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The Fighting Spirit of Hip Hop: an Alternative Ghetto Experience

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The Fighting Spirit of Hip Hop: an Alternative Ghetto Experience THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF HIP HOP: AN ALTERNATIVE GHETTO EXPERIENCE By SUSAN HALL HULL B.A., University of British Columbia, 1984 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1988 (£) Susan Hall Hull, 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. „ , Anthropology and Sociology Department of v BJ The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada Date October 1988 DE-6 (2/88) ii ABSTRACT This study investigates the expressive youth movement hip hop, a predominately black male subculture defined through participation in the competitive activities of graffiti writing, rapping and breakdancing. The general objective is to determine what is being communicated through these expressive forms, to whom, how, and finally to suggest why it is being communicated. The extent to which the encoded messages are consistent with reports of the subculture's goals is then discussed. It is asserted that hip hop operates as an alternative identity management and problem-solving mechanism within the black American ghetto. Drawing on traditional aspects of black cultural identity and expressiveness, hip hop creates a distinct way of life, reflecting a constructive and optimistic philosophy, to challenge the existing roles of the street hustler and gang member. Developed in the inner city boroughs of New York City in the late 1960's and early 1970's, hip hop functioned as a non-violent means of projecting a self-image and of measuring self-worth. It continues to be used to confront fundamental issues in a fight to overcome the restrictions of ghetto living, providing an expression of both an aesthetic and a cultural style based on the pursuit of excellence. The focus of the study is a form and content analysis of a selection of recorded raps, which parallels an interpretation of the messages conveyed in the musical form with i i i assertions made by insiders regarding the functioning of hip hop. The thesis explores the hip hop male persona and worldview, his social relations and his role in the community, as they are articulated in the raps. The results of this analysis are then applied to a discussion of hip hop graffiti and breakdancing symbolism. The study concludes that the three expressive forms are communicating the cultural agenda of its members as well as providing the means through which to achieve their goals. It is contended that within hip hop, members empower themselves through aggressive self-glorifying imagery and role-playing, and that they apply this sense of greatness to motivating their community, outlining a strategy for coping with their existence by re-energizing it and transforming it into a positive experience. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF FIGURES vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT vii INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 1. OVERVIEW OF THE SUBCULTURE 20 1.1. EMERGENCE IN NYC IN THE 1970'S 20 1.2. BLACK AMERICA'S SOCIAL CLIMATE IN THE 1960'S AND 1970'S 22 1.3. ALTERNATIVE TO GANG VIOLENCE 24 1.4. SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATIONS 29 1.5. DIFFUSION AND ELABORATION 32 1.6. NOTE ON PUERTO RICAN INVOLVEMENT 36 Chapter 2. RAP MUSIC: AN INTRODUCTION 40 2.1. EARLY DJING AND MCING 40 2.2. SOURCE MATERIALS AND DEVELOPMENT 42 2.3. RECORDED RAPS 45 Chapter 3. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP MALE PERSONA AND WORLDVIEW 49 3.1. POWER NAMES 49 3.2. SELF-DEFINITIONS 53 3.3. SELF-IMAGES AND ASSOCIATED VALUES 55 3.4. POWER SYMBOLS 59 3.5. CENTRAL METAPHORS OF CYNICISM AND OPTIMISM 60 3.6. DEFINING EXISTENCE AND REALITY 65 Chapter 4. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP SOCIAL RELATIONS 68 4.1. COMRADERY WITHIN CREWS 68 4.2. COMPETITIVENESS WITH MALE RIVALS 71 4.3. THE ROLE OF RITUAL INSULT 74 4.4. AMBIGUITY CONCERNING FEMALES 78 Chapter 5. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP ROLES 86 5.1. SOURCES OF SECULAR POWER USED BY HIP HOPPERS 86 5.2. PROBLEMS ADDRESSED BY THE SUBCULTURE . 