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Yemen Crisis Student Officer: Albert
Forum: Joint Crisis Committee Issue: Yemen Crisis Student Officer: Albert Pan, Kay Zin, Nandar Khine Tun Introduction The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is a continuous crisis in which at least 8.4 million people on the brink of starvation, 22.2 million people require humanitarian assistance, and approximately 400,000 children under the age of five are in life-threatening situations due to acute malnutrition, according to the United Nations. The Yemen crisis began with an international coalition by Saudi Arabia that was interrupted. This was first ignited when the Yemenis protested against the then president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who led the country to widespread poverty and unemployment. These rebellions were led by a politically Shia rebellion group called the Houthis. In 2012, the then Vice - President of Yemen, Hadi, became the new President after Ali Abdullah Saleh got overthrown. The intent of the political transition was to bring stability. However, President Hadi had difficulties addressing the issues of food insecurity, corruption, and militant attacks. Political unrest caused groups such as the Al Qaeda and Daesh to attempt to take over the country. At the same time, the Houthis were attempting to do the same, but was lacking military power. They somehow formed an alliance with Ali Abdullah Saleh, who they had kicked out of office. Saudi Arabia saw this alliance as a threat, because it meant that Iran was backing the Houthis. This could raise the risk of Iranian influence affecting Saudi Arabia. This caused Saudi Arabia to create a wall and bombed Yemen in 2015 to drive the Houthis out. -
Saladin and the Ayyubid Campaigns in the Maghrib Saladino Y Las Campañas Ayyubíes En El Magreb
Alcantara 2 Vol XXXIV (3)_Maquetación 1 09/12/13 17:42 Página 267 AL-QANTARA XXXIV 2, julio-diciembre 2013 pp. 267-295 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2013.010 Saladin and the Ayyubid Campaigns in the Maghrib Saladino y las campañas ayyubíes en el Magreb Amar Baadj University of Toronto, Canada Este artículo trata sobre la conquista de Libia This article concerns the conquest of Libya y Túnez por Saladino (Salah al-Din) y los Ay- and Tunisia by Saladin (Salah al-Din) and the yubíes en las décadas de 1170 y 1180. En pri- Ayyubids in the 1170s and 1180s. First it pres- mer lugar se presenta una reconstrucción de ents a reconstruction of the campaigns con- las campañas dirigidas por los mamelucos ay- ducted by the Ayyubid mamluks Sharaf al-Din yubíes Sharaf al-Din Qaraqush e Ibn Qaratikin Qaraqush and Ibn Qaratikin in Libya and the en Libia y de la guerra entre los almohades y conflict in Ifriqiya (Tunisia) between the Al- los Ayyubíes en Ifriqiya (Túnez) basada en mohads and the Ayyubids based on the rele- fuentes primarias relevantes. A continuación vant primary sources. Then the extent to se estudia en qué medida Saladino fue el res- which Saladin was responsible for these mili- ponsable de estas expediciones militares y, fi- tary expeditions is considered and finally the nalmente, se discute el motivo de dichas issue of the motive behind them is discussed. expediciones. Se llega a la conclusión de que It is concluded that Salah al-Din and his amirs Saladino y sus emires invadieron el Magreb invaded the Maghrib in order to control the con el fin de controlar los puntos septentrio- northern termini of the eastern and central nales de los ejes oriental y central de las rutas axes of the trans-Saharan trade routes, thereby comerciales que cruzaban el Sahara y con esto gaining access to the West African gold which lograr tener acceso al oro de África Occidental passed along these routes. -
In Their Own Words: Voices of Jihad
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Learn more about the RAND Corporation View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. in their own words Voices of Jihad compilation and commentary David Aaron Approved for public release; distribution unlimited C O R P O R A T I O N This book results from the RAND Corporation's continuing program of self-initiated research. -
Use of Negative Peace (Molly King) (1).Key
