Commentary Concepts of Work in Marx, Durkheim, and Weber
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The Revival of Economic Sociology
Chapter 1 The Revival of Economic Sociology MAURO F. G UILLEN´ , RANDALL COLLINS, PAULA ENGLAND, AND MARSHALL MEYER conomic sociology is staging a comeback after decades of rela- tive obscurity. Many of the issues explored by scholars today E mirror the original concerns of the discipline: sociology emerged in the first place as a science geared toward providing an institutionally informed and culturally rich understanding of eco- nomic life. Confronted with the profound social transformations of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the founders of so- ciological thought—Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, Georg Simmel—explored the relationship between the economy and the larger society (Swedberg and Granovetter 1992). They examined the production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services through the lenses of domination and power, solidarity and inequal- ity, structure and agency, and ideology and culture. The classics thus planted the seeds for the systematic study of social classes, gender, race, complex organizations, work and occupations, economic devel- opment, and culture as part of a unified sociological approach to eco- nomic life. Subsequent theoretical developments led scholars away from this originally unified approach. In the 1930s, Talcott Parsons rein- terpreted the classical heritage of economic sociology, clearly distin- guishing between economics (focused on the means of economic ac- tion, or what he called “the adaptive subsystem”) and sociology (focused on the value orientations underpinning economic action). Thus, sociologists were theoretically discouraged from participating 1 2 The New Economic Sociology in the economics-sociology dialogue—an exchange that, in any case, was not sought by economists. It was only when Parsons’s theory was challenged by the reality of the contentious 1960s (specifically, its emphasis on value consensus and system equilibration; see Granovet- ter 1990, and Zelizer, ch. -
Economic Sociology and Capitalism 2
economic sociology_ the european electronic newsletter Vol ume 18, N umber 1 | November 20 16 18.1 Editor Sascha Münnich, University of Göttingen Book Reviews Editor Lisa Suckert, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies Editorial Board Patrik Aspers, Uppsala University Jens Beckert, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne Johan Heilbron, Centre de Sociologie Européenne, Paris Richard Swedberg, Cornell University, Ithaca Table of Contents Note from the editor: Economic Sociology and capitalism _2 Understanding the ‘Economic’ in New Economic Sociology by Jan Sparsam_6 Sociology and capitalism research by Klaus Kraemer_18 Interview: Economic Sociology and capitalism Christoph Deutschmann interviewed by Sascha Münnich _29 Book Reviews_ 38 http://econsoc.mpifg.de Note from the editor 2 Note from the editor Economic Sociology and capitalism not been fostered by a society-wide ‘sudden love’ for capi- talism or radical liberalism, but depended, as it had always The tides of economic sociology are intimately linked to done, on capitalism’s capacity to promise and secure stabil- the fate of the market in modern societies, particularly its ity, growth and a high standard of living, at least for those impact as a dominant blueprint for the formation of eco- groups (of employers and workers alike) who could stand nomic relations. In one of the founding scripts of New the test of global free trade. The financial crisis reminded Economic Sociology, Swedberg claimed that sociology had everybody of capitalism’s resilient habit to not care about lost interest in markets as social arenas after the age of the stability of the whole system if that comes into conflict classical sociologists (Swedberg 2003: 266). -
The Classics in Economic Sociology
I The Classics in Economic Sociology There exists a rich and colorful tradition of economic sociology, which roughly began around the turn of the twentieth century and continues till today. This tradition has generated a number of helpful concepts and ideas as well as interesting research results, which this and the following chapter seek to briefly present and set in perspective. Economic soci- ology has peaked twice since its birth: in 1890–1920, with the founders of sociology (who were all interested in and wrote on the economy), and today, from the early 1980s and onward. (For the history of economic sociology, see Swedberg 1987, 1997; Gislain and Steiner 1995). A small number of important works in economic sociology—by economists as well as sociologists—was produced during the time between these two periods, from 1920 to the mid-1980s. The main thesis of this chapter, and of this book as a whole, is as follows: in order to produce a powerful economic sociology we have to combine the analysis of economic interests with an analysis of social relations. From this perspective, institutions can be understood as dis- tinct configurations of interests and social relations, which are typically of such importance that they are enforced by law. Many of the classic works in economic sociology, as I shall also try to show, hold a similar view of the need to use the concept of interest in analyzing the economy. Since my suggestion about the need to combine interests and social relations deviates from the existing paradigm in economic sociology, a few words will be said in the next section about the concept of interest as it has been used in social theory. -
What Is Economic Sociology and Should Any Economists Care?
