Article: Why Dylann Roof Is a Terrorist Under Federal Law, and Why It Matters
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An American Perspective on Amok Attacks
Research Note no 30 December 2017 Centre de Recherche de l’École des Officiers de la Gendarmerie Nationale An American perspective on Amok attacks By Second-lieutenant Alexandre Rodde (French National gendarmery reserve) On March 16th 2017, at 12:50, Killian B. entered the Alexis de Tocqueville High School in Grasse (French Riviera), carrying several weapons. The shooting spree that ensued, lasted ten minutes, and left five victims injured, before the French National Police was able to arrest the attacker1. In France, this type of attack is a new challenge for law-enforcement forces, especially for intervention squads. These weaponized attacks without any political motive - known in France as “amok attacks”2 - are often mistaken for terrorist attacks, notwithstanding their differences. So, let us ask ourselves : what differenciates such an attack from a terrorist one ? Defined as “an episode of sudden mass assault”3 the Malaysian word “amok” was popularized in a 1922 novel by Stefan Zweig4. Modern amok attacks can be described as a sudden assault, in a densely populated area or premise, by a lone attacker5, using one or several firearms6. The United States are used to these attacks, which have been carefully described and studied by local academics and practitioners. Lessons learned from the USA deserve to be known by the French security forces. Amok attackers, unlike lone- wolf terrorists, do not act according to political or religious agendas, but due to a personal motive7. The differences between both types of attack include their respective targets, methods and purpose. It is therefore important first to assess the threat in France (I), then to study the operational challenge it raises for both the French law-enforcement agencies and the French people (II). -
Islamophobia and Religious Intolerance: Threats to Global Peace and Harmonious Co-Existence
Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies (QIJIS) Volume 8, Number 2, 2020 DOI : 10.21043/qijis.v8i2.6811 ISLAMOPHOBIA AND RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE: THREATS TO GLOBAL PEACE AND HARMONIOUS CO-EXISTENCE Kazeem Oluwaseun DAUDA National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), Jabi-Abuja, Nigeria Consultant, FARKAZ Technologies & Education Consulting Int’l, Ijebu-Ode [email protected] Abstract Recent events show that there are heightened fear, hostilities, prejudices and discriminations associated with religion in virtually every part of the world. It becomes almost impossible to watch news daily without scenes of religious intolerance and violence with dire consequences for societal peace. This paper examines the trends, causes and implications of Islamophobia and religious intolerance for global peace and harmonious co-existence. It relies on content analysis of secondary sources of data. It notes that fear and hatred associated with Islām and persecution of Muslims is the fallout of religious intolerance as reflected in most melee and growingverbal attacks, trends anti-Muslim of far-right hatred,or right-wing racism, extremists xenophobia,. It revealsanti-Sharī’ah that Islamophobia policies, high-profile and religious terrorist intolerance attacks, have and loss of lives, wanton destruction of property, violation led to proliferation of attacks on Muslims, incessant of Muslims’ fundamental rights and freedom, rising fear of insecurity, and distrust between Muslims and QIJIS, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2020 257 Kazeem Oluwaseun DAUDA The paper concludes that escalating Islamophobic attacks and religious intolerance globally hadnon-Muslims. constituted a serious threat to world peace and harmonious co-existence. Relevant resolutions in curbing rising trends of Islamophobia and religious intolerance are suggested. -
Is the United States an Outlier in Public Mass Shootings? a Comment on Adam Lankford
Discuss this article at Journaltalk: https://journaltalk.net/articles/5980/ ECON JOURNAL WATCH 16(1) March 2019: 37–68 Is the United States an Outlier in Public Mass Shootings? A Comment on Adam Lankford John R. Lott, Jr.1 and Carlisle E. Moody2 LINK TO ABSTRACT In 2016, Adam Lankford published an article in Violence and Victims titled “Public Mass Shooters and Firearms: A Cross-National Study of 171 Countries.” In the article he concludes: “Despite having less than 5% of the global population (World Factbook, 2014), it [the United States] had 31% of global public mass shooters” (Lankford 2016, 195). Lankford claims to show that over the 47 years from 1966 to 2012, both in the United States and around the world there were 292 cases of “public mass shooters” of which 90, or 31 percent, were American. Lankford attributes America’s outsized percentage of international public mass shooters to widespread gun ownership. Besides doing so in the article, he has done so in public discourse (e.g., Lankford 2017). Lankford’s findings struck a chord with President Obama: “I say this every time we’ve got one of these mass shootings: This just doesn’t happen in other countries.” —President Obama, news conference at COP21 climate conference in Paris, Dec. 1, 2015 (link) 1. Crime Prevention Research Center, Alexandria, VA 22302. 2. College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, VA 23187; Crime Prevention Research Center, Alexan- dria, VA 22302. We would like to thank Lloyd Cohen, James Alan Fox, Tim Groseclose, Robert Hansen, Gary Kleck, Tom Kovandzic, Joyce Lee Malcolm, Craig Newmark, Scott Masten, Paul Rubin, and Mike Weisser for providing helpful comments. -
