back in the days We got beat so you could get paid We made you a job, you stupid slob 204 "The Truth" (cont'd)

Now you don't have to work, learn, steal or rob You got a little bit of fame and wealth Now you think you did it all by yourself - huh I am you, but you ain't me Cause you didn't start rocking till '83 Melle Mel is the best that will ever exist And if I gotta be a sucker — suck on this ....

We're born to rock the world 205

"Beat Street" Grandmaster Melle Mel & the 1984 Furious Five with Mr. Ness and Cowboy

Beat Street, the king of the beat See you rocking that beat from across the street Beat Street is a lesson, too cause you can't let the streets beat you Well, a preacher can express a thousand words to describe all the beauty of life you give and if the world was your to do over I know you'd paint a better place to live where the colors would swirl and the boys and girls would grow in peace and harmony where murals stand on walls so grand as far as the eyes are able to see I never knew art till I saw your face and there'll never be one to take your place cause each and every time you touch a spray paint can Michaelangelo's soul controls your hands Then serenades of blue and red and the beauty of the rainbow fills your head Crescendo colors hanging tune Man, why oh why'd you have to die so soon Ashes to ashes, dust to dust When the good die young as all they must Life must live and death must die and tears will fall from the living eye The tears will fall for the state of mind of the beautiful lady you left behind In love and alone but now you're gone and she still can't get you out of her head More tears fall for all you've done Tried to be a good father to your only son But now whose gonna make sure he's fed put a shirt on his back and a roof overhead Tell me whose going to dream the impossible dream of the beautiful cities and that your works of art brought into being and all that the ghetto stopped you from seeing Bums on the sidewalk, garbage in the street Abandoned buildings, bricks and concrete The ladies on the corner are selling their bodies and everyone wants a part in that party I'm hanging out tough, rocking late at night Running wild in the town of the neon lights You either play some ball or stand in the hall You gotta make somethin' out of nuthin' at all I'm sitting in the class room learning the rules and it says you can't do graffiti in school 206

"Beat Street" (cont'd)

They can't be wrong in the hallow halls so my notebook turned into a brick wall The heart of a lion and the courage of three in the mind of a man that's wiser than me You're the soul of the brother who won't come back who died in my arms at the railroad track Cause I'm caught in the rat race looking for my own space There's gotta be a better place for you and me There's pie in the sky and an eye for an eye Some people got to die just to be free Searched for justice and what did you find? You found just us on the unemployment line You found just us sweatin' from dawn to dusk There's no justice, there's (huh) just us Still-life urban masterpiece, your trademark will be written on trains and walls A million dollar gift only God release and yet you got killed for nuthin* at all So after this there'll be no more hard times, no more bad times no more pain, no more chump change, nonna that bull Just movies, museums and the hall of fame So all you hip hoppers get on up and let's take it to the top where we belong The age of the Beat Street wave is here Everyone sing along, come on, say "ho" (ho) say "ho" (ho) and to let me know I'm rocking the microphone, everybody say "Raymond" (Raymond) Say "Raymond" (Raymond) Rah

A newspaper burns in the sand and the headlines say man destroys man Extra, extra, read all the bad news on the war or peace that everybody would lose The rise and fall of the last great empire The sound of the whole world caught on fire The ruthless struggle, the desperate gamble The game that left the whole world a shamble The cheats, the lies, the alibis and the foolish attempt to conquer the skies - lost in space And what is it worth? The president just forgot about earth Spending all time baiting [?] and maybe even trading The cost of weapons ran into zillions There's gold in the street and there's diamonds under feet And the children in Africa don't even eat Flies on their faces, they're living like mice and the houses even make the ghetto look nice The water tastes funny and it's forever too sunny and they work all month and don't get no money 207

"Beat Street" (cont'd)

A fight for power, a nuclear shower A people shout out in the darkest hour The sights unseen and voice unheard And finally the bomb get the last word kill , Germans kill Jews And everybody's body is used and abused Minds are poisoned and souls are polluted Superiority complex is deep rooted Illegal [?] are licenced and people got prices Egomaniacs control the self-righteous Nothing is sacred and nothing is pure so the revolation of death is our cure Hitler, Caeser, Custer and Reagan Napoleon, Castro, Mussolini and Begin Genghis Khan and the Shah of Iran met through the blood of the weaker man The people's in terror, the leaders made an error and now they can't even look in the mirror cause we gotta suffer as things get rougher and that's why we've got to get tougher So learn from the past and work for the future and don't be a slave to no computer Cause the children of man inherit the land and the future of the world is in your hands Just throw yours in the air and wave 'em like you just don't care and if you believe that you're the future scream it out and say "oh yeh" (oh yeh) "oh yeh" (oh yeh) Rah