What Is Economic Sociology and Should Any Economists Care? Robert Gibbons* Robert Gibbons is Sloan Distinguished Professor of Organizational Economics and Strategy, Sloan School of Management and Department of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts. * I am grateful to Tim Taylor for helpful comments and to Jim Baron, Roberto Fernandez, Jim March, Joel Podolny, Jesper Sorensen, and Ezra Zuckerman for patient tutoring. 1 A couple years ago, two of my colleagues independently proposed approximately the same title for their respective contributions to a series of lunchtime talks: “Why Erving Goffman Is My Hero (and Should Be Yours, Too).” I emerged from these two lunches mightily impressed – both by Goffman’s (1959) insights into The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life and by the potential for Goffman’s micro-sociological research to inspire a major new research stream in behavioral game theory. In a similar spirit, I considered titling this introduction “Why Robert Merton Is My Hero,” but this approach seemed prone to at least two problems. First, explaining hero worship in a short space would probably require poetry, which is not my forte. Second, I feared that the title would be opaque to those economists who would immediately think of Robert C. Merton, the Nobel Laureate in financial economics, rather than his father Robert K. Merton, one of the great sociologists in the history of that discipline. I take the ideas in these papers and their underlying sociological literatures quite seriously. In fact, one sociologist friend recently declared that I have an “economist’s eye for the sociological guy.” More precisely, my interest is in economic sociology, which I will define as the sociology of economic actors and institutions; see the two Handbooks of Economic Sociology by Smelser and Swedberg (1994, forthcoming) for volumes of detail. -
Notes on Market Design and Economic Sociology
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Ossandón, José Article Notes on market design and economic sociology economic sociology_the european electronic newsletter Provided in Cooperation with: Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG), Cologne Suggested Citation: Ossandón, José (2019) : Notes on market design and economic sociology, economic sociology_the european electronic newsletter, ISSN 1871-3351, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG), Cologne, Vol. 20, Iss. 2, pp. 31-39 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/200967 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu 31 more sustainable. In order to increase the use of re- Notes on newable sources such as wind, the electricity grid of the future must be more “flexible.” This project tests a way of creating flexibility by means of a complicated market design intervention that integrates activities at three levels. -
Economic Sociology in a Nutshell
Introduction History Comparison Old Theories New Theories Embeddedness Economic Sociology in a Nutshell ChangHwan Kim Introduction History Comparison Old Theories New Theories Embeddedness What is Economic Sociology? the sociological perspective applied to economic phenomena (Weber; Durkheim) the application of the frames of reference, variables, and explanatory models of sociology to that complex of activities concerned with the production, distribution, exchange, and consumption of scarce goods and services. (Smelser & Swedberg) Then, what defines sociological perspectives? how it is different from other perspectives? Introduction History Comparison Old Theories New Theories Embeddedness Why people start to study economic sociology? One should not assume that certain topics are inherently \economic" (as in: why does something cost as much as it does?) while others are inherently \social" (as in: why do people vote as they do?). Rather, the division between economics and other social sciences are less clear. new economic sociology rational choice theory new institutional economics economic imperialism behavioral economics Introduction History Comparison Old Theories New Theories Embeddedness Basic Principle of Economic Sociology How does social structure shape economic action? Economic action as social action Economic action as socially situated Economic institutions as social constructions social construction of reality path dependence social networks Introduction History Comparison Old Theories New Theories Embeddedness Mainstream Economics: Ten principles by Menkiw Video: Principles of economics, translated 1 People Face Tradeoffs. 2 The Cost of Something is What You Give Up to Get It. 3 Rational People Think at the Margin. 4 People Respond to Incentives. 5 Trade Can Make Everyone Better Off. 6 Markets Are Usually a Good Way to Organize Economic Activity. -
