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Annual Report 2015 COMMITTEE to PROTECT JOURNALISTS ANNUAL REPORT 2015 | 1 Annual Report 2015
ANNUAL REPORT 2015 COMMITTEE TO PROTECT JOURNALISTS ANNUAL REPORT 2015 | 1 Annual REPORT 2015 DEAR CPJ SUPPORTER, threat. By mid-year 2015, imprisoned there. In October, after 18 journalists were behind bars an international campaign, members The January 7 attack on the office in Egypt. of Ethiopia’s Zone 9 blogging of Charlie Hebdo left 12 dead This terror dynamic—in which collective were cleared of trumped- and served as a chilling reminder journalists are caught between the up terrorism charges. that in the global struggle for free violence of militant and criminal We challenged other countries expression, there is no safe haven. groups and the repressive policies that, while not the worst abusers, Days after the attack, millions came of governments—presents a unique were failing to live up to their own together in Paris to express their challenge for press freedom. CPJ standards. In Nairobi, we took the horror and defend their rights. has responded by deepening its Kenyan government to task for At the front of the march, political research, expanding its assistance weakening media protections. In leaders from around the world and security support, and Brussels, we called on the European marched shoulder to shoulder. confronting governments at Union to strengthen press freedom But free expression wasn’t what every turn. protections within its borders in united them. Instead, many leaders CPJ’s research is systematic and order to exercise greater influence exploited the Charlie Hebdo tragedy sustained, and our database of outside them. In Washington, to give their domestic anti-terror journalists killed since 1992 is the we urged the White House to policies a patina of international world’s most comprehensive. -
Celebration and Rescue: Mass Media Portrayals of Malala Yousafzai As Muslim Woman Activist
Celebration and Rescue: Mass Media Portrayals of Malala Yousafzai as Muslim Woman Activist A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Drexel University by Wajeeha Ameen Choudhary in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2016 ii iii Dedication To Allah – my life is a culmination of prayers fulfilled iv Acknowledgements This dissertation would not have possible without the love and support of my parents Shoukat and Zaheera Choudhary, my husband Ahmad Malik, and my siblings Zaheer Choudhary, Aleem Choudhary, and Sumera Ahmad – all of whom weathered the many highs and lows of the thesis process. They are my shoulder to lean on and the first to share in the accomplishments they helped me achieve. My dissertation committee: Dr. Brent Luvaas and Dr. Ernest Hakanen for their continued support and feedback; Dr. Evelyn Alsultany for her direction and enthusiasm from many miles away; and Dr. Alison Novak for her encouragement and friendship. Finally, my advisor and committee chair Dr. Rachel R. Reynolds whose unfailing guidance and faith in my ability shaped me into the scholar I am today. v Table of Contents ABSTRACT ……………………..........................................................................................................vii 1. INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW...………….……………………………………1 1.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………...1 1.1.1 Brief Profile of Malala Yousafzai ……….………...…………...………………………………...4 1.2 Literature Review ………………………………………………………………………………….4 1.2.1 Visuality, Reading Visual -
Gender and the Violence(S) of War and Armed Conflict EMERALD STUDIES in CRIMINOLOGY, FEMINISM and SOCIAL CHANGE
Gender and the Violence(s) of War and Armed Conflict EMERALD STUDIES IN CRIMINOLOGY, FEMINISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE Series Editors Sandra Walklate, School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Australia. Kate Fitz-Gibbon, School of Social Sciences at Monash University and Monash Gender and Family Violence Prevention Centre, Australia. Jude McCulloch, Monash University and Monash Gender and Family Violence Prevention Centre, Australia. JaneMaree Maher, Centre for Women’s Studies and Gender Research, Sociology, Monash University, Australia. Emerald Studies in Criminology, Feminism and Social Change offers a platform for innovative, engaged, and forward-looking feminist-informed work to explore the interconnections between social change and the capacity of criminology to grap- ple with the implications of such change. Social change, whether as a result of the movement of peoples, the impact of new technologies, the potential consequences of climate change, or more commonly