Beat Street - Breakdown - Rah

[in the Beatstreet movie version the following gospel-like chant has been added]

Everybody — do you believe, let me hear you say "yeh" (yeh)

They burned us so we became a flower (believe it) They gave up nothing so we took power (believe it) They tried to break us and now we're the breaks (believe it) we're the hip hop, we're going to take it to the top They can't stop us (believe it) We are the future and we will succeed (believe it) We are the miracle, we are the strong We are the rap that came from your own We make hope through our song 208 r "Beats and Rhymes OTFO 1984

Fly girls, feel the groove Homeboys, bust the moves I'll beat some rhythms you can't resist Bust this:

Beats and rhymes Beats and rhymes Beats and rhymes Beats and rhymes

The future rap is in effect, so get up on the latest We're the best and you can bet, that we are now the greatest Please remember, don't forget you love us, you don't hate us Stay on our side, don't you betray us When you meet us, treat us right, cause you need us You need us tonight, and you can't defeat us Music evolved, the problem was solved Party people must get involved

So all the ladies in the place tonight We've got a rap we think will make you feel right It ain't no problem, baby as you know The curtain's open, so we're gonna start the show So girs, don't you worry Don't you think about the things you might have left behind So girls, don't you hurry Cause UTFO's MCs are full of beats and rhymes

The beat has gotta be, gotta be fresh Gotta be fresh to impress the rest It's gotta be bold, so you can all control Your emotions and feelings so you won't grow old Before your time, your time, before you reach your prime You're begging in the street, in the street for a nickel and a dime Waiting on the corner on the welfare line Got to be there at a quarter to nine

We're no fiction, we're fact, with the rhyme style pact We express our feelings and we never hold back Hey girls, don't deny it, don't knock it 'til you try it You hear this record, I advise you to buy it Don't wait, don't hesitate Cause if you do, you might be too late

Keep it in mind, don't waste no time UTFO is full of Beats and Rhymes The jam is workin' 209

"Beats and Rhymes" (cont'd)

We got the Beats and Rhymes Full force! Get Fresh! Don't stop the beat Don't stop the rhymes Don't stop the rhymes Music's one of a kind We got fresh Beats and Rhymes Give us a chance to blow your mind 210

"Five Minutes of Funk" Whodini 1984

[electronic robot-like voice announces that this will be "five minutes of funk"]

Now the party didn't start til I walked in And I probably won't leave until the thing ends But in the meantime and in bewteen time If you work your thing and I work mine We came here together so we could have fun Me and you, baby, goin' one on one Now this is the last chance for us to get off So either get loose or you oughta get lost Cause I'm just about ready to do my thing Cause I'm a stone-cold New York rap machine I'm gonna give you what I got and, baby, that plenty And never has one man rocked so many I'm gonna make you wet and make you sweat Just to see how funky you can get Now with the motor mike I do serve well And I go by the name of the rapper Jalil

(four minutes of funk)

Now sit back, relax, put on your head gear Get ready for a trip through the atmosphere I'm gonna take you for a ride through the twilight zone I don't need a spaceship, I use my microphone So hold on tight, with all your might Cause I'll be rocking like this for the rest of the night Jalil, yo, your master rapper And when I'm on the motor mike, it's a sheer disaster Cause MCs crumble when we rumble Some think I'm soft just cause I'm humble So all you MCs I hope you're real good listeners Cause in this battle I'm taking no prisoners I'm slaying MCs right on the spot Cause I'm the master of the rap, the doctor of the rock The jack of all trades, the master of one And the thing I master is called having fun We got three minutes left to rock this funk To separate the good stuff from the junk So, get in the groove and feel the sound And once you're inside spread yourself around From the bottom to the top, the top to the bottom Come on Master D and get funky while we got 'em

(three minutes left) 211

"Five Minutes of Funk" (cont'd)

