Tectonic Changes in the Middle East
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Rethinking the Two-State Solution
PolicyWatch #1408 : Special Forum Report Rethinking the Two-State Solution Featuring Giora Eiland and Martin Indyk October 3, 2008 On September 23, 2008, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Giora Eiland and Ambassador Martin Indyk addressed a Policy Forum luncheon at The Washington Institute. General Eiland is former head of the Israeli National Security Council and currently a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. Ambassador Indyk directs the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. The following is a rapporteur’s summary of their remarks. GIORA EILAND Within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict lies a paradox. Although the two-state solution is well known and widely accepted, and although there is international consensus regarding the need for it, little progress has been made to that end. This means that neither side desires the solution nor is willing to take the necessary risks to move forward and come to an agreement. Ultimately, the most the Israeli government can offer the Palestinians -- and survive politically -- is far less than what any Palestinian leadership can accept. As such, there is a gap between the two sides that continues to widen as the years go on. In many aspects, the current situation is worse than it was eight years ago. In 2000, there were three leaders who were both determined and capable of reaching an agreement: U.S. president Bill Clinton, Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak, and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. That type of leadership is missing today. In addition, while the two sides enjoyed a reasonable level of security, cooperation, and trust in 2000, the subsequent intifada has created a completely different situation on the ground today. -
June 7, 2015 Uvision Appoints Major General (Res.) Yair Naveh As
UVision, Paris Airshow 2, Draft 1, June 7, 15 UVision Appoints Major General (Res.) Yair Naveh the New Chairman of the Board Paris Air Show 2015, Paris, Le Bourget, 15-21/6, Static Area #A8 June 16, 2015 - UVision – a pioneer in the technological development of cost-effective, lethal aerial loitering systems – appoints Major General (Res.) Yair Naveh as the new Chairman of the company's Board of Directors. According to Yair Dubester, President & CEO, "We are very pleased that M.G. Naveh has joined us. He brings many years of experience and invaluable knowledge in the area of modern warfare, and we have no doubt that he will contribute significantly to the company, both in marketing and in management." During his service in the Israel Defense Forces, Major General (Res.) Naveh held a number of senior positions, including Commander of the Gaza Division during the Second Intifada, Chief of the Home Front Command, Chief of the Central Area Command, and Deputy Chief of Staff between 2010 and 2013. M.G. (Res.) Naveh retired from the Army in 2014. He holds a Masters degree in Political Science and Middle East Studies, as well as an MBA. About UVision UVision designs, develops and manufactures innovative, cost-effective, lethal aerial loitering systems for customers worldwide. With cutting-edge technology and 30 years of extensive field experience by a professional management team culled from leading Israeli defense companies, UVision delivers highly innovative loitering systems based on unique aerodynamic platform configurations. These solutions are tailored for particular flight qualities, advanced airborne guidance and navigation systems, precision attack munitions, and command and control stations fully integrated with communication links. -
From Cold Peace to Cold War?: the Significance of Egypt's Military
FROM COLD PEACE TO COLD WAR? THE SIGNIFICANCE OF EGYPT’S MILITARY BUILDUP Jeffrey Azarva* Since the 1978 Camp David Accords, the Egyptian government has undertaken extraordinary efforts to modernize its military with Western arms and weapon systems. By bolstering its armored corps, air force, and naval fleet with an array of U.S. military platforms, the Egyptian armed forces have emerged as one the region’s most formidable forces. But as the post-Husni Mubarak era looms, questions abound. Who, precisely, is Egypt arming against, and why? Has Egypt attained operational parity with Israel? How will the military be affected by a succession crisis? Could Cairo’s weapons arsenal fall into the hands of Islamists? This essay will address these and other questions by analyzing the regime’s procurement of arms, its military doctrine, President Mubarak’s potential heirs, and the Islamist threat. INTRODUCTION force to a modernized, well-equipped, Western-style military. In March 1999, then U.S. Secretary of Outfitted with some of the most Defense William Cohen embarked on a sophisticated U.S. weapons technology, nine-nation tour of the Middle East to Egypt’s arsenal has been significantly finalize arms agreements worth over $5 improved—qualitatively as well as billion with regional governments. No state quantitatively—in nearly every military received more military hardware than branch. While assimilating state-of-the-art Egypt. Totaling $3.2 billion, Egypt’s arms weaponry into its order of battle, the package consisted of 24 F-16D fighter Egyptian military has also decommissioned planes, 200 M1A1 Abrams tanks, and 32 Soviet equipment or upgraded outdated Patriot-3 missiles.1 Five months later, Cairo ordnance. -
Ottawa Jewish Bulletin
THANK YOU FOR SUPPORTING What A Wonderful Chanukah Gift To Give... JNF NEGEV DINNER 2017 An Ottawa Jewish HONOURING LAWRENCE GREENSPON Bulletin Subscription JNFOTTAWA.CA FOR DETAILS [email protected] 613.798.2411 Call 613-798-4696, Ext. 256 Ottawa Jewish Bulletin NOVEMBER 27, 2017 | KISLEV 9, 5778 ESTABLISHED 1937 OTTAWAJEWISHBULLETIN.COM | $2 JNF honours Lawrence Greenspon at Negev Dinner BY NORAH MOR ore than 500 people filled the sold-out Infinity Convention Centre, November 6, to celebrate 2017 honouree Lawrence Greenspon at the Jewish National Fund M(JNF) of Ottawa’s annual Negev dinner. Greenspon, a well-known criminal defence attorney and civil litigator, also has a long history as a devoted community activist and fundraiser. A past chair of the Ottawa Jewish Community Centre and the United Way Community Services Cabinet, Greenspon has initiat- ed a number of health-based events and campaigns and has been previously honoured with many awards including a Lifetime Achievement Award from Volun- teer Ottawa and the Community Builder of the Year Award by the United Way. Rabbi Reuven Bulka, the Negev Dinner MC, praised Greenspon’s creative fundraising ideas using “boxing, motorcycles, paddling races and even hockey and dancing events.” Negev Dinner honouree Lawrence Greenspon receives his citation from the Jewish National Fund of Canada, November 6, at the “Lawrence has touched so many of us, in so many Infinity Convention Centre, ways, by devoting endless hours, and being a voice (From left) Negev Dinner Chair David Feldberg, Carter Grusys, Lawrence Greenspon, Maja Greenspon, Angela Lariviere, JNF for those who don’t have a voice,” said Negev Dinner National President Wendy Spatzner, Major General (Res) Doron Almog, JNF Ottawa President Dan Mader (partially hidden), and Chair David Feldberg in his remarks. -