Karl Polanyi and the New Economic Sociology: Notes on the Concept of (Dis)Embeddedness
RCCS Annual Review A selection from the Portuguese journal Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 3 | 2011 Issue no. 3 Karl Polanyi and the New Economic Sociology: Notes on the Concept of (Dis)embeddedness Nuno Miguel Cardoso Machado Translator: João Paulo Moreira Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rccsar/309 DOI: 10.4000/rccsar.309 ISSN: 1647-3175 Publisher Centro de Estudos Sociais da Universidade de Coimbra Electronic reference Nuno Miguel Cardoso Machado, « Karl Polanyi and the New Economic Sociology: Notes on the Concept of (Dis)embeddedness », RCCS Annual Review [Online], 3 | 2011, Online since 01 October 2011, connection on 21 December 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rccsar/309 ; DOI : https:// doi.org/10.4000/rccsar.309 © CES RCCS Annual Review, 3, October 2011: 119-140 Nuno Miguel Cardoso Machado Research Centre in Economic and Organizational Sociology, School of Economics and Management (SOCIUs- ISEG), Technical University of Lisbon Karl Polanyi and the New Economic Sociology: Notes on the Concept of (Dis)embeddedness* Within the context of the New Economic Sociology, Karl Polanyi is almost universally osideed the fathe of the oept of eeddedess. However, this concept has been subject to selective appropriation by this discipline and its relationship to the remaining theoretical edifice constructed by Polanyi has been neglected. It is, in fact, possible to refer to the geat tasfoatio to hich the concept of embeddedness has been subjected: heeas i Polais ok it is assoiated ith the aoeooi leel ad is used as evidence of the exceptional nature of the capitalist market economy – disembedded from society – in NES, it is normally associated with the meso (and even micro) level, on the assumption that all economies – including capitalist economies – are embedded. -
The Economic Sociology of Capitalism
1 THE ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY OF CAPITALISM: AN INTRODUCTION AND AGENDA by Richard Swedberg Cornell University [email protected] revised version July 27, 2003 2 Capitalism is the dominant economic system in today’s world, and there appears to be no alternatives in sight.1 Socialism, its main competitor, has been weakened immeasurably by the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. Where socialism still prevails, such as in the People’s Republic of China, serious attempts are made to turn the whole economic system in a capitalist direction so that it will operate in a more efficient manner. “It doesn’t matter if the cat is white or black as long as it catches mice”, to cite Deng Xiaping (e.g. Becker 2000:52-3). While the superiority of capitalism as an economic system and growth machine has fascinated economists for centuries, this has not been the case with sociologists. For sociologists capitalism has mainly been of interest for its social effects – how it has led to class struggle, anomie, inequality and social problems in general. Capitalism as an economic system in its own right has been of much less interest. Some of this reaction has probably to do with the unfortunate division of labor that developed between economists and sociologists in the 19th century: economists studied the economy, and the sociologists society minus the economy. In this respect, as in so many others, sociology has essentially been a “left-over science” (Wirth 1948). 1 For inspiration to write this chapter I thank Victor Nee and for comments and help with information Mabel Berezin, Patrik Aspers, Filippo Barbera, Mark Chavez, Philippe Steiner and two anonymous reviewers. -
The Society of Economic Sociology
THE SOCIETY OF ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY 1. Objectives of the Society The Society of Economic Sociology will celebrate its 30th anniversary in 1996. Economic sociology is an interdisciplinary subject by nature. Hence, the scope of the objectives of the society has been, roughly speaking, a kind of mixture of economic and sociological studies since its foundation. This characteristic of economic sociology as a discipline bears, as a matter of fact, both the strength and the weakness for the organizational activities of the society. The Society of Economic Sociology flourished in its early years. Successors of Yasuma TAKATA (Kyoto University), a distinguished Japanese sociologist as well as economist, were enthusiastic for the establishment of a new discipline. They firmly cooperated in advocating their principles through the unified activity of the society. They were so ambitious and optimistic as to believe in the possibility of success in defining general concepts of “economic sociology.” The activity of the society was thus led by quixotic motives for expanding frontiers toward all related areas of studies. One might perhaps summarize the then movement of the society as a speculative integration of ideas that seemed to be subordinated to economic sociology. But the thought of the founding fathers was too obstinate and strict, so that it did not permit young blood to join the society for certain periods. Though there had been some minor surges of activity, the infertile atmosphere lasted until the 1980s, when Yoichi ITAGAKI (Yachiyo International University) re-vitalized the society. Kenichi TOMINAGA (Keio University), the present president of the society, pursued the same course of development. -