Me and my partner from the start We used to get together after dark Sometimes we rap, sometimes we sing In the summer or winter cause it ain't no thing And ever since I first came round Side by side we throwdown We came here to this here place To serve you all right to your face Cause this jam here is our show stopper We didn't wanta use it, but I guess we gotta We're the men of the hour, make the ladies scream and holler Too hot to trout, too sweet to be sour I'm gonna set the record straight And I hope that it is not too late If you want the best and won't settle for less Put your money on me, I'm your best bet Come on, one for the trouble, two for the bass Three for the ladies, four for the pay Five minutes of funk, this ain't no junk So pull your bottom of the tree stump Ladies real pretty, from city to city But now we're getting down to the nitty-gritty From the bottom to the top, the top to the bottom I'm gonna rock 'em while I still get 'em Our rappin' shower has style and power And this is our disco hour I don't know if all of you. have heard So it's up to me to spread the word About the man that we feel has got to be real Our crowned prince of the wheels of steel He goes by the name of Grandmaster D So if it's all right with you, it's all right with me We're gonna rock you people's minds with ease We need some help from the maestro, if you please

(one minute left) 212

"The Old School" Kool Kyle & Billy Bill 1985

[Kyle] We'll do it to you -- get funky, get loose, get down For the next two minutes your body is mine I'll control your soul, dominate your mind The power of my voice 'liminates all choice So relax baby doll, get fresh to stay moist Now who do I think I am? The child star Kool Kyle I'm taking command of stimulation — that's what it's all about I like to cause a scene, watch 'em scream and shout Rock 'em to a frenzy, bring them to their knees Make 'em close their eyes, say "Do it, Kyle, please" Not a fantasy, pure reality I'm the real child star, not a photocopy I put the "K" in cool, rocked the old school Broke all the rules as I continued to groove Learned how to rap Ever since that day other MCs I began to slay Show no mercy Wherever I went other MCs' egos I began to bend Had to stake my claim in the hall of fame Put a spark to the fire, reignite the flame Dedicate my name and let everybody know Kool Kyle is back and I'm still the show It's a fact, y'all

[Billy Bill] It's Kool Kyle and Billy Bill I'm the man with the cool, the man with the chill I like making love, I don't like fighting I'm the man with the words, I do the song writing Like rockin' the house and moving along While the box's in my hand, they're playing my song See, we are the guys of a thousand thrills They call him Kool Kyle and I'm Billy Bill Like the fish must swim and the bird must fly We're bringing MCs down -- I'll tell you why We're from the old school and go way back Giving other MCs a party attack We take a funky rap and then we say it We put it on the waves and let the DJ play it

[Kyle] Well, I took a little trip, cold chillin' for a while Everybody wanted to know what happened to Kyle Kool Kyle is back, yes, that's a fact Ain't nothing you can do — so get used to that I'm a great beat buster with a nitro sound I'll give you a taste that might knock you down 213

"The Old School" (cont'd)

I'll give you fair warning before I start On my bedroom wall hangs a thousand hearts Cause I'm the K double 0 Raise a lot of hell and taking vows Put you in a spell K plus a Y and a L and the E From the boogie town rock, you know that's me Now I like the wildthing every once and a while I need to body rock, girl, yes, that's my style Great, versatile, unique profile Kool Kyle stands alone on top of the pile Never bite a rhyme to save my life Cause I'm always fresh - every day and night So all you new fellows better beware Polish up your rhymes and try to prepare Because Kool Kyle's coming — I'm here to stay So pack off perpetrators, get out of my way (Billy Bill it's up to you, now get on the mike and do the do)

[Billy Bill] Let's take a trip, let's go way back To the old school when we learned to rap Didn't need no booth, when I left home Just two turntables and a microphone With a DJ behind us to stay on top While me and Kool Kyle bust funky rhymes So keep on, keep on Tell all the other rappers to go mow the lawn We've got a funky rap, just for you It's Kool Kyle, it's Billy, too We do it in the East, we do it in the West In the North, in the South -- we're now the best We are the guys with the fresh, fresh beats Got people dancing all in the streets so if you're from the old school stop messin' around Don't let me down I'm from the old school, my name's Billy Bill And I'm rockin' from the valley to the top of the hill I'm really bad, like a hook and a jab I'll knock you out and try to kick your ass So come on down to the place to be And rock, rock to the rhythm of little old me Move your body to the funky sound, girl Get on down and do it, do it, do it Kool can't resist, gonna rock to the break of dawn 214