Privatizing Religion: the Transformation of Israel's
Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious- Zionist community BY Yair ETTINGER The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. This paper is part of a series on Imagining Israel’s Future, made possible by support from the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund. The views expressed in this report are those of its author and do not represent the views of the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund, their officers, or employees. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of Contents 1 The Author 2 Acknowlegements 3 Introduction 4 The Religious Zionist tribe 5 Bennett, the Jewish Home, and religious privatization 7 New disputes 10 Implications 12 Conclusion: The Bennett era 14 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious-Zionist community The Author air Ettinger has served as a journalist with Haaretz since 1997. His work primarily fo- cuses on the internal dynamics and process- Yes within Haredi communities. Previously, he cov- ered issues relating to Palestinian citizens of Israel and was a foreign affairs correspondent in Paris. Et- tinger studied Middle Eastern affairs at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is currently writing a book on Jewish Modern Orthodoxy. -
Turkish Policy Towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity Change in the Relations of Turkish
Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) policy towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity change in the relations of Turkish- Turkish The AKP’s material and ideological interests have been used as a ‘goal’ and also as a ‘tool’. This means that whenever the AKP government is threatened and confronted with internal or external troubles, these interests can move from being a ‘goal’ to be used as a ‘means’ to consolidate AKP’s power. In the case of stability, Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine these interests can be seen in the context of being a ‘goal’, which the AKP is Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- looking forward to achieve. This AKP pragmatic policy is called exploitation-via- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and cooperation. Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Mohammed Alsaftawi Mohammed Alsaftawi is a researcher at the Ghent Institute for International Studies at the Department of Political Science, Ghent University. Mohammed Alsaftawi Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Faculty of Political and Social Sciences Department of Political Science Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine: Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Doctoral dissertation submitted by: Mohammed Alsaftawi in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Academic Year 2016-2017 January 2017, Ghent Belgium Samenvatting Het Turks buitenlandsbeleid is een beladen onderwerp, bestudeerd door verscheiden academici. -
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Columbia University Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Human Rights Studies Master of Arts Program Silencing “Breaking the Silence”: The Israeli government’s agenda respecting human rights NGOs activism since 2009 Ido Dembin Thesis Adviser: Prof. Yinon Cohen Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 12 September, 2018 Abstract This research examines a key aspect in the deterioration of Israeli democracy between 2009-2018. Mainly, it looks at Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Right-wing governments utilization of legislative procedure to limit the right to free speech. The aspects of the right to free speech discussed here pertain to dissenting and critical activism against these government’s policies. The suppression of said right is manifested in the marginalization, delegitimization and ultimately silencing of its expression in Human Rights NGOs activism. To demonstrate this, the research presents a case study of one such NGO – “Breaking the Silence” – and the legal and political actions designed to cause its eventual ousting from mainstream Israeli discourse. The research focuses on the importance and uniqueness of this NGO, as well as the ways in which the government perceives and acts against it. First, it analyzes the NGO’s history, modus operandi and goals, emphasizing the uniqueness that makes it a particularly fascinating case. Then, it researches the government’s specific interest in crippling and limiting its influence. Finally, it highlights the government’s toolbox and utilization thereof against it. By shining a light on this case, the research seeks to show the process of watering down of a fundamental right within Israeli democracy – which is instrumental to understanding the state’s risk of decline towards illiberal democracy. -
European Efforts to Apply the Principle of Universal Jurisdiction Against Israeli Officials
