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ANATOMY, VITALITY, and the ROMANTIC BODY: BLAKE, COLERIDGE, and the HUNTER CIRCLE, 1750-1840 Stephanie Adair Rispoli a Dissertat

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ANATOMY, VITALITY, and the ROMANTIC BODY: BLAKE, COLERIDGE, and the HUNTER CIRCLE, 1750-1840 Stephanie Adair Rispoli a Dissertat ANATOMY, VITALITY, AND THE ROMANTIC BODY: BLAKE, COLERIDGE, AND THE HUNTER CIRCLE, 1750-1840 Stephanie Adair Rispoli A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of English and Comparative Literature. Chapel Hill 2013 Approved by: Reid Barbour Paul Youngquist Jessica Wolfe Mary Floyd-Wilson Inger S. B. Brodey © 2014 Stephanie Adair Rispoli ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT STEPHANIE ADAIR RISPOLI: Anatomy, Vitality, and the Romantic Body: Blake, Coleridge, and the Hunter Circle, 1750-1840 (Under the direction of Reid Barbour and Paul Youngquist) The Romantic Body brings together the works of Dr. William Hunter (1718-1783), his brother John Hunter, and his wife Anne Home Hunter (1742-1821) to provide a more sophisticated and socially situated understanding of the impact of the Hunters and their ‘circle’ both within and outside of the field of medicine. By attending to the emphasis in the Hunters’ corpus on the phases of life (including embryology and developmental biology), sickness and decay, and death, I identify just how influential William was in his role as an anatomy professor in the fine arts. I also explore the ramifications of John’s sustained interest in producing a universal theory to explain the interplay of organs, consciousness, and bodily development. Anne, a linchpin between science and poetry within the Hunter Circle, whose own poetry was not a private, domestic practice but rather a series of reflections both responding to and differing from John’s questions about the boundaries between life and death. John’s theories not only shaped and provoked William Blake’s (1757-1827) conception of the human body and his principles of life and cognition, but also influenced Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s (1772-1834) philosophy of life and death. In framing the human body as the center of a concentric schema, Coleridge’s Theory of Life informs my analysis of his earlier poetical works. Coleridge’s poems were experimental inquiries that might provide answers to some of the questions about our psychosomatic selves. iii This dissertation explores how a diverse cast of major figures in the long eighteenth century and in early nineteenth-century England participated in a series of conversations revolving around a coherent yet varied interest in the physiological and psychological aspects of bodies. At times these authors struggle with uncertainty and anxiety as they advocate different theories of life and death as a means to explain the human body in a way that might accommodate the exponential growth of anatomical knowledge during the period. They provoke and respond to one another in active, inventive, and also disputatious ways. The Romantic Body places metaphysics, fine arts, and science in dialogue with one another to produce a revisionary interpretation of the poetry and art of the pre-Romantic and Romantic periods. From this vantage, contemporary medical thought vigorously interacts with the social, gendered, metaphysical, visual, and rhetorical constituents of London in the age of Blake and Coleridge. iv For Lyila, the Akita of my life v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In all the hours I spent dusting off forgotten folios, I found two esteemed scholars, also marvelous human beings, Reid Barbour and Jessica Wolfe who have instilled in me the love for archival hunts. They also taught me how to follow archival leads that are more than two hundred years old, and how to reshape their historical legacy into a meaningful and more rightful contemporary understanding of the past. My achievements stem from their unwavering support that I could never claim as all my own. Mary Floyd-Wilson and Inger S. B. Brodey provided illuminating readings of my work as it evolved to fit into a larger kaleidoscopic community of interdisciplinary researchers. My deep appreciation goes to Paul Youngquist for taking seriously an undergraduate querying about the overwhelming quantity of blood in the history of British Romanticism and scientific treatises discussing the elusive anatomical evidence of consciousness; and especially for encouraging me to continue to “travel the spaceways” to achieve my doctoral degree. The generosity of two pre-dissertation fellowships from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and UNC’s Global Initiatives afforded me the opportunity to traverse the special collections throughout the United Kingdom to piece together evidence for this dissertation’s arguments. Above all, my formative years as a graduate student are chock-full of people who came into my life (and some who exited just as unexpectedly); but not without imbuing an idea about the blurry gradients of our deaths and lives. To those uncut gems, let us never forget that: quod incepimus conficiemus. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….