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Shaalan, Khaled (2014) The political agency of Egypt’s upper middle class : neoliberalism, social status reproduction and the state. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/id/eprint/20382 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this PhD Thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This PhD Thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this PhD Thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the PhD Thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full PhD Thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD PhD Thesis, pagination. The Political Agency of Egypt’s Upper Middle Class: Neoliberalism, Social Status Reproduction and the State Khaled Shaalan Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2014 Department of Politics and International Studies SOAS, University of London 1 Declaration for SOAS PhD thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the SOAS, University of London concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work which I present for examination. Signed: ____________________________ Date: ______________ 2 Abstract This study explores the dynamics and processes surrounding the formulation of the Egyptian upper-middle-class’ socio-political agency in the neoliberal context. In the context of Egypt’s two-decade-old neoliberal transformation, the state’s retreat from its traditional post-1952 role of providing trajectories for the reproduction of social status and distinction created new formative social processes of political agency for the Egyptian upper middle class. The de facto handover of such processes to mechanisms of the neoliberal market since the early-1990s has changed the modes of conditioning the relationship between the upper middle class and the Egyptian state. As a result, the social contract sustaining the upper middle class’ traditional consent to the Egyptian state’s successive political orders suffered serious erosion. In this context, the political discontent of the Egyptian upper middle class steadily grew beneath a thick layer of apathy towards farcical formal politics under Mubarak. In 2011, the active participation of the upper middle class in the Egyptian revolution represented the debut onto the political stage of a social segment previously thought to be at the heart of crafting renewed legitimacy for authoritarian rule. The study uses gathered narratives of upper-middle-class Egyptians to demonstrate the dynamics of the upper middle class’ negotiation of status preservation and privilege reproduction in the neoliberal environment. By contextualising these narratives within structural transformations in the areas of education, employment and lifestyles, the study analyses the development of new upper-middle-class modes of socio-political critique of the state based on the social experience. Furthermore, the study examines the effect of class-typical encounters with the state in the social space as a medium for sharpening critical appraisals of the latter’s role, informed by a neoliberal ethos acquired during the various stages of the process of status reproduction. These discursive inferences about the nature of the state as a political composition accumulatively informed the development of an appetite for political change, and will arguably continue to shape the patterns of future politicisation of Egypt’s upper middle class. 3 Acknowledgements This thesis is the product of several years of passionate dedication, hard work, sacrifices and persistence. Its successful completion was called into question many times by difficult challenges to my morale and mental resilience. At times, even my health and physical well-being were tested to new maximums I had never experienced before. I would have never been able to finish this research and my PhD degree without the generous support I received from my family and many colleagues and friends. They all share the credit, whereas any flaws in this thesis are solely my responsibility. In particular, I would like to thank my supervisor and academic mentor Prof. Charles Tripp of SOAS. Charles is indeed an authority in the field of Middle East Politics and Society. His deep understanding and knowledge of the region is matched by few on the contemporary academic circuit. I consider myself extremely lucky to have had the chance to work with him. Throughout the different phases of the research his guidance and encouragement were strong driving forces towards success. His patience, knowledge and engagement during our lengthy exchanges were essential to refining the ideas and developing the arguments of this thesis. I will always remember our many meetings in his office in London and the lengthy discussions over the phone when I was in Cairo during the fieldwork period as one of the most intellectually fulfilling parts of my doctoral study. Words cannot describe my gratitude to the steadfast and unwavering support he has given me throughout, even at times when this project was facing what seemed to be insurmountable complications. I am also indebted to Prof. Salwa Ismail of SOAS. Salwa's advice and insights during the initial phase of the study were illuminating in several areas which I had set out to research. Her scholarly works have had a profound impact on shaping the structure and design of my research. Later on, in the spring of 2011, we met several times in Cairo amidst a unique and unforgettable atmosphere of hope and aspiration following the downfall of Mubarak. Besides the coffees and discussions I enjoyed with her, my gratitude goes out to her for standing up for me considerably in the face of several administrative nuances created by the somewhat bumpy progression of my degree. From the SOAS family, Dr. Laleh Khalili's encouragement and belief at various stages were always uplifting, as were her substantive observations on my work. I am very grateful to both Dr. Jeroen Gunning of Durham University and Dr. Roberto Roccu of King's College London for the enjoyably vigorous and intense discussion that was my VIVA examination. Their thorough engagement with the thesis as well as their positive and reassuring approach during the three-hour long examination, turned my initial nervousness into confidence and gave me a special opportunity to passionately present and discuss the fruits of six years of hard work. The corrections they have proposed to the text were all well placed to solidify the conceptual framework and express some parts of the argument more clearly, all to the welcome effect of further enhancing the academic quality of this thesis. My doctoral study would not have been possible without the generous scholarship I have received from Egypt's Citadel Scholarship Foundation. I will always be proud to be an Ahmed Heikal Scholar, and to have been –along with my wife- amongst the first group 4 of Egyptian post graduate and research students to be awarded this scholarship in 2007. I am especially thankful to the foundation's dynamic manager, Yasmine El Dorghamy, for her help, support and understanding throughout my degree. I am deeply indebted to my mother institution, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for allowing me to take several years off my diplomatic career to continue my academic studies, both on the post-graduate and research levels. During several critical phases of my doctoral study, I was blessed with the understanding and support of several senior colleagues who helped me negotiate the sometimes seemingly impossible burden of upholding my professional duties while writing a doctoral dissertation at the same time. In the fall of 2010, and early 2011, indeed one of the most challenging periods of my study, Ambassador Tarek El-Kouni's support and understanding was indispensible. Towards the end of 2013, during the very last stage of preparing the thesis for submission, the belief and encouragement of Ambassador Ashraf El-Kholy was empowering and critical to my success. As for the help and support I have generously received from my dear friend and senior colleague at the Egyptian Embassy in London, Khaled Azmi, words fall short of describing my appreciation and gratitude. I am also thankful for support I have received from my dear friend and colleague Ahmed Fahmy. His substantive observations and moral encouragement have always given me renewed belief in the value of my work. This thesis draws on narratives of many Egyptian upper-middle-class men and women. I am grateful to all those who allowed me into their homes, took the time to meet and talk to me about many aspects of their lives, shared their experiences, or passionately told of their struggles and aspirations. They did so in return for little more than the prospect of a generous contribution to satisfying my academic curiosity, and it is out of their narratives that this research derives any possible value. I am also grateful for the inspiration I derived from friends and comrades with whom I had the honour of marching during the 25th of January revolution. No matter how disappointingly the complexities of politics played out afterwards, and no matter what historians will write, the streets of Cairo will always remember our daring spirit, the dream that we came very close to realize, and the blood some of us spilt for freedom and dignity for our people during these most glorious of days in 2011.