European Efforts to Apply the Principle of Universal Jurisdiction Against Israeli Officials by Silvia Nicolaou Garcia July 2009 Summary Points: Universal Jurisdiction is a principle in international law whereby states claim criminal jurisdiction over persons whose alleged crimes were committed outside the boundaries of the prosecuting state, regardless of nationality, country of residence, or any other relation with the prosecuting country Universal jurisdiction is a very powerful tool in the context of the Israel/Palestine conflict, since the Israeli Supreme Court has not adequately conducted investigations of violations of international law. Since 2001 some European countries have tried to prosecute alleged Israeli war criminals under the principle of universal jurisdiction. Belgium, the UK, Spain, Turkey and Norway are some of these countries. Below is an account of the how the process of prosecuting alleged Israeli war criminals in European countries has been politicised due to pressure exerted by Israel and the US on the prosecuting countries, to the extent that in Belgium the law has been narrowed down. Similar amendments may follow in Spain. These political interferences with the judicial process risk violating the separation of powers and rule of law. What is worse, impunity of Israeli officials will continue and Palestinians will be offered no judicial redress for the war crimes perpetrated against them. Introduction The legal basis of Universal Jurisdiction The principle of universal jurisdiction permits the national courts of any state to try people accused of crimes under international law, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, torture, extrajudicial executions and “disappearances”, regardless of the nationality of the alleged perpetrators or victims and regardless of where the crimes were committed. -
Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: the Most Important Events Yasser
Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: The Most Important Events Yasser Arafat Foundation 1 Early 20th Century - The total population of Palestine is estimated at 600,000, including approximately 36,000 of the Jewish faith, most of whom immigrated to Palestine for purely religious reasons, the remainder Muslims and Christians, all living and praying side by side. 1901 - The Zionist Organization (later called the World Zionist Organization [WZO]) founded during the First Zionist Congress held in Basel Switzerland in 1897, establishes the “Jewish National Fund” for the purpose of purchasing land in Palestine. 1902 - Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II agrees to receives Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement and, despite Herzl’s offer to pay off the debt of the Empire, decisively rejects the idea of Zionist settlement in Palestine. - A majority of the delegates at The Fifth Zionist Congress view with favor the British offer to allocate part of the lands of Uganda for the settlement of Jews. However, the offer was rejected the following year. 2 1904 - A wave of Jewish immigrants, mainly from Russia and Poland, begins to arrive in Palestine, settling in agricultural areas. 1909 Jewish immigrants establish the city of “Tel Aviv” on the outskirts of Jaffa. 1914 - The First World War begins. - - The Jewish population in Palestine grows to 59,000, of a total population of 657,000. 1915- 1916 - In correspondence between Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, and Sharif Hussein of Mecca, wherein Hussein demands the “independence of the Arab States”, specifying the boundaries of the territories within the Ottoman rule at the time, which clearly includes Palestine. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Hoveret Eng2.Indd
Violence by Israeli settlers against Palestinians and their property has been a daily occurrence for many years in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The report A Semblance of Law: Law Enforcement upon Israeli Civilians in the West Bank reveals the dynamic that leads to the absence of effective law enforcement in regards to Israeli civilians in the West Bank who commit offenses against Palestinians. The report documents serious faults in all stages of the law enforcement process: when offenses are committed, IDF soldiers present on the scene show a grave tendency to ignore them; Palestinians face physical and bureaucratic difficulties when they attempt to file complaints; and above all, the investigation stage shows faults in the examination of incidents, failure to implement the required investigatory steps, and sometimes an unwillingness to undertake even a cursory investigation. Yesh Din - Volunteers for Human Rights was founded in March 2005, and since then its volunteers have been working for a structural and long-term improvement of the human rights situation in the OPT. The organization collects and disseminates credible and current information on systematic human rights abuses in the OPT; applies public and legal pressure on the state authorities to stop them; and raises public awareness of human A Semblance rights abuses in the OPT. In order to realize its goals effectively, Yesh Din operates according to a unique model among human rights organizations in Israel: of Law the organization is run and staffed by volunteers, and is assisted on a daily basis by a professional staff Law Enforcement of lawyers, human rights experts and strategic and communications consultants. -
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As Of, January 27, 2015) Elections • in Israel, Elections for the Knesset A
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As of, January 27, 2015) Elections In Israel, elections for the Knesset are held at least every four years. As is frequently the case, the outgoing government coalition collapsed due to disagreements between the parties. As a result, the Knesset fell significantly short of seeing out its full four year term. Knesset elections in Israel will now be held on March 17, 2015, slightly over two years since the last time that this occurred. The Basics of the Israeli Electoral System All Israeli citizens above the age of 18 and currently in the country are eligible to vote. Voters simply select one political party. Votes are tallied and each party is then basically awarded the same percentage of Knesset seats as the percentage of votes that it received. So a party that wins 10% of total votes, receives 10% of the seats in the Knesset (In other words, they would win 12, out of a total of 120 seats). To discourage small parties, the law was recently amended and now the votes of any party that does not win at least 3.25% of the total (probably around 130,000 votes) are completely discarded and that party will not receive any seats. (Until recently, the “electoral threshold,” as it is known, was only 2%). For the upcoming elections, by January 29, each party must submit a numbered list of its candidates, which cannot later be altered. So a party that receives 10 seats will send to the Knesset the top 10 people listed on its pre-submitted list.