"La-Di-Da-Din Doug E. Fresh & MC Ricky D 1985

OK party people in the house You're about to witness something you've never witnessed before Yes, it's the original human beat-box Doug E. Fresh And his partner, the grand wizard, MC Ricky D D-and that's me and the place to be We're going to show you how we do it for '85 Kick it live, all right? Because I have a funny feeling you're all sick of these crap rappers biting their rhymes because they're back stabbers But when it comes to me and my friend Doug Fresh, here There is no competition cause we are the best, yeh Finesse, impress which we prove And you'll realize we are the move So listen close so y'all don't miss As we go a little somethin' like this -- Hit it [Doug E. Fresh starts to beat box]

You know what? La-Di, La-Di, Da-Di, Da-Di, La-Di-Da-Di You know what - repeat this - La-Di-Da-Di We like to party, we don't cause trouble, we don't bother nobody We're just some men who are on the mike And when we rock upon the mike we rock the mike - right For all y'all keeping y'all in hell Just to see you smile and enjoy yourself Cause it's cool when you cause a cozy condition That's what we create cause that's our mission So listen to what we say because this type of shit is happens everyday I woke up around ten o'clock in the morning I give myself a stretch and a mornin' yawnin' Went to the bathroom to wash up Had some soap on my face and my hand upon a cup I said, "mirror, mirror on the wall who is the top choice of them all? There was rumble-duble, five minutes it lasted The mirror answered, "You are, you conceited bastard" Well, that's true, that's why we never have no beef So then I washed off the soap and brushed the gold teeth Used oil of olay cause my skin gets pale Then I got the files for my fingernails Chewed through the night, and on my behalf I put the bubbles in the tub so I could have a bubble bath Clean, dry, was my body and hair I threw on my brand new Gucci underwear For all the girls that I might take home I got the Johnson's baby powder and the Polo cologne Fresh, dressed like a million bucks 215

"La-Di-Da-Di" (cont'd)

Threw on the Valie shoes and the fly green socks Stepped out of my house, stopped short -- "Oh, no" I went back in, I forgot my kangol Then I dilly-dallied, I ran through an alley I bumped into my old girl, Sally, from the valley This is a girl played hard to get, so I said, "What's wrong?" cause she looked upset She said, "it's all because of you I'm feeling sad and blue You went away and now my life is filled with rainy days And I loved you so, how much you'll never know Cause you took your love away from me [crying] Now what was I to do? She was crying over me, she was feeling blue I said "don't cry, dry your eye, here comes your mother with those two little guys" Her mean mother stepped up, said to me, "hi" Looked Sally in the face and decked her in the eye Punched her in the belly and stepped on her feet Slammed the child on the hard concrete The bitch was strong, the kids was gone Something was wrong, I said, "what is going on?" I tried to break it up, I said, "stop it, leave her" She said, "if I can't have you she can't either" She grabbed me closely by my socks So I broke the hell out, like I had the chicken pox But she gave chase, she caught up quick She put a finger in the face of MC Rick She said, "why don't you give me a plan So we can go cruising in my OJ And if you give me that OK, I'll give you all my love today Ricky, Ricky, Ricky can't you see Some how your words just hypnotize me And I just love your jazzy ways, oh, MC Rick My love is here to stay" And on and on and on and on, she kept on The bitch been around before my mother's born I said, "Cheer up" and gave her a kiss I said, "You can't have me, I'm too young for you, miss" She says, "no, you're not" then she starts crying I says, "I'm nineteen" she says, "stop lying" I says, "I am, go ask my mother, and with your wrinkled pussy I can't be your lover" (he, he, he) ticy tic tic you don't stop to the tic toe you don't quit Hit it [beatboxing] 216

"Is It Live?" Run-D.M.C. 1986

The microphone master D.M.C. causes 1-2-3-4 casualties You'll be praising D down on your knees cause I'm popping and jump-stomping all MCs Connect, deject and collect respect Get down to the sound cause I come direct So when I write, don't bite and I might check And if I find your behind I'll break your neck It's world-renowned rapper ready to have fun You reason with the record cause it's made by Run It's def -- you were left in a total stun So bust the moves while I prove whose number one Got quality and skill both beyond belief Do I steal? Be for real, I'm not a thief Dictator and hater — I built that beat That's right, I can fight and I'm the chief

People in the place don't put D down I'm the microphone master, the best around There's not too many of my type and all rap titles I will swipe You see me talking to a girl A sweet young thing with jerri-curls I never, ever wore a braid Got the peeziest [?] hair and still get paid Well I'm dropping MCs with just one punch Cause I'm the baddest on the boat They call me Captain Crunch Slaying MCs, making them walk the plank and watching them while they swab the deck while I count my bank I'm the wizard of words, the ruler of rap Not soft, not a sucker, could never be a sap You might get jacked cause you talk crap When I bust my rap they all step back I'm playing on stage, Run's on my left On his right, on the mike, I recite "I'm def" because every performer is only all gonner Keep all sissy soft suckers off my corner.

