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4 Establishments and Clashes, 1641-1658 4 Establishments and clashes, 1641-1658 makassarese inroads, portuguese responses The dual kingdom of Gowa and Tallo’, commonly known as Makassar, developed as a major power in South Sulawesi during the sixteenth century. Through contacts with Malay merchants, an archipelago-wide network was forged that had both commercially and politically impor- tant implications. At the same time, a hierarchy of titles and positions developed, which created the basis for an expansive early state. Some authors have gone so far as to say that early Makassar turned into a bureaucratic state with centralized institutions, yet this is hotly debated (Cummings 2007:5, 9). At any rate, its political and commercial influ- ence greatly increased in the seventeenth century, especially after the adoption of Islam in 1605. Islam provided an ideological rationale for taking military action against pagan territories, by way of reference to the classic juridical juxtaposition of the House of Islam and the House of War.1 There was supposedly a latent state of conflict between those lands under Muslim rule, and those lands that were not, hence providing a degree of legitimacy for military conquest. In 1602, Makassarese squadrons operated from the islands of Flores and Solor, making an unsuccessful request for tributes to be paid by the Solorese in 1613. The fact that kingdoms on Sulawesi had an early interest in the Solor-Timor area is also illustrated by the role of Buton, whose sultan formed an alliance with the VOC in order to take control of the Portuguese fort on Solor in 1613. Makassarese, Javanese and other Asian ships are known to have visited Timor and Maluku over the next decades, sometimes being hunted down and captured by the maritime 1 Noorduyn 1987:314. The juxtaposition is, of course, considered obsolete by many modern Mus- lims, though it persists in Islamist circles. ‘House’ is understood here as community. Hans Hägerdal - 9789004253506 Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:41:07AM via free access | Lords of the land, lords of the sea forces of the Dutch East India Company (Paramita Abdurachman 1983:100-1; De Roever 2002:121, 126, 181, 192, 213). All in all, one receives the impression that a lot of trade-related action was going on unbeknownst to the Dutch or the Portuguese. This impression is strengthened when looking at the historical tra- ditions of Timor, as well as those of Makassar itself. Numerous oral accounts collected in the late twentieth century by Peter Spillett show the important place of the early Makassarese travellers in the collective memory of the Timorese. Mentions of them can be found from the Atoni in the west, to the Fataluco in the east. These stories highlight both the warlike and more peaceful pursuits of the people of Sulawesi, who even crowned kings and queens of their choice. Since there has been in- teraction with the overseas seafarers up until modern times, the accounts need not specifically refer to the seventeenth century, but at least some of them do. One version states that the people of Wewiku-Wehali claim ancestry from Makassar and in particular from Tallo’, whose raja arrived to the island riding on a crocodile. The Makassarese supposedly brought iron technology to Wehali, and taught the locals how to make weapons; intermarrying with local women, they generally remained on peaceful terms with their hosts (Spillett 1999:155-205). Even today, the raja family of Tallo’ tell stories of how Karaeng Matoaya, alias Sultan Abdullah (reign 1573-1636), had numerous con- tacts with Timor. Karaeng Matoaya, who introduced Islam in the dual kingdom in 1605, supposedly undertook several military campaigns on the island from 1596 onwards. In 1630 he is said to have married a princess from Wehali, and aspired to become ‘the king of Timor’. His son and successor was Sultan Muzaffar who ‘travelled around and governed in Timor, where he acquired land’ (Spillett 1999:331-2, 335). Muzaffar married a woman called Sitti E Heriya who died on Timor: a gravestone, dated 1637, stands at Hera, east of Dili, and is said to belong to her (Spillett, Makkule and Susilo 1995:5). While Sultan Abdullah and Sultan Muzaffar are well documented as rulers of Tallo’, the Timorese details about the marriage and campaigns are unfortunately not found in the authoritative Tallo’ chronicle of circa 1641, and the source of the information that we do have, is not clear. For example, the name Sitti E Heriya does not occur among the wives of Muzaffar in the chronicle, so the name written on the gravestone at Hera, known to the raja family, 84 Hans Hägerdal - 9789004253506 Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:41:07AM via free access 4 Establishments and clashes, 1641-1658 | might have been added to the story by inference.2 What