Timeline of Conflict in Yemen The Use of Negative Peace Abstract 2000: President Ali Abdullah Saleh seeks to disarm Rebellion group, Houthis led by Hussein Badreddin al- Molly King My intended message of this project Houthi. is to give insight into ways the 2004: Arrests of Houthis members begin, fighting leads Faculty Advisor: Matt Tibbles to Al-Houthi’s death theories of change can be 2005: Fighting continues between Houthis and implemented into regions and people government forces resulting in many fatalities. An agreement is reached at the surrender of top military groups that are in conflict. Exploring commander of Houthis. conflict in Yemen can provide insight 2006: Conflict continues, however Saleh releases 600 to how conflicts have the potential to Houthi fighters and eventually wins the 2006 election. Early 2007: Ceasefire agreement between Saleh and be resolved peacefully. In Al-Houthi. researching alternative peace 2008: Fighting begins again between rebels and government powers. strategies, I will provide ways 2009-2010: Operation Scorched Earth is initiated by negative peace can be transformed Yemeni military to end the Houthi rebellion in Saada. Saleh finally agrees to a ceasefire with the Houthi into a useful took to change the rebels. However, Yemeni military continues to execute direction of on going conflict. Operation Blow to the Head against rebels and al- Qaeda. 2011 Arab Spring: Protests call for the resignation of Saleh. Saleh’s military and supports fight back against rebels which leads to the death of 200-2000 people. Peaceful Solutions 2011: Saleh is seriously injured in a bombing, he turns over his power to Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. -
Fatimid Material Culture in Al-Andalus: Presences and Influences of Egypt in Al-Andalus Between the Xth and the Xiith Centuries A.D
Fatimid Material Culture in Al-Andalus: Presences and Influences of Egypt in Al-Andalus Between the Xth and the XIIth Centuries A.D. Zabya Abo Aljadayel Dissertation of Master of Archaeology September, 2019 Dissertation submitted to fulfil the necessary requirements to obtain a Master's Degree of Archaeology, held under the scientific orientation of Prof. André Teixeira and Prof.ª Susana Gómez Martínez. 2 | P a g e Zabya Abo aljadayel | 2019 To my family, friends and every interested reader لعائلتي, ﻷصدقائي و لكل قارئ مهتم 3 | P a g e Zabya Abo aljadayel | 2019 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I give my gratitude and love To my dear professors Susana and André for being more than advisors with their patience, kindness and support. To the Global Platform for Syrian Students for giving me the opportunity to come to Portugal to continue my higher education. In particular, I would like to commend the efforts of Dr Helena Barroco for being by my side in the formal and the nonformal situations. To FCSH-UNL for giving me a seat in the faculty. Moreover, to Dr Francisco José Gomes Caramelo and Dr João Soeiro de Carvalho for their kindness and academic support. To my beloved friends in CAM and in all Mértola for well receiving me there as a part of their lovely family. To Dr Susana Calvo Capilla and Dr María Antonia Martínez Núñez for their support. To my mother, I would say that Charles Virolleaud wasn’t entirely right when he said: “Tout homme civilisé a deux patries: la sienne et la Syrie.”. But, should have said: “Tout homme civilisé a trois patries: Sa mère, la sienne et la Syrie.”. -
The Thistle and the Drone
AKBAR AHMED HOW AMERICA’S WAR ON TERROR BECAME A GLOBAL WAR ON TRIBAL ISLAM n the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the United States declared war on terrorism. More than ten years later, the results are decidedly mixed. Here world-renowned author, diplomat, and scholar Akbar Ahmed reveals an important yet largely ignored result of this war: in many nations it has exacerbated the already broken relationship between central I governments and the largely rural Muslim tribal societies on the peripheries of both Muslim and non-Muslim nations. The center and the periphery are engaged in a mutually destructive civil war across the globe, a conflict that has been intensified by the war on terror. Conflicts between governments and tribal societies predate the war on terror in many regions, from South Asia to the Middle East to North Africa, pitting those in the centers of power against those who live in the outlying provinces. Akbar Ahmed’s unique study demonstrates that this conflict between the center and the periphery has entered a new and dangerous stage with U.S. involvement after 9/11 and the deployment of drones, in the hunt for al Qaeda, threatening the very existence of many tribal societies. American firepower and its vast anti-terror network have turned the war on terror into a global war on tribal Islam. And too often the victims are innocent children at school, women in their homes, workers simply trying to earn a living, and worshipers in their mosques. Bat- tered by military attacks or drone strikes one day and suicide bombers the next, the tribes bemoan, “Every day is like 9/11 for us.” In The Thistle and the Drone, the third vol- ume in Ahmed’s groundbreaking trilogy examin- ing relations between America and the Muslim world, the author draws on forty case studies representing the global span of Islam to demon- strate how the U.S. -