[Is it live? — repeated several times to the tune of the Memorex commercial]

Cause Daryl Mack would do things like that Cause I'm a sophisticated sound, not soft or sour It's serving you suckers, selling dreams in the shower It's rocking this party - hour, hour, after hour If a girlie try to pin me? (What's up with that?) I won't allow her 217

"Is It Live?" (cont'd)

Cool chief rapper, I see a girl and tap her Then I take her on the dance floor If she don't dance I slap her The girl start to cry and the crowd ask me why If Run says "Dance", you do or die 218

"My Rhyme Ain't Done" LL Cool J 1987

The President wake and he called the Pope He asked the, Lord to raise Michaelangelo from the dead so he could make a fresh painting of my head Then I hung out with the King and the Queen and the Queen put me down with a polo team The way I scored points all around the clock I had their daughter, the Princess, riding my jock I knocked the freak off like a crazy retard Then I took a little trip into a deck of cards The diamond jack, joker and the ace of spades was amazed at Cut Creator on the fade Then I played cards with the queen of clubs The queen of hearts and me fell cold in love As for the queen of diamonds -- she don't like men cause you know that a diamond is a girl's best friend The double trouble spade, was named a duce and the joker acted stupid so we gave him the news There were 52 cards and I met everyone That story is over, but my rhyme ain't done.

Then I took a trip to the centre of the earth I was kinda scared so E Love went first I met these funny looking people, they call them skeezers so held onto my wallet like Ebenezer Tight leather pants that will make you grunt Two nice soft things right up front The centre of the earth ain't got no crime just people body rocking to the LL rhyme If you're kinda confused about what a skeezer is It's just a girl whose on my jock cause I'm in Show Biz There were a whole lot of skeezers — I dogged everyone That story is over, but my rhyme ain't done

Woke up late in the afternoon realized I was in the world of cartoons He-Man told me he'd beat me up because he thought I looked like Donald Duck Then I hung out with Spiderman He told me he was going to start a comic strip band The incredible Hulk was going to play the drums Charles Brown grabbed a guitar and started to strum Snoopy tried to rock on the microphone but Tom and Jerry both said he should leave it alone Then I hung out with Mickey Mouse He had two freaks, so we went to his house Mickey's freak was ugly, but mine was def so I knocked it off till there wasn't none left There were cartoon characters and I met everyone That story is over, but my rhyme ain't done 219

"My Rhyme Ain't Done" (cont'd)

Since I'm a good friend of Father Time I'm not getting older as I say this rhyme I was warm in the snow at the Alamo Before • — I stole the show I was down with George at the Delaware but I wore a Kangol, not the fake white hair Me and E Love met Sitting Bull We made a peace pipe, then we took a pull Then he brought more leaves from a golden chest He thought it was tobacco, the shit was cest There was a lot of great men and I met everyone That story is over, but my rhyme ain't done

Eleven thirty-three, I swear it's no sooner I went inside my T.V., met the Honeymooners Ralph wanted me to bust a couple of rhymes but I had my eyes on Alice's behind Norton came down right about that time looking in the fridge so we could swine and dine Then I said to myself I should give them a taste so I pull the microphone out of my black briefcase Said it ain't Bob Hope or Barry Manilow Then I borrowed Norton's hat cause I forgot my Kangol Ralph said, "I got a scheme, let me get to it — Norton, my pal" I said, "Yo, don't even do it" They were all Honeymooners and I met everyone This story is over, but my rhyme ain't done

Cause my tongue is sharp, I hit a note like a harp Like a harmonica veronica [?] I do my part In a bedroom with leg room, I'm short like a monsoon Chilled, mauwi-wauwi, I carry a harpoon — style Alice's smiling cause we got ill Wrote my name on a rock at the top of the hill I served all the ways, made love in caves I kicked the L beast [?] and made the natives rage Now I'm going to tell you what all this means From Thomas Boulevard, St. Albins, Queens There's a lyrical technician who came to play Number one B-Boy — LL Cool J All of this is just a story that I made up Def lines I say on time as Cut Creator cuts Some of it's fiction, some of it's fact Not another comic rap with a heavy drum track A whole lot of rhymes and I wrote every one That story is over and my rhyme is done 220

