National Unity Party (Nup)
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GENERAL ELECTIONS IN ARMENIA 6th May 2012 European Elections monitor Republican Party led by the President of the Republic Serzh Sarkisian is the main favourite in Corinne Deloy the general elections in Armenia. On 23rd February last the Armenian authorities announced that the next general elections would Analysis take place on 6th May. Nine political parties are running: the five parties represented in the Natio- 1 month before nal Assembly, the only chamber in parliament comprising the Republican Party of Armenia (HHK), the poll Prosperous Armenia (BHK), the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (HHD), Rule of Law (Orinats Erkir, OEK) and Heritage (Z), which is standing in a coalition with the Free Democrats of Khachatur Kokobelian, as well as the Armenian National Congress (HAK), the Communist Party (HKK), the Democratic Party and the United Armenians. The Armenian government led by Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian (HHK) has comprised the Republi- can Party, Prosperous Armenia and Rule of Law since 21st March 2008. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation was a member of the government coalition until 2009 before leaving it because of its opposition to the government’s foreign policy. On 12th February last the Armenians elected their local representatives. The Republican Party led by President of the Republic Serzh Sarkisian won 33 of the 39 country’s towns. The opposition clai- med that there had been electoral fraud. The legislative campaign started on 8th April and will end on 4th May. 238 people working in Arme- nia’s embassies or consulates will be able to vote on 27th April and 1st May. The parties running Prosperous Armenia leader, Gagik Tsarukian will lead his The Republican Party will be led by the President of the party’s list. -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
THE IMPACT of the ARMENIAN GENOCIDE on the FORMATION of NATIONAL STATEHOOD and POLITICAL IDENTITY “Today Most Armenians Do
ASHOT ALEKSANYAN THE IMPACT OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ON THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL STATEHOOD AND POLITICAL IDENTITY Key words – Armenian Genocide, pre-genocide, post-genocide, national statehood, Armenian statehood heritage, political identity, civiliarchic elite, civilization, civic culture, Armenian diaspora, Armenian civiliarchy “Today most Armenians do not live in the Republic of Armenia. Indeed, most Armenians have deep ties to the countries where they live. Like a lot of us, many Armenians find themselves balancing their role in their new country with their historical and cultural roots. How far should they assimilate into their new countries? Does Armenian history and culture have something to offer Armenians as they live their lives now? When do historical and cultural memories create self-imposed limits on individuals?”1 Introduction The relevance of this article is determined, on the one hand, the multidimen- sionality of issues related to understanding the role of statehood and the political and legal system in the development of Armenian civilization, civic culture and identity, on the other hand - the negative impact of the long absence of national system of public administration and the devastating impact of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 on the further development of the Armenian statehood and civiliarchy. Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey was the first ever large-scale crime against humanity and human values. Taking advantage of the beginning of World War I, the Turkish authorities have organized mass murder and deportations of Armenians from their historic homeland. Genocide divided the civiliarchy of the Armenian people in three parts: before the genocide (pre-genocide), during the genocide and after the genocide (post-genocide). -
Contested Publics : Situating Civil Society in a Post-- Authoritarian Era : the Case Study of Tunisia, 2011–2013
Fortier, Edwige Aimee (2016) Contested publics : situating civil society in a post-- authoritarian era : the case study of Tunisia, 2011–2013. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23642 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Contested Publics: Situating Civil Society in a Post-Authoritarian Era The Case Study of Tunisia 2011–2013 Edwige Aimee Fortier Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD in Development Studies 2016 Department of Development Studies Faculty of Law and Social Sciences School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Page | 1 Abstract Periods of sociopolitical transition from authoritarian rule offer renewed expectations for more representative and accountable state institutions, for enhanced pluralism and public participation, and for opportunities for marginalised groups to emerge from the periphery. Several thousand new civil society organisations were legally established in Tunisia following the 2010–2011 uprising that forced a long-serving dictator from office. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
Javakheti after the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia Hedvig Lohm ECMI Working Paper #38 April 2007 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) ECMI Headquarters: Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 Internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper #38 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller Copyright 2007 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Published in April 2007 by the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) ISSN: 1435-9812 2 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................4 II. JAVAKHETI IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERMS ...........................................................5 1. The Current Socio-Economic Situation .............................................................................6 2. Transformation of Agriculture ...........................................................................................8 3. Socio-Economic Dependency on Russia .......................................................................... 10 III. DIFFERENT ACTORS IN JAVAKHETI ................................................................... 12 1. Tbilisi influence on Javakheti .......................................................................................... 12 2. Role of Armenia and Russia ............................................................................................. 13 3. International -
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal. -
EU-Armenia Parliamentary Co-Operation Committee
