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Entrevistas Nuremberga Entrevistas de Nuremberga conduzidas por Leon Goldensohn organização e introdução de Robert Gellately Tradução de Raquel Mouta l i s b o a : tinta‑da‑china MMVI Índice © 2006, Edições tinta‑da‑china, Lda. Rua João de Freitas Branco, 35A, Loja 2 1500‑627 Lisboa Tels: 21 726 90 28/9 | Fax: 21 726 90 30 E‑mail: [email protected] Introdução: Nuremberga — vozes do passado 9 Entrevistas © 2004, The Estate of Leon N. Goldensohn Introdução © 2004, Robert Gellately Título original: The Nuremberg Interviews — An American Psychiatrist’s Como se obtiveram Conversations With the Defendants and Witnesses e preservaram as entrevistas de Nuremberga 37 Autores: Leon Goldensohn e Robert Gellately Tradução: Raquel Mouta Revisão: Paula Almeida Capa: Vera Tavares (com imagem de Hermann Goering, © Holocaust Memorial Parte I — Arguidos Museum, EUA Composição: Vera Tavares Karl Doenitz 41 1.ª edição: Outubro de 2006 Hans Frank 59 isbn 972‑8955‑15‑4 Depósito Legal n.º ???????/?? Wilhelm Frick 85 Hans Fritzsche 93 Walther Funk 125 Hermann Goering 153 Rudolf Hess 191 Alfred Jodl 193 Ernst Kaltenbrunner 195 Wilhem Keitel 215 Constantin von Neurath 229 Franz von Papen 235 Joachim von Ribbentrop 243 Alfred Rosenberg 259 Fritz Sauckel 267 Hjalmar Schacht 281 Baldur von Schirach 303 Albert Speer 319 Julius Streicher 321 Introdução Nuremberga — Vozes do Passado Parte II — Testemunhas Erich von dem Bach‑Zelewski 337 Kurt Daluege 349 Sepp Dietrich 353 Franz Halder 361 Rudolf Hoess 371 Albert Kesselring 395 Ewald von Kleist 409 Erich von Manstein 433 Erhard Milch 441 Rudolf Mildner 453 Otto Ohlendorf 475 Oswald Pohl 485 Walter Schellenberg 507 Paul O. Schmidt 527 Glossário 549 Notas 551 Índice Remissivo 579 Nota sobre Leon Goldensohn 589 Leon Goldensohn exercia as profissões de médico de clínica geral e de psiquiatra na altura em que o seu país natal, os EUA, entrou na Segunda Guerra Mundial. Em 1943, alistou‑se no exército ameri‑ cano e depressa foi destacado para França e para a Alemanha, onde serviu em batalhas do teatro de guerra europeu. Pouco depois do fim da guerra, passou a ser o psiquiatra da prisão de Nuremberga, onde tiveram lugar os primeiros julgamentos dos principais criminosos de guerra nazis. Goldensohn chegou a Nuremberga no início de Janeiro de 1946, cerca de seis semanas depois de se terem iniciado os julga‑ mentos, e lá permaneceu até finais de Julho desse mesmo ano. Dada a sua especialização em psiquiatria, tinha à sua responsabilidade a saúde mental de cerca de duas dúzias de líderes alemães que sobre‑ viveram à guerra e que estavam então a lutar pela vida perante o Tri‑ bunal Militar Internacional. Por ser médico e visitar os prisioneiros quase todos os dias, também fazia um acompanhamento cuidadoso dos problemas físicos dos mesmos. Durante o período de sete meses que passou na prisão de Nuremberga, falou frequentemente com muitos dos vinte e um prisioneiros que já lá estavam quando chegou, tendo realizado entrevistas formais e extensas com a maioria deles. Para além disso, entrevistou um grande número de testemunhas da defesa e da acusação, algumas das quais tinham sido importantes fun‑ cionários nazis. Neste livro, publica‑se pela primeira vez uma alargada selecção das entrevistas que Goldensohn realizou durante a estada em Nurember‑ ga. Estas entrevistas são um importante contributo para a história dos julgamentos e do Terceiro Reich. O seu carácter único deve‑se ao facto de terem sido realizadas de forma sistemática por um entrevistador [12] entrevistas de nuremberga introdução [13] formado em psiquiatria, proporcionando um novo testemunho sobre cipais criminosos de guerra, cujos crimes não podiam ser circunscritos a mentalidade e as motivações dos principais perpetradores nazis. a uma área geográfica específica. A Declaração de Moscovo deixava em aberto o que deveria acontecer exactamente a esses homens: se um julgamento, se uma execução sumária2. Antecedentes dos Julgamentos de Nuremberga As ideias de Churchill sobre o assunto eram tudo menos bondosas. Pensava ele, como afirmou à porta fechada numa sessão do Conselho de Os julgamentos de Nuremberga surgiram no âmbito de uma série de Ministros a 10 de Novembro de 1943 (imediatamente anterior à Confe‑ outras questões políticas e jurídicas, mas são hoje considerados uma rência de Teerão), que fazia sentido elaborar uma lista restrita com os referência do direito internacional. No entanto, a sua realização não nomes de determinados criminosos de guerra. Acreditava que, actuan‑ era de forma alguma inevitável e podia nunca ter chegado a acontecer. do com esse grupo de forma sumária, poderia abreviar a guerra, na Durante a guerra, à medida que os líderes aliados foram tomando medida em que os indivíduos identificados passariam a ser figuras isola‑ conhecimento da dimensão das atrocidades praticadas pelos nazis, das no seu próprio país. Esta estratégia exigia que os Aliados evitassem Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR), presidente dos Estados Unidos, as complicações dos procedimentos legais, e o próprio Churchill