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Centering Civil Rights in the Privacy Debate
August 2019 Centering Civil Rights in the Privacy Debate Becky Chao, Eric Null, Brandi Collins-Dexter, & Claire Park Last edited on September 17, 2019 at 11:28 a.m. EDT Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank Francella Ochillo, Erin Shields, Alisa Valentin, Miranda Bogen, Priscilla González, and Gaurav Laroia for participating in the event highlighted in this report and Lisa Johnson, Austin Adams, and Maria Elkin for communications support. Open Technology Institute would also like to thank Craig Newmark Philanthropies for generously supporting its work in this area. newamerica.org/oti/reports/centering-civil-rights-privacy-debate/ 2 About the Author(s) Becky Chao is a policy analyst at New America’s Open Technology Institute, where she works to promote equitable access to a fair and open internet ecosystem. Eric Null is senior policy counsel at the Open Technology Institute, focusing on internet openness and affordability issues, including network neutrality, Lifeline, and privacy. Brandi Collins-Dexter is the senior campaign director at Color Of Change and oversees the media, democracy and economic justice departments. Claire Park was an intern at New America's Open Technology Institute, where she researched and wrote about technology policy issues including broadband access and competition, as well as privacy. About New America We are dedicated to renewing America by continuing the quest to realize our nation’s highest ideals, honestly confronting the challenges caused by rapid technological and social change, and seizing the opportunities those changes create. About Open Technology Institute OTI works at the intersection of technology and policy to ensure that every community has equitable access to digital technology and its benefits. -
Connecting Equity to a Universal Broadband Strategy
Wired: CONNECTING EQUITY TO A UNIVERSAL BROADBAND STRATEGY A JOINT REPORT FROM: BY RAKEEN MABUD AND MARYBETH SEITZ-BROWN SEPTEMBER 2017 About the Roosevelt Institute Until economic and social rules work for all, they’re not working. Inspired by the legacy of Franklin and Eleanor, the Roosevelt Institute reimagines America as it should be: a place where hard work is rewarded, everyone participates, and everyone enjoys a fair share of our collective prosperity. We believe that when the rules work against this vision, it’s our responsibility to recreate them. We bring together thousands of thinkers and doers—from a new generation of leaders in every state to Nobel laureate economists— working to redefine the rules that guide our social and economic realities. We rethink and reshape everything from local policy to federal legislation, orienting toward a new economic and political system: one built by many for the good of all. About The New School Founded in 1919, The New School was born out of principles of academic freedom, tolerance, and experimentation. Committed to social engagement, The New School today remains in the vanguard of innovation in higher education, with more than 10,000 undergraduate and graduate students challenging the status quo in design and the social sciences, liberal arts, management, the arts, and media. The New School welcomes thousands of adult learners annually for continuing education courses and calendar of lectures, screenings, readings, and concerts. Through its online learning portals, research institutes, and international partnerships, The New School maintains a global presence. For more information, visit The New School’s website. -
The Alt-Right on Campus: What Students Need to Know
THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW About the Southern Poverty Law Center The Southern Poverty Law Center is dedicated to fighting hate and bigotry and to seeking justice for the most vulnerable members of our society. Using litigation, education, and other forms of advocacy, the SPLC works toward the day when the ideals of equal justice and equal oportunity will become a reality. • • • For more information about the southern poverty law center or to obtain additional copies of this guidebook, contact [email protected] or visit www.splconcampus.org @splcenter facebook/SPLCenter facebook/SPLConcampus © 2017 Southern Poverty Law Center THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW RICHARD SPENCER IS A LEADING ALT-RIGHT SPEAKER. The Alt-Right and Extremism on Campus ocratic ideals. They claim that “white identity” is under attack by multicultural forces using “politi- An old and familiar poison is being spread on col- cal correctness” and “social justice” to undermine lege campuses these days: the idea that America white people and “their” civilization. Character- should be a country for white people. ized by heavy use of social media and memes, they Under the banner of the Alternative Right – or eschew establishment conservatism and promote “alt-right” – extremist speakers are touring colleges the goal of a white ethnostate, or homeland. and universities across the country to recruit stu- As student activists, you can counter this movement. dents to their brand of bigotry, often igniting pro- In this brochure, the Southern Poverty Law Cen- tests and making national headlines. Their appear- ances have inspired a fierce debate over free speech ter examines the alt-right, profiles its key figures and the direction of the country. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Article: Why Dylann Roof Is a Terrorist Under Federal Law, and Why It Matters