identified features of changing societies, such as ageing populations, inter-genera- tional conflict, the changing nature of work, increasing awareness of the problem of gendered violence(s), and/or changing economic and political context, takes its toll across the globe in infinitely more nuanced and inter-connected ways than previously imagined. Each of these connections carry implications for what is understood as crime, the criminal, the victim of crime and the capacity of criminology as a disci- pline to make sense of these evolving interconnections. Feminist analysis, despite its contentious relationship with the discipline of criminology, has much to offer in strengthening the discipline to better understand the complexity of the world in the twenty-first century and to scan the horizon for emerging, possible or likely futures. -
Characterizations of Feminism in Reformed Christian Online Media Introduction It Will Come As No Surprise to Most People That Fe
Hobbs, V. (2015). Characterizations of Feminism in Reformed Christian Online Media. Journal of Media and Religion , 14 (4), 211-229. Characterizations of Feminism in Reformed Christian Online Media The term “culture war” is often used to describe the relationship between evangelical Christianity and movements like feminism. Given the increasing dependence of religious groups on online media, analysis of the discourse therein offers an effective means of examining patterns within Christian discourse about feminism. The current study examines a corpus of 147 articles from a popular online North American Reformed Christian news site, focusing on what feminism is most frequently associated with and counterexamples to these characterizations. Feminism was consistently connected with false theology, breakdown of marriage/traditional gender roles, promiscuity and nontraditional sexuality, abortion, anti-Christian cultural change, and liberal politics. However, a minority of dissenting voices suggests that some are allowed to express cautious support of feminism. Introduction It will come as no surprise to most people that feminism and Christianity are not fast friends. A study of evangelical attitudes towards feminism by Gallagher (2004a) found that two thirds of American evangelicals consider feminism ‘hostile to Christian values’ (p. 229). Feminism has been blamed by evangelicals in North America for the declining value of the traditional family (Kassian, 2005), the rise of women in unbiblical positions of leadership (Creegan and Pohl, 2005), legalization of abortion (Steuter, 1992), theological liberalism (Grudem, 2006) and the rise of the divorce rate (Adams & Coltrane, 2007). The term ‘culture war’ is often used in conjunction with what is perceived as a battle between evangelical Christianity and movements such as feminism which, according to many, undermine Christian ideology (Ingersoll, 2003). -
Un-Veiling Women's Rights in the 'War on Terrorism'
KAPUR_FMT.DOC 06/09/03 4:37 PM UN-VEILING WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN THE ‘WAR ON TERRORISM’ RATNA KAPUR* Only the terrorists and the Taliban threaten to pull out women’s fingernails for wearing nail polish. The plight of women and children in Afghanistan is a matter of deliberate human cruelty, carried out by those who seek to intimidate and control. .Because of our recent military gains in much of Afghanistan, women are no longer imprisoned in their homes. They can listen to music and teach their daughters without fear of punishment. First Lady Laura W. Bush1 The bombings have increased the suffering of the people in Afghanistan. They muststopitatonce. Sabira Mateen2 Attention, noble Afghan people. As you know, the coalition countries have been air-dropping daily humanitarian rations for you. The food ration is en- closed in yellow plastic bags. They come in the shape of rectangular or long squares. The food inside the bags is Halal and very nutritional. .In areas away from where food has been dropped, cluster bombs will also be dropped. The color of these bombs is also yellow. .Do not confuse the cylinder-shaped bomb with the rectangular food bag. U.S. Psychological Operations Radio, Sunday, October 28, 2001.3 I. INTRODUCTION On the morning of the September 11th attacks, I was delivering a lecture in New York to law school students about post-colonialism. More specifically, we were discussing a passage from The Poisonwood Bible,4 as well as a recently re- leased film, Lumumba.5 BoththetextandthefilmrelatethestoryoftheCongo’s Copyright © 2002 by Ratna Kapur. -
“It Is Not Charity, It Is a Chair of Power” - Moving Beyond Symbolic Representation in Afghanistan’S Transition Politics?