2003 Iraq War: Intelligence Or Political Failure?
2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Dione Brunson, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April, 2011 DISCLAIMER THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THIS ACADEMIC RESEARCH PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND DO NOT REFLECT THE OFFICIAL POLICIES OR POSITIONS OF THE U.S. GOVERNMENT, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, OR THE U.S. INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY. ALL INFORMATION AND SOURCES FOR THIS PAPER WERE DRAWN FROM OPEN SOURCE MATERIALS. ii 2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? Dione Brunson, B.A. MALS Mentor: Ralph Nurnberger, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The bold U.S. decision to invade Iraq in 2003 was anchored in intelligence justifications that would later challenge U.S. credibility. Policymakers exhibited unusual bureaucratic and public dependencies on intelligence analysis, so much so that efforts were made to create supporting information. To better understand the amplification of intelligence, the use of data to justify invading Iraq will be explored alongside events leading up to the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. This paper will examine the use of intelligence to invade Iraq as well as broader implications for politicization. It will not examine the justness or ethics of going to war with Iraq but, conclude with the implications of abusing intelligence. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thank you God for continued wisdom. Thank you Dr. Nurnberger for your patience. iv DEDICATION This work is dedicated to Mom and Dad for their continued support. -
The Alt-Right on Campus: What Students Need to Know
THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW About the Southern Poverty Law Center The Southern Poverty Law Center is dedicated to fighting hate and bigotry and to seeking justice for the most vulnerable members of our society. Using litigation, education, and other forms of advocacy, the SPLC works toward the day when the ideals of equal justice and equal oportunity will become a reality. • • • For more information about the southern poverty law center or to obtain additional copies of this guidebook, contact [email protected] or visit www.splconcampus.org @splcenter facebook/SPLCenter facebook/SPLConcampus © 2017 Southern Poverty Law Center THE ALT-RIGHT ON CAMPUS: WHAT STUDENTS NEED TO KNOW RICHARD SPENCER IS A LEADING ALT-RIGHT SPEAKER. The Alt-Right and Extremism on Campus ocratic ideals. They claim that “white identity” is under attack by multicultural forces using “politi- An old and familiar poison is being spread on col- cal correctness” and “social justice” to undermine lege campuses these days: the idea that America white people and “their” civilization. Character- should be a country for white people. ized by heavy use of social media and memes, they Under the banner of the Alternative Right – or eschew establishment conservatism and promote “alt-right” – extremist speakers are touring colleges the goal of a white ethnostate, or homeland. and universities across the country to recruit stu- As student activists, you can counter this movement. dents to their brand of bigotry, often igniting pro- In this brochure, the Southern Poverty Law Cen- tests and making national headlines. Their appear- ances have inspired a fierce debate over free speech ter examines the alt-right, profiles its key figures and the direction of the country. -
Drowning in Data 15 3
BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE WHAT THE GOVERNMENT DOES WITH AMERICANS’ DATA Rachel Levinson-Waldman Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law about the brennan center for justice The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is a nonpartisan law and policy institute that seeks to improve our systems of democracy and justice. We work to hold our political institutions and laws accountable to the twin American ideals of democracy and equal justice for all. The Center’s work ranges from voting rights to campaign finance reform, from racial justice in criminal law to Constitutional protection in the fight against terrorism. A singular institution — part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group, part communications hub — the Brennan Center seeks meaningful, measurable change in the systems by which our nation is governed. about the brennan center’s liberty and national security program The Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program works to advance effective national security policies that respect Constitutional values and the rule of law, using innovative policy recommendations, litigation, and public advocacy. The program focuses on government transparency and accountability; domestic counterterrorism policies and their effects on privacy and First Amendment freedoms; detainee policy, including the detention, interrogation, and trial of terrorist suspects; and the need to safeguard our system of checks and balances. about the author Rachel Levinson-Waldman serves as Counsel to the Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program, which seeks to advance effective national security policies that respect constitutional values and the rule of law. -