ARTICLE: WHY DYLANN ROOF IS A TERRORIST UNDER FEDERAL LAW, AND WHY IT MATTERS Winter, 2017 Reporter 54 Harv. J. on Legis. 259 * Length: 19820 words Author: Jesse J. Norris 1 * Highlight After white supremacist Dylann Roof killed nine African-Americans at a Charleston, South Carolina church, authorities declined to refer to the attack as terrorism. Many objected to the government's apparent double standard in its treatment of Muslim versus non-Muslim extremists and called on the government to treat the massacre as terrorism. Yet the government has neither charged Roof with a terrorist offense nor labeled the attack as terrorism. This Article argues that although the government was unable to charge Roof with terrorist crimes because of the lack of applicable statutes, the Charleston massacre still qualifies as terrorism under federal law. Roof's attack clearly falls under the government's prevailing definition of domestic terrorism. It also qualifies for a terrorism sentencing enhancement, or at least an upward departure from the sentencing guidelines, as well as for the terrorism aggravating factor considered by juries in deciding whether to impose the death penalty. Labeling Roof's attack as terrorism could have several important implications, not only in terms of sentencing, but also in terms of government accountability, the prudent allocation of counterterrorism resources, balanced media coverage, and public cooperation in preventing terrorism. For these reasons, this Article contends that the government should treat the Charleston massacre, and similar ideologically motivated killings, as terrorism. This Article also makes two policy suggestions meant to facilitate a more consistent use of the term terrorism. -
Taylor, Taylor Vs ATT Corp Re
Before the Federal Communications Commission Washington, DC 20554 In the matter of ) ) Edward G. Taylor, ) Proceeding Number ________ Ray Taylor ) Complainants, ) ) Bureau ID Number EB-______ v. ) ) AT&T Corp., ) ) Defendant. ) FORMAL COMPLAINT OF EDWARD G. TAYLOR AND RAY TAYLOR Daryl Parks Parks & Crump 240 North Magnolia, Drive Tallahassee, Florida, 32301 [email protected] (850) 222-3333 (850) 224-6679 Counsel for Edward G. Taylor and Ray Taylor ! !!!! ! ! Dated: September 25, 2017 ! ! 1 ! TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY………………………………………………………………………………………2 PARTIES AND COUNSEL……………………………………………………………………...4 JURISDICTION………………………………………………………………………………….5 REQUIRED CERTIFICATIONS………………………………………………………………..6 FACTS……………………………………………………………………………………………7 I. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….7 II. Complainants………………………………………………………………………………….7 III. Evidence of AT&T Redlining in Detroit….………………………………………………9 IV. Redlining is Widespread in the United States and Not Unique to Detroit…..………………………………………………………………………………………..12 LEGAL ANALYSIS…………………………………………………………………………….14 I. No Unjust or Unreasonable Discrimination or Practices. ……………………………….14 II. Broadband Access Internet Services Legal Treatment…………………………………..15 III. Standard for Determining Discrimination Under Section 202…………………………..15 IV. Complainants Demonstrate an Unreasonable Difference in Service……………………18 V. The Commission Must Act Regardless of BIAS Title II Classification…………………19 VI. The Commission Should Initiate an Investigation Pursuant to Section 403. ……………20 COUNT I………………………………………………………………………………………...20 -
Institutional and Technological Design Development Through Use Of
Institutional and Technological Design Development Through Use of Case Based Discussion Arindrajit Basu, Elonnai Hickok and Regulatory Amber Sinha Interventions For Emerging Economies Governing The Use Of Artificial Intelligence In Public Functions Regulatory Interventions For Emerging Economies Governing The Use Of Artificial Intelligence In Public Functions Introduction Background and Scope The use of artificial intelligence (AI) driven decision making in public functions has been touted around the world as a means of augmenting human capacities, removing bureaucratic fetters, and benefiting society. Yet, with concerns over bias, fairness, and a lack of algorithmic accountability, it is being increasingly recognized that algorithms have the potential to exacerbate entrenched structural inequality and threaten core constitutional values. While these concerns are applicable to both the private and public