“It is not Charity, it is a Chair of Power” - Moving Beyond Symbolic Representation in Afghanistan’s Transition Politics? Andrea Fleschenberg Research Study Publication Series “Reviewing Gender Quotas in Afghanistan and Pakistan” 2016 “It is not Charity, it is a Chair of Power”1- Moving Beyond Symbolic Representation in Afghanistan’s Transition Politics? Research Study Publication Series “Reviewing Gender Quotas in Afghanistan and Pakistan” 2016 Andrea Fleschenberg 1 “It is not charity, it is a chair of power and when you are there, you have to get tough with all the vulnerability you face” (interview with MP Farkhunda Zahra Naderi, Kabul, April 2015). The Heinrich Böll Stiftung is a German foundation and part of the Green political movement that has developed worldwide as a response to the traditional politics of socialism, liberalism, and conservatism. Our main tenets are ecology and sustainability, democracy and human rights, self-determination and justice. We place particular emphasis on gender democracy, meaning social emancipation and equal rights for women and men. We are also committed to equal rights for cultural and ethnic minorities. Finally, we promote non-violence and proactive peace policies. To achieve our goals, we seek strategic partnerships with others who share our values. Our namesake, Heinrich Böll, personifies the values we stand for: protection of freedom, civic courage, tolerance, open debate, and the valuation of art and culture as independent spheres of thought and action. For further information on our country programs in Afghanistan and Pakistan please visit our websites: www.af.boell.org www.pk.boell.org Disclaimer: This comparative action research project and its publication series were prepared with the support of the Heinrich Böll Stiftung, Afghanistan office. -
Thesis As a Series of Case Studies That
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Besieged by burqas: Analyzing representations of the burqa Mazurski, L.E. Publication date 2015 Document Version Final published version Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Mazurski, L. E. (2015). Besieged by burqas: Analyzing representations of the burqa. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:03 Oct 2021 BESIEGED BY BURQAS: ANALYZING REPRESENTATIONS OF THE BURQA ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof. dr. D.C. van den Boom ten overstaan van een door het college voor promoties ingestelde commissie, in het openbaar te verdedigen in de Agnietenkapel op woensdag 15 april 2015, te 12.00 uur door Lara Elizabeth Mazurski geboren te Thunder Bay, Canada Promotor: prof. -
The Exercise of Afghan Women's Agency for Peace in Post-Conflict
Obstacles within the International Community: The Exercise of Afghan Women’s Agency for Peace in Post-Conflict Reconstruction by Stephanie W. Hampton Ultimately…women must be involved in the peace process not only because they suffer disproportionately, or because they have previously been excluded, but because their contribution to the world is invaluable. —Felicity Hall and Mikele Aboitiz1 Under the Taliban’s draconian interpretation of Shari’a law, Afghan women were forced from public life and publicly executed for minor infractions. Yet, in just over two years since the Taliban fell, the women of Afghanistan have entered the political arena and successfully pressed for specific language in the Afghan constitution enshrining women’s rights as human rights. From being the most oppressed women in the world to enjoying the promise of more seats in Parliament than many Western nations, Afghan women have clearly made gigantic strides in their quest for peace and security. Their remarkable progress, however, is overshadowed by the current unstable security situation in Afghanistan and the lack of international political and military assistance which are needed to consolidate the successes that the Afghan women have realized. How has this seemingly rapid transformation of Afghan women occurred? The answer may partially lie in the concept of development as freedom put forth by Amartya Sen in his 1999 book, Development as Freedom.2 He proffers a new paradigm which includes not only GDP data, but human development factors, such as Infant Mortality Rates (IMR) and literacy rates, to determine a nation’s level of development in terms of sustainable development. -
Book JAVNOST 4-2013.Indb
“BRAND CHINA” IN THE OLYMPIC CONTEXT COMMUNICATIONS CHALLENGES OF CHINA’S SOFT POWER INITIATIVE SUSAN BROWNELL 82 - Abstract The Beijing 2008 Olympics were widely considered to be Susan Brownell is Professor China’s moment for improving its national image worldwide. of Anthropology in the However, the consensus both inside and outside China was Department of Anthropology, that although the Olympics succeeded in advancing an Sociology, and Languages, image of an emerging powerful, prosperous, and well-or- University of Missouri-St. Louis; ganised nation, the message was hijacked by interest groups e-mail: [email protected]. critical of government policies on human rights and Tibet, who were more successful in putting forward their positions in the international media than the Chinese government was. The article analyses the communications challenges that created obstacles for genuine dialogue on sensi- Vol.20 (2013), No. 4, pp. 65 4, pp. (2013), No. Vol.20 tive issues. In its post-Olympics assessment, the Chinese government acknowledged the weakness of China’s voice in international (especially Western) media and responded with a planned US$6 billion investment for strengthening its foreign communications capacity as part of its “soft power” initiative (fi rst called for by President Hu Jintao in 2007). 65 For the eight years from the time that Beijing announced its bid for the 2008 Olympic Games until the conclusion of the games, observers both inside and out- side China widely considered the Beijing 2008 Olympics to be China’s moment for improving its national image worldwide. Beneath this att ention to “national image” lay a power struggle. -