is quite clear from several sources is that Muzaffar did under- take an expedition to Timor, and that a close relationship developed between Tallo’ and Wehali. At this time, Makassarese activity in the Solor-Timor waters had grown to such an extent that the Dutch became worried. In 1636, they complained that the skilful Sulawesi seafarers were able to steer their boats to Timor during the east monsoon as well as the west monsoon. Meanwhile, the Portuguese were steadily drawing ahead of their Dutch rivals, due to their long experience of trading with Macao. Once again the Dutch had to admit that their Lusitanian adver- saries worked better with the native Timorese than they themselves did, thus meaning the Portuguese were in a position to occupy the best ports on the island. The islanders themselves were not allowed to trade with the Company.3 In addition, the relationship between the Makassarese and the Portuguese in the archipelago was usually good, since Gowa and Tallo’ maintained a liberal trading policy that allowed Portuguese merchants to use Makassar as a base for their businesses. Relations were, however, temporarily soured by a major seaborne expedition under the leadership of Sultan Muzaffar himself, with no less an aim than to subdue Timor and defeat the Portuguese of Larantuka. As discussed in detail by Arend de Roever, the expedition was the logical outcome of Makassar combining its long-time role as an intermediate station for sandalwood with new commercial ambitions. The Portuguese of maritime Asia – still unaware that their homeland had been recently liberated from Spain in Europe – were badly beset by Dutch blockades and hostilities, resulting in the loss of enormous quantities of cargo to the enemy. The leading Makassarese politician and prince Karaeng Patingalloang cleverly took advantage of this; he drew up an agreement with the Company that would make Makassar the supplier of sandal- wood for the Dutch, who had, besides, failed to maintain a monopoly of the fragrant wood. In January 1641, an impressive fleet of 5,000-7,000 men set out from Makassar in order to eliminate, or at least subdue, the only serious obstacle to the agreement: Larantuka.4 The very day 2 The account of the two reigns may be found in Cummings 2007:87-92. Among the names of Sul- tan Abdullah’s conquests, which are carefully listed, there is nothing that can be associated with Timor. 3 De Roever 2002:216. A similar remark is found in the Generale missiven for 1640; see Coolhaas 1964:118. 4 De Roever 2002:234-5. The accession of João IV of Portugal took place on 1 December 1640, meaning that news of the restoration only reached Southeast Asia in late 1641. 85 Hans Hägerdal - 9789004253506 Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 03:41:07AM via free access | Lords of the land, lords of the sea before, the Portuguese, after a siege of five months, had been forced to lower their colours in Malacca, the nucleus of their power in Southeast Asia. The expedition was controversial among the Makassarese elite, and was certainly no unqualified success. A Dominican account written after 1679 tells in heroic terms of how the king of Tallo’ arrived with an enormous power, ‘intent on destroying Christianity and to plant the cursed sect of Mafamede [Muhammad], of which he was a practitioner and grand zealot’ (Sá 1958:421). Here, the clerical author completely omits the economic aspect of the enterprise. As the Larantuqueiros de- clined to parley with the invaders, the latter went ashore and destroyed the settlement, including the church and the holy images, while the locals fled to the hinterland. As on several similar difficult occasions, the weak Portuguese community displayed an astonishing degree of doggedness. Characteristically animated by a Catholic padre, a band of Larantuqueiros charged with their shotguns. Firearms were nothing new to the Makassarese, but after suffering considerable losses they decided to voyage to the Muslim village of Lamakera on Solor. From there Sultan Muzaffar set sail for Timor, presumably accompanied by Solorese pilots: Closing in on Mena, he threatened the queen and other kings who had been baptized. He gave Moorish bonnets to the [lords] of Servião, and to Vajalle [Wehali] who, on this island, was treated like an emperor. He converted them to the faith of Mafamede and promised them great as- sistance. This did not happen, for when he arrived back in Makassar, to where he returned, his own wife killed him by poison. She feared her husband, since she had had an affair with a servant during his absence.5 Before his untimely death, an event not confirmed by the Tallo’ chroni- cle, Sultan Muzaffar had ravaged the coastlands of Timor for two long months, taking some 4,000 prisoners to be sold at the slave market; if accurate, this is a substantial number.
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