sector, this paper focuses on recommendations for public sector use, as standards of comparative constitutional law dictate that the state must abide by the full scope of fundamental rights articulated both in municipal and international law. For example, as per Article 13 of the Indian Constitution, whenever the government is exercising a “public function”, it is bound by the entire range of fundamental rights articulated in Part III of the Constitution. However, the definition and scope of “public function” is yet to be clearly defined in any jurisdiction, and certainly has no uniformity across countries. This poses a unique challenge to the regulation of AI projects in emerging economies. Due to a lack of government capacity to implement these projects in their entirety, many private sector organizations are involved in functions which were traditionally identified in India as public functions, such as policing, education, and banking. -
CUB Comments to the FCC Supporting Net Neutrality
July 17, 2017 Federal Communications Commission 445 12th Street, SW Washington, DC 20554 Re: Comments Regarding Restoring Internet Freedom NPRM, WC Docket 17-108 INTRODUCTION On May 23, 2017, less than two months prior to this comment submission on July 17, 2017, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) released a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM) under what the Oregon Citizens’ Utility Board (CUB) views as a particularly ironic title: “Restoring Internet Freedom” (WC Docket. 17-108). The NPRM broadly recommends a reversal of the February 2015 FCC decision to classify Broadband Internet Access Service (BIAS) as a telecommunications service under Title II of the Communications Act.1 With that reversal, the FCC would do away with what CUB argues is the appropriate and supported legal authority to enforce necessary consumer protections for customers of mobile and fixed BIAS service. CUB strongly believes that such protections are critical in an age where an increasing number of people – especially those who are most vulnerable – rely on fair, safe, and affordable Internet access to navigate the world. CUB’s approach in writing these comments is somewhat, although not entirely, different from the approach with which we generally take concerning energy or telecommunications proceedings before the Oregon Public Utility Commission (OPUC). The key difference is that, in this case, we requested the support of our constituents. We did so by asking our supporters to “sign-on” to our comments, if in fact they agreed with the general premise that to ensure net neutrality – to safeguard a fair and open Internet – the FCC should preserve the rules enshrined by the 2015 Open Internet Order. -
1 As Leaders of the Civil Rights Organizations Listed Below, We Write
October 30, 2018 Attorney General Sessions U.S. Department of Justice 950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20530-0001 Dear Attorney General Sessions: As leaders of the civil rights organizations listed below, we write in response to the recent horrific hate crimes that occurred last week. Just this past Saturday, the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh was the victim of a shooting during Sabbath services which left 11 worshippers dead. This anti-Semitic attack followed a week in which frequent, prominent leaders who were critics of President Trump were victims of multiple attempted bombing attacks by an alleged supporter of the President. Just a few days ago, an armed gunman tried to enter an African- American church in Kentucky, just before killing two separate Black grandparents in a Kroger parking lot. Earlier this month, members of the “Proud Boys” led a violent assault on protesters in New York City while shouting bigoted slurs. These incidents are the latest in the wave of hate crimes that have increased exponentially over the last two years across the United States. Indeed, in its annual Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents, the Anti-Defamation League reports a 60 percent surge in hate crimes since 2017.1 The Southern Poverty Law Center found that the number of hate groups in the United States in 2017 rose to 953 from 912 in 2016.2 We raised the issue of hate crimes with you directly during an in- person meeting in March 2017 at your offices. These incidents are all too familiar to the African-American community which has been the target of hate-related crimes throughout United States history. -
Risks of Discrimination Through the Use of Algorithms