…1 Part I: Bloody Brothers: Pursuing the Definition of Life……………………………......17 Death: An Anatomical Origin…………………………………………………...18 Monsters: The Liminality between Death and Life……………………………..34 Life: Before Death of an Organism……………………………………………..44 Part II: Building the Corporeal Human Body with Blake’s Somatic Imagination….…..69 A Neurohumanities Apparatus………………………………………………….70 Ordering Urizen’s Corporealization in a Hunterian Method…………………..106 Vala, or The Four Zoas: Building a Communal Anatomical Body……………112 Corporeal Multiplicity: A Blakean Mode in Milton…………………………....129 Part III: ‘Life itself is not a thing’: Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s Philosophy of Medicine………………………......136 The Living Energies as Life’s Essence………………………………………...149 Reframing Theory of Life………………………………………………………163 Figures……………………………………………………………………………….....176 Bibliography …………………………………………………………………………...180 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Dr. William Hunter lecturing at Royal Academy of Arts Figure 2: Dr. Brown’s chart “Table of Excitement and Excitability” Figure 3: Dr. Brown’s frontispiece from Elements of Medicine Figure 4: John Hunter’s illustration of chick embryos viii INTRODUCTION In recent criticism, there have been encouraging signs of life in the scholarly endeavor to dissolve the two cultures model separating the scientific from the artistic dimensions of Romantic culture. One can see these signs in a wide range of recent monographs, including Tristanne Connolly’s William Blake and the Body (2002), Noel Jackson’s Science and Sensation in Romantic Poetry (2008), Maureen McLane’s Romanticism and the Human Sciences (2000), and Martin Wallen’s City of Health, Fields of Disease (2004). Nonetheless, medical and literary historians alike still struggle to take seriously the Romantic interest in the body as something other than an allegory or a metaphor. For instance, in his Flesh in the Age of Reason (2003), Roy Porter described William Blake’s (1757-1827) treatment of the body as “the body mystical”. And he is partly right, especially in reminding us that Blake “hated the preachings of Churches which spied only evil in the flesh, were obsessed with discipline, and made ‘thou shalt not’ their credo” (438). However, Porter suggests that Blake is in battle only with orthodox Christianity. Any progressive interpretation of Blake, for Porter, becomes reduced to a Blakean cliché insofar as Locke, Bacon and Newton are Blake’s enemy. Again, Blake is conceived as a “wayward, willful genius, entering into an ambiguous dance with the power or poison of the irrational” (445). The Four Zoas (c. 1796) is briefly mentioned but Porter relies heavily on Blake’s visions of his predecessors such as Voltaire and Paracelsus as evidence of Blake’s tendency towards the antinomian tradition. He also attempts to make the mysticism of Blake an argument for suggesting that Blake’s ultimate project in relation to the human body was to “combat all such reductionist tendencies and espouse a primitive faith which gave pride of place to imagination as the emanation of the divine” (445). I believe this version of Blake captures only part of the poet’s thought, and even forces him back into obscurity. I do not want to downplay Blake’s religious philosophies but rather to figure out how his anatomical knowledge might enhance our understanding of those philosophies without defaulting to a purely allegorical perspective of him. In a broader context, there is some recent criticism suggesting that, perhaps, late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century literature and anatomy are not so different but that their mutual interest in the human body was fueled by a dark fantasy for omnipotent knowledge of ourselves. Various versions of this theme have been repeated in an abundant amount of secondary material, such as The Body in Parts (1997): “It could be argued that what lay[s] at the heart of both poetic and anatomical practices of dissection was the poet’s or scientist’s virtuoso display of a fundamentally scandalous art: it is in the masterful publishing of secrets of the body by means of a masterful wielding of an instrument that the medical dissector’s art meets that of the poet-rhetorician” (Vickers 7). The image of anatomy conjured by Vickers is one of dark, taboo shame. While eighteenth-century dissections would hardly qualify as a walk in St. James Park during full-bloom, even so, anatomy was rarely a covert operation.1 Descriptions used by Vickers and others have neglected to discuss the mutual fascination between anatomists and artists and fail to realize that neither understood themselves as practicing a “scandalous art”; rather they conceived their work as a part of a collaborative project aiming to contribute to and rectify knowledge pertaining to what Samuel Taylor 1 How certain bodies ended up on their dissection table would be a more accurate discussion for dark secrecies of anatomical studies. It is interesting to note that during the Hunters’ tenure in the medical community no doctors have criminal records for being arrested for practicing dissection. 2 Coleridge (1772-1834) would call our psychosomatic condition. Over the course of this dissertation I will recreate a conversation that leads from the Hunter Circle through Blake to Coleridge.
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