"Go See the Doctor" Kook Moe Dee 1987

I was walking down the street, rocking my beat Clapping my hands and stomping my feet I saw a little lady so neat and petite She was so sweet -- Ya, I wanted to meet her So I asked this lady if I could take her out We could wine and dine and talk about the birds and the bees and my waterbed And you can treat me like a Buddha and bow your head We continued to talk and before you knew it we were at my house and it was time to do it As soon as I'd finished I lost my poise Ran outside and told all my boys I said, "Listen up fellows, come over here - bust it" They said, "Did you get it?" I said, "Ya", they said, "How was it?" The poontang was dope and you know that I rocked her But three days later — go see the doctor

I rocked her to the left, I rocked her to the right She felt so good, hugged me so tight I said, "Good night" Three days later, woke up fussing, yelling and cussing Drip, drip, dripping and puss, puss, pussing Went into the bathroom and said, "Mummamia" I'm going to kill that girl next time I see her The madder I got the more I reminisced Why was my thick thing burning like this? Well I remember the first day I saw that girl I just couldn't wait to rock her world I said, "Hey, good looking, what'd you got cooking?" What have I done stuck my dick in And now I know why her ex-boyfriend Dave calls her Mrs. Microwave Cause she was hotter than an oven and I had to learn the hard way Stay in a microwave too long, you get burned But the poontang is dope and you know that I rocked her But three days later — go see the doctor

I went to the doctor's office, I said, "What do I got?" He said, "Turn around, boy, and take this shot" I looked at him like he was crazy and I said, "What — ain't nobody stickin nothin' in my butt" He turned and said, in a real deep voice "Have it your way if that's your choice I'll put it down if you want me to put it But don't blame me if it turns into a feet Extended from the middle of your body And next time you see a cute hotty [?] You won't be able to screw, the only thing you can do is kick her So go take karate 221

"Go See the Doctor" (cont'd)

As I turned around to receive my injection I said next time I'll use some protection If I see another girl and I get an erection I'm walkin' in the other direction Cause I don't want to do the sick, sick dance So I'm keeping my prick inside my pants And if I see another girl and I know I can rock her Before I push-up I'll make her go see the doctor 222

"Protect Yourself" The Fat Boys 1987

Yo, Kool, I'm tellin' you, there's a lot of disease out there Word! AIDS and everything, man, yo, you gotta be careful man Word up! Yo, so we want to tell all the homeboys out there This is a message comin' from the Fat Boys Fat Boys! Fat Boys! You know what I'm sayin'? It goes like this

Now, there's something real old, but still hot news It's been around since Lincoln, but out of view You'd stuff it in your wallet so your mom can't see It's called a condom, baby, and you better believe It ain't under the shelf, now, it's on display With all this disease going around today You need peace of mind when you do the wild thing So, a condom, brother, don't forget to bring Protect yourself! Word! protect yourself! Get busy! Protect yourself! Markie Dee can you get funky, now? Now check this out, listen to me real clear

Now, if what I say sounds a little bit sleazy If using a condom makes you feel kind of queasy Don't take it too hard 'cause there's no doubt That modern diseases can take you out So, don't be ashamed, take one when you go dancin' And use the condom for a little romancin' Cause being safe don't mean you're weak And you won't find yourself up the creek

Protect yourself! Word! Protect yourself! Homeboy! Protect yourself! My man, if I was you, I'd... Protect yourself! 223