Cinderella Goes to the Purity Ball: an Open Letter on Feminism and Girl Culture, Written to My Female Undergraduate Students
Volume 5, Issue 1 February 2012 Cinderella goes to the purity ball: An open letter on feminism and girl culture, written to my female undergraduate students SALLY GALMAN University of Massachusetts Amherst ABSTRACT The author responds to the observed complacency and post-feminist rhetoric embraced by some of her female undergraduate students, exhorting them to reexamine girl culture, pop culture, feminism and the anti-intellectualism that pervades contemporary U.S. culture. An analysis of the princess trope in girl culture is followed by commentary on the place of education in a struggling economy. The letter concludes with a challenge to young women to become involved agitators instead of tiara-clad spectators in their own political lives. KEYWORDS gender, feminism, girl culture, popular culture, post-feminism Dear Students,1 I’ve been watching you all over the past few years. I know we’ve enjoyed class discussion together and I’ve read your papers, journals and other materials. However, I'm writing this open letter with each of you in mind because there are some very important things I want to tell you and the margins of your papers were not wide enough, nor were our class periods or lectures long enough for me to tell you how concerned I am about you. I listen to you talk about boyfriends and marriage while I hear you distance yourself from political and social discourse. I witness your skewed interpretation of and participation in contemporary girl culture. I hear you talk about ‘the feminists’ with disdain. I wince as you talk about taking only the easiest classes, because I know how bright and full of promise each of you are. -
Afghanistan's Parliament in the Making
The involvement of women in Afghanistan’s public life is decreasing. Attacks, vigilantism, and legal processes that contradict the basic principles of human and women’s rights are the order of the day. The security situation is worsening in step with the disenchantment E MAKING H arising from the lack of results and functional shortcomings of existing democratic structures. In the face of such difficulties, we often forget who should create the legal underpinnings for the power in Afghanistan: the women and men in parliament who are working to build a state in these turbulent times of transition. To what extent will these elected representatives succeed in creating alternatives to established traditional power structures? What are the obstacles they face? What kinds of networks or caucuses are they establishing? This book, which is based on interviews of male and female members of parliament held in Kabul in 2007 and 2008, examines the reali- IN T pARLIAMENT ANISTan’s H ties of parliamentary work in Afghanistan. It shows how varied and G coercive the patterns of identification prevalent in Afghanistan can AF be, and it provides a rare opportunity to gain insights into the self- images and roles of women in parliament. ISBN 978-3-86928-006-6 Andrea Fleschenberg Afghanistan’s parliament in the making Andrea Fleschenberg Gendered understandings and practices of politics in a transitional country .) ED BÖLL FOUNDATION ( BÖLL FOUNDATION H The Green Political Foundation Schumannstraße 8 10117 Berlin www.boell.de HEINRIC Afghanistan’s parliament in the making Andrea Fleschenberg, PhD, currently works as research associate and lecturer at the Institute of Social Science at the University of Hildesheim, Germany. -
Keys HRW Revision
Harnessing Human Rights to the Olympic Games: Human Rights Watch and the 1993 “Stop Beijing” Campaign Barbara Keys The Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (2018): 415-38 doi: 10.1177/0022009416667791 Author accepted version As each quadrennial Olympic Game approaches, host countries come under intense global scrutiny. In recent years, a familiar pattern has developed: human rights organizations and other pressure groups campaign loudly about human rights problems, especially but not only when the host city is in an undemocratic country, and the resulting controversies are now a routine feature of the dramatic build-up to the festival. Before the 2008 Summer Olympic Games in Beijing, a global debate erupted over China's long list of political prisoners, suppression of religious minorities, support of Sudan’s genocidal campaign in Darfur, and brutal treatment of Tibetan nationalists. Leading up to the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympic Games, the global media highlighted Russia's anti- gay ‘propaganda’ law and its hostile climate for LGBT rights.1 The International Olympic Committee has been forced to respond by paying lip service to human rights issues. In its Olympic Agenda 2020, adopted in late 2014, it copied language from the Article 2 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights into its Charter’s revised non-discrimination clause, and it has inserted vague human rights provisions in future host-city contracts.2 Human Rights Watch (HRW) has been at the forefront of campaigns to leverage the Olympic Games into human rights-promoting enterprises, in ways that have had profound but unrecognized effects on the global human rights movement.