EU-Armenia Parliamentary Cooperation Committee Mr. Armen "Armenian Revolutionary Federation" Faction ROUSTAMYAN /Head/ Mr. Gagik "Republican Party of Armenia" Faction MELIKYAN Mr. Albert "Justice" Faction BAZEYAN Mrs. Heghineh "Rule of Law" Faction BISHARYAN Mr. Koryun "National Unity" Faction ARAKELYAN Mr. Grigor "United Labour Party" Faction GHONJEYAN Mr. Vahram "People's Deputy" Deputy group BAGHDASARYAN Mr. Khachatur Not included in any factions and deputy groups SOUKIASYAN 16 February 2005 AA Armen Roustamyan was born on March 1, 1960 in the village of Zangakatoun in the Ararat region. Mr. Roustamyan graduated with a degre in physics from the P. Loumoumba Moscow University of Nations' Friendship in 1983. From 1983-1984 he served in the Soviet Army. He spent the next seven years as a scientific associate at Yerevan State University. From 1991-1993 he worked as a chief specialist in an Armenian-French joint venture. From 1993-1994 he worked as a scientific associate in Orsay Institute of Theoretical and Applied Optics. 1999-2003 was his first term as a deputy of the NA (from the proportional list of the the Armenian Revolutionary Federation) and he was Deputy Chairman of the NA Standing Committee on Foreign Relations and a member of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Faction. On May 25, 2003 he was reelected to the NA from the proportional list of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and he is currently the Chairman of the NA Standing Committee on Foreign Relations. He is a member of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Faction and the representative of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Supreme Body in Armenia. Mr. -
Final 10/07/2012
THIRD SECTION CASE OF HAKOBYAN AND OTHERS v. ARMENIA (Application no. 34320/04) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 10 April 2012 FINAL 10/07/2012 This judgment has become final under Article 44 § 2 of the Convention. It may be subject to editorial revision. HAKOBYAN AND OTHERS v. ARMENIA JUDGMENT 1 In the case of Hakobyan and Others v. Armenia, The European Court of Human Rights (Third Section), sitting as a Chamber composed of: Josep Casadevall, President, Corneliu Bîrsan, Alvina Gyulumyan, Egbert Myjer, Ineta Ziemele, Luis López Guerra, Kristina Pardalos, judges, and Santiago Quesada, Section Registrar, Having deliberated in private on 20 March 2012, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on that date: PROCEDURE 1. The case originated in an application (no. 34320/04) against the Republic of Armenia lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by three Armenian nationals, Mr Hakob Hakobyan (“the first applicant”), Mr Gor Martirosyan (“the second applicant”) and Mr Hamlet Petrosyan (“the third applicant), on 25 August 2004. 2. The applicants were represented by Mr M. Muller, Mr T. Otty, Mr K. Yildiz, Ms L. Claridge and Ms A. Stock, lawyers of the Kurdish Human Rights Project (KHRP) based in London, and Mr T. Ter-Yesayan and Ms N. Gasparyan, lawyers practising in Yerevan. The Armenian Government (“the Government”) were represented by their Agent, Mr G. Kostanyan, Representative of the Republic of Armenia at the European Court of Human Rights. 3. The applicants alleged, in particular, that their arrest and detention violated their rights guaranteed by Articles 5, 10, 11 and 14 of the Convention, while the administrative proceedings against them had been conducted in violation of the guarantees of Article 6 of the Convention and Article 2 of Protocol No. -
Armenia by Alexander Iskandaryan
Armenia by Alexander Iskandaryan Capital: Yerevan Population: 3.1 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$5,410 Source: The data above was provided by The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Electoral Process 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.75 Civil Society 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.75 3.75 3.75 Independent Media 4.75 5.00 5.25 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 Governance* 4.50 4.75 4.75 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a 5.00 5.00 5.25 5.25 5.75 5.75 5.75 Local Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.25 5.00 5.00 5.25 5.50 5.50 5.50 Corruption 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 Democracy Score 4.83 4.92 5.00 5.18 5.14 5.21 5.21 5.39 5.39 5.43 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
Colombia: Background and U.S. Relations
Colombia: Background and U.S. Relations Updated October 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R43813 SUMMARY R43813 Colombia: Background and U.S. Relations October 26, 2020 Colombia, a key U.S. ally in Latin America, endured from the mid-1960s more than a half of century of internal armed conflict. To address the country’s prominence in illegal June S. Beittel drug production, the United States and Colombia have forged a close relationship over Analyst in Latin American the past two decades. Plan Colombia, a program focused initially on counternarcotics Affairs and later on counterterrorism, laid the foundation for an enduring security partnership. President Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) made concluding a peace accord with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)—the country’s largest leftist guerrilla organization at the time—his government’s primary focus. Following four years of peace negotiations, Colombia’s Congress ratified the FARC-government peace accord in November 2016. During a U.N.-monitored demobilization in 2017, approximately 13,200 FARC disarmed, demobilized, and began to reintegrate. The U.S.-Colombia partnership, originally forged on security interests, now encompasses sustainable development, human rights, trade, and wider cooperation. Support from Congress and across U.S. Administrations has been largely bipartisan. Congress appropriated more than $10 billion for Plan Colombia and its follow-on programs between FY2000 and FY2016, about 20% of which was funded through the U.S. Department of Defense. U.S. government assistance to Colombia over the past 20 years has totaled nearly $12 billion, with funds appropriated by Congress mainly for the Departments of State and Defense and the U.S. -
Manifest ENG.Cdr
POLITICAL ALLIANCE "ARMENIA" Declaration of Cooperation About us "Armenia" political alliance is a union of political parties, organizations and individuals. It was formed for the sake of the Republic of Armenia, the Republic of Artsakh, for the sake of long-lasting security, development and prosperity of the Armenian people. The Alliance has been formed in order to overcome the catastrophic consequences of the 44-day war in 2020, and the need to overcome new threats for our statehood. The Alliance is guided by the understanding that only through joint efforts and consolidation will it be possible to overcome the severe problems the country encounters. We are ready to take full responsibility for the fate of the country, prevent the collapse of statehood, form a new quality government, and build the future of Armenia. We are convinced that, through a parliamentary majority, we will form an executive power, which will be standing above the narrow political goals and will serve national and state interests, will implement foreign policy aimed at protecting the stated interests, guarantee reliable security, suspend the social-economic crisis, ensure high rates for development, prevent a new wave of mass emigration, and ensure necessary foundations for a decent and long-term peace. About the past We attach importance to an open and sincere statement of the contradictory stages of the country's development over the past 30 years. We are determined to talk about omissions, to draw lessons from the past, and to open a new page for the future. In the hardest times, we managed to preserve independent Armenia, as the national state for Armenians all over the world, to set common goals and achieve successes, to keep pace with the world, to become an effective actor in the region, to maintain balance in difficult geopolitical situations.