90 5.3. CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING AMONG BLACK YOUTH 95 5.4. PARALLELS TO BLACK PREACHING COMMUNICATION CONVENTIONS 101 5.5. NOTE ON FEMALE INVOLVEMENT 105 V Chapter 6. RAP MUSIC: HIP HOP PERFORMANCE 107 6.1. THE RECEIVERS OF RAP MESSAGES 108 6.2. EFFECTS OF PROMOTION TO A WIDER AUDIENCE 109 6.3. RAP AESTHETICS AND THEIR RELATION TO CULTURAL STYLE 114 6.4. EVALUATION OF A POOR PERFORMANCE 120 6.5. SUMMARY OF RAP ANALYSIS 123 Chapter 7. GRAFFITI: GETTING YOUR NAME UP 127 7.1. MOVING ONTO THE SUBWAY TRAINS 127 7.2. THE DEVELOPMENT OF STYLE 128 7.3. A SYSTEM OF COMMUNICATION 132 7.4. INDIVIDUAL COMPETITIVENESS AND COLLECTIVE COOPERATION 139 7.5. "ROCKING ALL CITY": AN AESTHETIC AND CULTURAL CONCERN 145 Chapter 8. BREAKDANCING: ROCKING WITH BODY LANGUAGE 149 8.1. BATTLING IN THE INNER CITIES 149 8.2. BREAKING AS CULTURAL CONTINUITY 152 8.3. ADDITIONAL SOURCES OF THE DANCE 159 8.4. AN ANALYSIS OF FORM: EXPRESSIONS OF MALE IDENTITY 161 CONCLUSION 173 BIBLIOGRAPHY 182 DISCOGRAPHY 189 LIST OF FILMS AND VIDEOS 192 Appendix I. SELECTION OF RAPS 193 Appendix II. GLOSSARY 223 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. PHASE 2: THE EVOLUTION OF A STYLE, 1971-1982 129-130 Figure 2. "SKY'S THE LIMIT" BY BILLY "WISE" BLAST, 1982 136 Figure 3. "BEYOND CONTROL", VALCUN, 1984 138 Figure 4. "LEE — SILENT THUNDER", 1982 140 Figure 5. "SHADOW", 1986 141 Figure 6. B-BOY WITH GUN ON NYC SUBWAY 143 Figure 7. NIGERIANS DOING HEADSLIDES 155 Figure 8. FLASHDANCING IN THE 1920'S 157 Figure 9. HANDSPIN 164 Figure 10. AIRPLANE 164 Figure 11. SPIDERWALK ON FINGER TIPS 167 Figure 12. HEADSPIN 169 9 vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This thesis is dedicated to my son, Kenneth, for putting up with me all these years of school. Thanks, Sweetie. I would like to express my gratitude to my graduate advisors and thesis committee members — Marjorie Halpin, Michael Ames, Jean Cunningham and James Powell, to the UBC Museum of Anthropology staff, and to family and friends, with special thanks for their support and assistance when I needed it the most to David Asmodeus, Bob Walker, Dwight Fenlon, Grace Golightly and Kenneth Hull. Thanks to Sally Banes, Mickey Davidson, Robert Thompson and Susanne Lingmann for their advice and comments. And to my New York City contacts, especially the Shadow Crew, the Imperial Kings, the Bronxville Breakers and the kids at the Fun House for sharing their lives with me. High Performance and the hip hoppers of Vancouver know how much their encouragement has been appreciated. Thanks guys. This is definately a (w)rap -- yo — I'm outta here. 1 INTRODUCTION It is the intention of this study to illustrate that hip hop is an expressive youth movement which provides an alternative cultural system for its members. The alternative is defined within the American black ghetto street culture. Hip hop provides an alternative to other existing options available to young ghetto men for defining themselves -- namely membership in street gangs or operating as street hustlers and hoods. Thus, hip hop is a subculture not so much of the mainstream (although it is that too) but of black (and to a lesser extent Hispanic and white) ghetto culture. Hip hop tends to reorganize prevailing norms, values and behavior, placing them in a new context, in an effort to solve the problems of adjustment experienced by the group. Hip hop is a new cultural form within ghetto culture which emerged as an innovation of expression developed in a cumulative manner through mutual exploration and joint elaboration. As participants often put it, "hip hop is a way of life" and as such confronts the fundamental issues of living. It not only provides a means of expressing central cultural concerns, but also a way of addressing their problems. Problems addressed are both structural ones such as socio-economics, class and race, as well as existential ones, such as what it is to be a male or how one fits into the world. 2 Positive identity creation and management is the central problem confronted by hip hoppers. Hip hop provides an avenue for active role-playing used to project an image and hence create an identity, which in turn must be maintained through continual affirmations of legitimacy. Not only does hip hop constitute the means of establishing this cultural system, but it also articulates the specifics of the system, expressing the particulars of a hip hopper's self-image and his cultural concerns through its expressive representations — rap music, graffiti and breakdancing. Indeed the very act of expression, to a great extent, actualizes the experience. Through the use of argumentative images and the play of tropes (Fernandez 1986) hip hoppers attempt to persuade themselves and others of their identity. Whether through figurative language or symbolic performance, central metaphors, which not only classify but compel, are asserted to empower members. Hence much of a hip hopper's identity is formulated and managed through imagery which transforms his experience of himself. Although many of the cultural themes expressed through hip hop are continuations of existing black ghetto male concerns, in the process of searching for a new way of being, an alternative social reality is experienced.
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