deli‑ Winston S. Churchill, primeiro‑ministro da Grã‑Bretanha, e José neara uma lista com os nomes de cinquenta a cem líderes nazis. Depois Estaline, secretário‑geral da União Soviética, todos eles consideraram, de a lista ser revista por uma espécie de comité internacional de juristas, num ou noutro momento, que a execução sumária seria a resposta os indivíduos em questão seriam declarados fora‑da‑lei e, logo, tornar‑ mais adequada aos crimes nazis. ‑se‑iam legalmente alvos para quem os quisesse matar. Para Churchill, a Aparentemente, a ideia dos julgamentos terá sido sugerida pela ter lugar um julgamento dos principais criminosos de guerra, o objecti‑ primeira vez pelo ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros soviético, vo do mesmo seria verificar a identidade desses fora‑da‑lei3. Viatcheslav Molotov, a 14 de Outubro de 1942. Nessa altura, Molotov Uma das conversas mais espantosas sobre o tema das execuções escreveu a vários governantes do leste europeu exilados em Londres a sumárias teve lugar num encontro entre Roosevelt, Churchill e Estali‑ respeito da intenção de Moscovo julgar os líderes mais proeminentes ne, durante a Conferência de Teerão (de 28 de Novembro a 1 de Dezem‑ do «criminoso governo hitleriano» perante um «tribunal internacional bro de 1943). Ao jantar do dia 29 de Novembro, Estaline sugeriu de especial»1. Moscovo sentia‑se visivelmente incomodada pelo facto de passagem que, se no fim da guerra fossem reunidos e liquidados cerca a Grã‑Bretanha não estar disposta a julgar o representante de Hitler, de cinquenta mil líderes das forças armadas alemãs, o poder militar Rudolf Hess, que voara para a Escócia em Maio de 1941, e os soviéticos da Alemanha4 seria definitivamente aniquilado.Churchill ficou estar‑ receavam que os seus aliados pudessem até fazer algum tipo de acordo recido com a dimensão do extermínio imaginado por Estaline. Res‑ com a Alemanha. Por seu lado, os aliados ocidentais não se mostravam pondeu simplesmente que o parlamento e o povo britânicos nunca particularmente inclinados a levar a cabo julgamentos no pós‑guerra e, aceitariam tais execuções em massa. Mas Roosevelt reagiu de forma pelo contrário, continuavam a preferir as execuções sumárias. A prio‑ mais calorosa à proposta de Estaline, e, quando Churchill se mostrou ridade imediata era ganhar a guerra. transtornado (ou pelo menos assim recordou Churchill o caso), FDR Todavia, a 1 de Novembro de 1943, os três aliados emitiram final‑ afirmou que osAliados não deveriam executar cinquenta mil, mas mente uma declaração conjunta relativamente ao que deveria suce‑ «apenas quarenta e nove mil». Elliott Roosevelt, filho do presidente, der aos criminosos de guerra — a chamada Declaração de Moscovo. que também estava presente, entrou na conversa para acrescentar que Nesse documento delineavam‑se diversos princípios gerais. Por exem‑ o exército dos Estados Unidos «daria certamente o seu apoio»5. plo, a declaração estabelecia que quem tivesse cometido crimes seria O rumo da conversa incomodou de tal forma Churchill que este enviado para as localidades onde tais crimes tivessem ocorrido, para abandonou a sala onde se encontravam, sendo de imediato seguido por ser «julgado no local». O julgamento e a sentença seguiriam as leis Estaline que, de forma jovial, lhe disse estar, obviamente, só a brincar. locais. No entanto, haveria um tratamento diferenciado para os prin‑ No entanto, se observarmos os registos de discussões posteriores e [14] entrevistas de nuremberga introdução [15] tivermos em conta que Estaline já instigara a liquidação de milhares Tribunal dos Estados Unidos e deveriam «constituir a base da acção dos seus concidadãos, muitos dos quais pertencentes ao corpo de ofi‑ judicial contra os nazis»7. ciais soviético, teremos razões para crer que, se naquela noite Churchill No entanto, para grande consternação de Stimson, Roosevelt tivesse concordado, poderia ter sido tomada uma importante decisão. continuou a apoiar Morgenthau — seu amigo pessoal — e a defen‑ Resta saber se esse passo teria ou não culminado num grande número der a execução sumária, sem julgamento, por parte dos militares. De de execuções. Naturalmente, Churchill duvidava que Estaline e Roo‑ facto, na sequência da Conferência do Quebeque (11 a 24 de Agosto de sevelt estivessem apenas a brincar naquela noite em Teerão. Apesar de 1944), Roosevelt e Churchill emitiram uma declaração segundo a qual se ter deixado persuadir por Estaline a voltar ao jantar, não ficara «com‑ o processo judicial era inadequado para «arquicriminosos como Hitler, pletamente convencido de que tudo não passara de zombaria e de que Himmler, Goering e Goebbels». Nas suas próprias palavras: «Para além por detrás da conversa não se escondia uma verdadeira intenção»6. das enormes dificuldades que implicaria constituir o Tribunal, for‑ No seio do governo americano, existia uma profunda cisão mular a acusação e reunir as provas, a questão do destino [dos líderes quanto à melhor forma de lidar com os crimes de guerra nazis. A 5 de nazis] é política e não judicial.
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