Intelligence Legalism and the National Security Agency's Civil Liberties
112 Harvard National Security Journal / Vol. 6 ARTICLE Intelligence Legalism and the National Security Agency’s Civil Liberties Gap __________________________ Margo Schlanger* * Henry M. Butzel Professor of Law, University of Michigan. I have greatly benefited from conversations with John DeLong, Mort Halperin, Alex Joel, David Kris, Marty Lederman, Nancy Libin, Rick Perlstein, Becky Richards, and several officials who prefer not to be named, all of whom generously spent time with me, discussing the issues in this article, and many of whom also helped again after reading the piece in draft. I would also like to extend thanks to Sam Bagenstos, Rick Lempert, Daphna Renan, Alex Rossmiller, Adrian Vermeule, Steve Vladeck, Marcy Wheeler, Shirin Sinnar and other participants in the 7th Annual National Security Law Workshop, participants at the University of Iowa law faculty workshop, and my colleagues at the University of Michigan Legal Theory Workshop and governance group lunch, who offered me extremely helpful feedback. Jennifer Gitter and Lauren Dayton provided able research assistance. All errors are, of course, my responsibility. Copyright © 2015 by the Presidents and Fellows of Harvard College and Margo Schlanger. 2015 / Intelligence Legalism and the NSA’s Civil Liberties Gaps 113 Abstract Since June 2013, we have seen unprecedented security breaches and disclosures relating to American electronic surveillance. The nearly daily drip, and occasional gush, of once-secret policy and operational information makes it possible to analyze and understand National Security Agency activities, including the organizations and processes inside and outside the NSA that are supposed to safeguard American’s civil liberties as the agency goes about its intelligence gathering business. -
Protecting More Than the Front Page: Codifying a Reporter╎s Privilege for Digital and Citizen Journalists
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 89 | Issue 3 Article 10 2-2014 Protecting More than the Front Page: Codifying a Reporter’s Privilege for Digital and Citizen Journalists Kathryn A. Rosenbaum Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation 89 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1427 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\89-3\NDL310.txt unknown Seq: 1 11-FEB-14 9:04 PROTECTING MORE THAN THE FRONT PAGE: CODIFYING A REPORTER’S PRIVILEGE FOR DIGITAL AND CITIZEN JOURNALISTS Kathryn A. Rosenbaum* “‘The reporters who work for the Times in Washington have told me many of their sources are petrified even to return calls,’ Jill Abramson, the executive editor of The New York Times, said . on CBS’s Face The Nation broadcast. ‘It has a real practical effect that is important.’”1 INTRODUCTION The stifling of investigative journalism stems in part from a torrent of stories in 2013 regarding the government’s intrusive tracking of journalists’ and individuals’ cell phone records and e-mails without their knowledge.2 The federal government also tracked two months of call records of more than twenty Associated Press phone lines.3 In a leak probe regarding a news story about North Korea, the government surreptitiously obtained informa- tion about Fox News Chief Washington Correspondent James Rosen.4 Offi- cials monitored his “security badge access records to track the reporter’s comings and goings at the State Department[,] . -
Policy Approaches to the Encryption Debate