APPENDIX II GLOSSARY bad - good battle - a hip hop competition b-boy, b-girl - originally a breakdancer, now any hip hopper or someone "down" with hip hop; someone with the style of a hip hopper beat box - an electronic drum machine bite - to steal someone's material blow someone away - to kill someone; to impress someone; to beat someone in a competiton blow someone's mind - to manipulate another; to impress; to overwhelm bomb - prolific graffiti writing boogie - to move energetically (especially to dance); intense energy box, boom box - large portable radio and tape deck break something down - to make sense of something breakdown - go wild in a positive sense of displaying intense energy and enthusiasm buff - to erase or clean off graffiti (especially from subway trains) bug out - going wild and crazy in a positive sense; going full out, fast and furious; to mystify, to impress with a display of originality; acting non-sensical or strange in a negative way bust - to do something with enthusiasm; to outdo an opponent bust loose - an explosion of uncensored emotion burn - to shoot someone dead; to beat or show up an opponent in a "battle" burner - a graffiti piece which shows up an opponent; aesthetically superior graffiti cest - high quality marijuana 224 chill - cool, "bad" chill out - to relax; to remain calm or aloof cold betty - sweat cold crushing - powerful, devastating colors - specifically colored clothes use to identify gang member cool - emotionally steady; in control; stylish; posessing the correct attitude or characteristics crush groovin' - serious partying crew - a hip hop group cut - to stab; to beat someone in competition; to disparage or harass def - attractive; really good (derived from •death1) dis - to show disrespect DJ - disc jockey (do) you know what - being aware, knowledgeable about a time it is (?) situation dog - to metaphorically destroy; to embarass, put down, mess with; to take for granted; to disrepect down - to be part of, in with, a group, action or ideology - possessing claim to authority, down by law sanctioned, legitimate; signifies a veteran or expert - having original or cool style; fly attractive, well-dressed; being wild fly guy, fly girl - attractive, stylish, cool person of the opposite sex fierce - outstanding freak - name of a popular dance in the late 70's; an enthusiast, someone who shows off whatever they have or do, outdoes others; an attractive but strange girl 225 freak (out) - to have a really great time; to lose control, engage in wild or bizarre behaviour fresh - fantastic, beautiful, great; new and different front - to project a false image, show off, fake it; to be irresponsible funk - earthy, sexual, natural; ill-kept, smelly in disrepair funky fresh - superlatively good get down - to be serious, intently involved, aware; do something exceptionally well; to dance get over - to overcome a situation, difficulty; to survive; to achieve or accomplish get up - to write one's graffiti name, especially in large amount and often go (rock) all city - to have one's graffiti name on all major subway lines or throughout the city hanging out - a principle activity in the ghetto referring to being in the streets, involved in informal social activities, casual conversation or looking for something to do hit me, hit it - to impress with your skill; to encourage "breaking loose" hit on - to make sexual advances, often involving a display of verbal persuasion homeboy, homegirl - someone from you neigbourhood; someone who shares your style or ideology; comrade, companion human beat boxing - voice imitation of a drum machine ill - looks bad or is poorly done illin' - acting unpredictably, silly, intense in the house - at a party jam - a record, a song, a piece of music or a dance 226 jet set fast, used in reference to sexually active females jock oenis juice influence, power, fame, money, the ability to accomplish and succeed king a graffiti master writer, acknowledged as best in his area or subway line lame ineffective, weak MC radio or discotheque master of ceremonies; hip hop rapper on one's jock reference to a possessive, demanding or sexually aggressive female party people those who share the hip hop style and ideology; attendees of a dance piece elaborate or superior graffiti mural poontang vagina; 'love juices' posse same as crew; group of close friends put some weight on it to apply yourself; attack the situation with vigour rack to steal paints for graffiti writing raw great; new rocking to do something with high energy (especially any rhythmic movement like dancing); to do something (especially perform) very well; to excel; to compete with style; to stimulate to an emotional high; to engage in sexual intercourse scratching backcuing a record to create a desired sound effect serve to outdo or beat someone in "battle" skeezer hip hop equivalent to a groupie; sexually active and available female soft lacking potency; to be easily taken advantage of soul the expressive nature which has come to characterize black culture 227 sport to have, buy or wear stylish material goods; to lend such goods stale unoriginal, old stupid bizarre behaviour, crazy, "goofy"; superlatively or extraordinarily great sucker incompetent; without integrity tag one's graffiti or street name tagging writing one's name in public spaces, especially subway trains take out to beat an opponent in a competition throwdown to fight; to compete; a contest, especially of dance; to dance energetically and impressively; to do something exceptionally well and with real zeal to the bridge to perform your best; a quick aggressive move used to 'score' (both an allusion to the bridge in music and the bridge on a basketball hoop) toy inexperienced; amateur or beginner; lacking commitment transform voice imitation of the TV cartoon characters the Transformers turn it (you) out to 'destroy' with a show of force or skill wack(whack) substandard; incorrect; poorly performed; unoriginal wheels of steel turntables whiz off piss off wildstyle to be the best at whatever you do with your life; hip hop style which is particularly wild and elaborate; a contorted graffiti style which is particularly difficult to read word! affirmation to acknowledge or support a statement; that's right I, how true I