Risks of Discrimination through the Use of Algorithms Carsten Orwat Risks of Discrimination through the Use of Algorithms A study compiled with a grant from the Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency by Dr Carsten Orwat Institute for Technology Assessment and Systems Analysis (ITAS) Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (KIT) Table of Contents List of Tables 5 List of Abbreviations 6 Acknowledgement and Funding 7 Summary 8 1. Introduction 10 2. Terms and Basic Developments 11 2.1 Algorithms 11 2.2 Developments in data processing 12 2.2.1 Increasing the amount of data relating to an identifiable person 12 2.2.2 Expansion of algorithm-based analysis methods 13 2.3 Algorithmic and data-based differentiations 16 2.3.1 Types of differentiation 16 2.3.2 Scope of application 18 2.3.3 Automated decision-making 20 3. Discrimination 23 3.1 Terms and understanding 23 3.2 Types of discrimination 25 3.3 Statistical discrimination 25 3.4 Changes in statistical discrimination 27 4. Cases of Unequal Treatment, Discrimination and Evidence 30 4.1 Working life 30 4.2 Real estate market 34 4.3 Trade 35 4.4 Advertising and search engines 36 4.5 Banking industry 38 4 4.6 Medicine 40 4.7 Transport 40 4.8 State social benefits and supervision 41 4.9 Education 44 4.10 Police 45 4.11 Judicial and penal system 47 4.12 General cases of artificial intelligence 49 5. Causes of Risks of Discrimination 53 5.1 Risks in the use of algorithms, models and data sets 53 5.1.1 Risks in the development of algorithms and models 53 5.1.2 Risks in the compilation of data sets and characteristics -
Domestic Terrorism: an Overview
Domestic Terrorism: An Overview August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44921 Domestic Terrorism: An Overview Summary The emphasis of counterterrorism policy in the United States since Al Qaeda’s attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) has been on jihadist terrorism. However, in the last decade, domestic terrorists—people who commit crimes within the homeland and draw inspiration from U.S.-based extremist ideologies and movements—have killed American citizens and damaged property across the country. Not all of these criminals have been prosecuted under federal terrorism statutes, which does not imply that domestic terrorists are taken any less seriously than other terrorists. The Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) do not officially designate domestic terrorist organizations, but they have openly delineated domestic terrorist “threats.” These include individuals who commit crimes in the name of ideologies supporting animal rights, environmental rights, anarchism, white supremacy, anti-government ideals, black separatism, and beliefs about abortion. The boundary between constitutionally protected legitimate protest and domestic terrorist activity has received public attention. This boundary is highlighted by a number of criminal cases involving supporters of animal rights—one area in which specific legislation related to domestic terrorism has been crafted. The Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act (P.L. 109-374) expands the federal government’s legal authority to combat animal rights extremists who engage in criminal activity. Signed into law in November 2006, it amended the Animal Enterprise Protection Act of 1992 (P.L. 102-346). This report is intended as a primer on the issue, and four discussion topics in it may help explain domestic terrorism’s relevance for policymakers: Level of Activity. -
Testimony of Lecia Brooks Chief of Staff, Southern Poverty Law Center Before the Armed Services Committee United States House of Representatives
Testimony of Lecia Brooks Chief of Staff, Southern Poverty Law Center before the Armed Services Committee United States House of Representatives Extremism in the Armed Forces March 24, 2021 My name is Lecia Brooks. I am chief of staff of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). Thank you for the opportunity to present testimony on extremism in the U.S. Armed Forces and what we can do to address this challenge. Now in our 50th year, the SPLC is a catalyst for racial justice in the South and beyond, working in partnership with communities to dismantle white supremacy, strengthen intersectional movements, and advance the human rights of all people. SPLC lawyers have worked to shut down some of the nation’s most violent white supremacist groups by winning crushing, multimillion-dollar jury verdicts on behalf of their victims. We have helped dismantle vestiges of Jim Crow, reformed juvenile justice practices, shattered barriers to equality for women, children, the LGBTQ+ community, and the disabled, and worked to protect low-wage immigrant workers from exploitation. The SPLC began tracking white supremacist activity in the 1980s, during a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan and other organized extremist hate groups. Today, the SPLC is the premier U.S. nonprofit organization monitoring the activities of domestic hate groups and other extremists. Each year since 1990, we have conducted a census of hate groups operating across America, a list that is used extensively by journalists, law enforcement agencies, and scholars, among others. The SPLC Action Fund is dedicated to fighting for racial justice alongside impacted communities in pursuit of equity and opportunity for all.