Introduction: the Sociology of the Economy
1753-01_CH01.qxd 12/18/03 09:13 Page 1 1 INTRODUCTION: THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE ECONOMY Frank Dobbin N RECENT years, sociologists have returned to study the field’s first subject, economic behavior. Beginning in the 1840s, Karl Marx tried to understand Ithe economic underpinnings of class relations and political activity. Forty years later, Émile Durkheim explored how work was divided up in modern societies and the implications for occupational behavior. By the end of the nineteenth century, Max Weber was concerned with understanding the origins of economic institutions and behavior patterns. Then, between about 1920 and 1980, sociologists turned away from the study of economic behavior per se. They studied economic institutions, such as firms and unions, but they tended not to study economic behavior in those institutions. Since about 1980, sociologists have flocked back to the subject of eco- nomic behavior, bringing the tools they had developed to study other kinds of behavior. They had been asking why behavior varies so dramatically across societies but less so within them. Why are religious patterns, childbearing pat- terns, and voting patterns so regular within each society, yet so variable across different societies? Sociologists had traced behavior in these different realms to social conventions, and they came to believe that economic conventions are much like family or religious conventions. Conventions vary dramatically between Budapest and Seoul, but within Budapest, conventions tend to be quite pervasive and powerful. Sociologists therefore began to argue that their theories explaining pat- terns of political, religious, and family behavior could explain economic behavior. Like families, polities, and religions, markets are social structures, with conventions and roles and conflicts (Fligstein 2001). -
Economic Sociology and Political Economy: a Programmatic Perspective
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Beckert, Jens; Streeck, Wolfgang Working Paper Economic sociology and political economy: A programmatic perspective MPIfG Working Paper, No. 08/4 Provided in Cooperation with: Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG), Cologne Suggested Citation: Beckert, Jens; Streeck, Wolfgang (2008) : Economic sociology and political economy: A programmatic perspective, MPIfG Working Paper, No. 08/4, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/41696 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content -
Economic Sociology
Harvard University • Fall 2010 Syllabus Soc 243: Economic Sociology Filiz Garip Department of Sociology 644 William James Hall [email protected] Time: Monday 4-6pm Location: 601 William James Hall Office Hours: Monday 11am-12pm Website: http://isites.harvard.edu/k73410 COURSE DESCRIPTION AND OBJECTIVES This course is an introduction to the sociological examination of economic phenomena. As a subfield that has grown rapidly over the past twenty years, economic sociology has focused on three major activities: First, it has examined the prerequisites for and constraints to economic processes as defined by economists. Second, it has extended economic models to social phenomena rarely considered in the domain of economics. Third, and most ambitiously, it has tried to search for alternative accounts of phenomena typically formulated only in economic terms. This course will provide an overview of these broad concerns and approaches in economic sociology, and review the sociological explanations of economic activities of production, consumption and distribution in a wide range of settings. REQUIREMENTS Students are expected to attend each meeting, do the readings thoroughly and in advance, and participate actively in class. Emphasis is on mastering, responding critically and creatively to, and integrating the course material, with an eye toward developing your own research questions and interests. You should be able to answer the following questions about each assigned reading: • What research question is the author trying to answer? What