CONTENTS Introduction 1 Encryption: An overview 2 The “Going Dark” problem and the backdoor debate 2 Question One: Is a backdoor necessary or useful? 4 Lack of empirical evidence 4 Legal restrictions 5 Efficacy and utility of already available technology 6 Associated policy recommendations 8 Collect quantitative evidence of need 8 Increase resources and training for law enforcement 8 Question Two: Is there a passable technical solution? 9 Associated policy recommendations 10 Conduct adversarial testing 10 Question Three: Is there a workable policy implementation? 10 Associated policy recommendations 12 Conduct scenario planning 12 Conclusion 12 About the authors 13 R STREET POLICY STUDY NO. 133 March 2018 individual rights and public security if strong encryption is compromised. These polarized views have left policymakers at an impasse. However, such seemingly irreconcilable perspectives on POLICY APPROACHES TO THE either side of the debate arise primarily because encryption ENCRYPTION DEBATE policy is treated as a thought experiment, often with over- simplified facts coupled with a great deal of certainty. For example, the most commonly employed hypothetical scenar- Charles Duan, Arthur Rizer, io involves the following: an encrypted message or communi- Zach Graves and Mike Godwin cation that—if only the government were able read it—would reveal the secrets required to stop a deadly attack or to bring INTRODUCTION a terrorist to justice. fierce debate has been ongoing for many years over This resembles another famous thought experiment: the strong computer encryption of communications and “ticking time bomb,” where torturing a suspect is the guar- data, which can both deliver security and privacy for anteed and only means to defuse the bomb.2 While this latter individuals but also make it difficult for the intelli- conundrum has also generated volumes of polarized debate, Agence and law enforcement communities to perform their its most pragmatic solution is one that can also be applied surveillance and investigative duties. -
A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States
ICCT Policy Brief October 2019 DOI: 10.19165/2019.2.06 ISSN: 2468-0486 A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States Author: Sam Jackson Over the past two years, and in the wake of deadly attacks in Charlottesville and Pittsburgh, attention paid to right-wing extremism in the United States has grown. Most of this attention focuses on racist extremism, overlooking other forms of right-wing extremism. This article presents a schema of three main forms of right-wing extremism in the United States in order to more clearly understand the landscape: racist extremism, nativist extremism, and anti-government extremism. Additionally, it describes the two primary subcategories of anti-government extremism: the patriot/militia movement and sovereign citizens. Finally, it discusses whether this schema can be applied to right-wing extremism in non-U.S. contexts. Key words: right-wing extremism, racism, nativism, anti-government A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States Introduction Since the public emergence of the so-called “alt-right” in the United States—seen most dramatically at the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August 2017—there has been increasing attention paid to right-wing extremism (RWE) in the United States, particularly racist right-wing extremism.1 Violent incidents like Robert Bowers’ attack on the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in October 2018; the mosque shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand in March 2019; and the mass shooting at a Walmart in El Paso, Texas in August -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Prayer Shaming"
God, Life, and Everything "Prayer Shaming" So many topics and so little time. Just in the last week or so, there's been a letter to the editor complaining about my column criticizing those who blame or seem to blame all Islam for terror (I've written a response, but it'll have to wait a few weeks); Jerry Falwell, Jr.'s call for students at Liberty University to carry weapons as defense against Muslims; the cartoon of Santa being arrested for Identity theft, and of course, Advent. With the rash of religion-based topics in the news these days, I really need a daily column to get it all in! But I'll focus this week one that is pretty basic. Prayer. In the wake of the past couple of mass shootings (by "mass shooting" I understand a situation in which four or more people are shot by one party), there has been a frustrated criticism of politicians and Facebook posts that say, "Our thoughts and prayers are with [name of victim community]." The New York Daily News ran a loud front page headline last Thursday that read: "God Isn't Fixing This." What's behind this "Prayer Shaming" as the criticism has been dubbed? Do people no longer believe in prayer? Should we no longer pray for victims of violence? Actually, I believe the criticism is more nuanced. I believe it has nothing to do with whether or not critics believe in the efficacy of prayer. In fact, I know several folks who pray regularly yet have taken part in this very public critique on it.