Construal-Level Theory and Psychological Distancing: Implications for Grand Environmental Challenges
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ll Primer Construal-level theory and psychological distancing: Implications for grand environmental challenges Susie Wang,1,* Mark J. Hurlstone,2 Zoe Leviston,3,4 Iain Walker,4 and Carmen Lawrence5 1Climate Outreach, Oxford, UK 2Department of Psychology, Lancaster University, Lancaster, UK 3School of Arts & Humanities, Edith Cowan University, Perth, Australia 4Research School of Psychology, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia 5School of Psychology, University of Western Australia, Perth, Australia *Correspondence: [email protected] https://doi.org/10.1016/j.oneear.2021.03.009 SUMMARY Research in social and cognitive sciences has used the construal-level theory (CLT) of psychological dis- tance as a framework for understanding environmental challenges, such as climate change. This primer explains how psychological distance and construal level theory can help to understand responses to environ- mental challenges, from the perceptions and social construction of environmental issues as distant and ab- stract, to implications for decision making and action toward long-term targets. We also reflect on areas where the theory and concepts are less useful, when assuming that psychological distance and construal level can be easily reduced or altered to promote lasting changes to environmental action. INTRODUCTION cial and cognitive sciences often uses the construal-level theory (CLT) of psychological distance as a framework for understand- Overcoming grand environmental challenges is central to our ing the concept. This primer outlines both CLT and psychological continued life on Earth. A key example is climate change, where distance and their relevance to grand environmental challenges. changes to global climate patterns are drastically altering our plan- et’s habitability. Related challenges, such as biodiversity loss, WHAT IS PSYCHOLOGICAL DISTANCE? deforestation, and air and water pollution all imperil the global hu- man population and how we live. Many of these environmental is- The idea of ‘‘psychological distance’’ has been around in the so- sues involve serious consequences that are not immediately cial sciences for over 50 years, first emerging in Kurt Lewin’s field visible. The biophysical causes and effects of environmental chal- theory. The central ideas are that humans can only experience lenges are often inherently difficult to grasp, from the complexity of the world ‘‘right here, right now,’’ our experience of all other ob- their scientific basis, feedback loops, and interactions of different jects occurs at some mental distance from the self, and these systems, to the fact that often we cannot see, hear, smell, or expe- perceived distances can shape our behavior. Psychological dis- rience the effects directly. Furthermore, grand environmental chal- tance is typically spoken of in terms of four dimensions: temporal lenges are typically global problems, a product of global and soci- distance (when something happens), spatial distance (where it etal economic processes—everyone is responsible for solving happens), social distance (to whom it happens), and hypotheti- them, which means no individual is responsible for solving them. cal distance (whether it is likely to happen; see Figure 1). Their resolution requires coordinated collective action. Psychological distance plays a role in different aspects of our Understanding how best to deal with abstract, distant, envi- life, from evaluating threats to choosing how to interact with ronmental challenges is important for planning effective action. other people. For instance, when we speak to strangers rather Coordinated global action to address these issues tends to than friends, we often use more polite language as a form of so- involve setting distant goals and targets. For instance, at the cial distance. In each moment we can also navigate psycholog- Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Conven- ical distances—as a sort of mental time travel—by imagining tion on Climate Change, countries plan commitments for the de- events years into the future, reliving past memories, picturing cades ahead on climate change and emissions, land use, defor- people we have never met or places we have never been to, estation, and more. At an individual level, the relationship and imagining things that may or may not happen. Furthermore, between our actions and their consequences on a global level when we imagine distant phenomena, they are often distant is difficult to construe, and their effects are delayed. along more than one dimension—dimensions of psychological One concept that captures the cognitive ramifications of ab- distance tend to be related to one another. For instance, when stract, distant phenomena is ‘‘psychological distance’’: the we imagine things happening in the distant future, they also idea that events, people, and objects can be experienced at tend to feel more uncertain. Even literary tropes (‘‘a long time varying subjective ‘‘distances’’ from the self and that this percep- ago, in a land _____’’) suggest that dimensions of distance can tion shapes our attitudes, emotions, and actions. Research in so- be connected. 482 One Earth 4, April 23, 2021 ª 2021 Elsevier Inc. ll Primer Figure 1. Illustration of four dimensions of psychological distance in distant places, to other people, beyond our lifetimes (notably, this could be chang- ing in some parts of the world—where peo- ple are increasingly recognizing that climate impacts are happening now). Those who feel psychologically closer to climate change also tend to acknowledge anthropogenic climate change and feel concerned about it. On the other hand, greater psychological distance is linked to lower engagement in pro-environmental actions, and lower support for environ- mental policies—reasonably, people who believe that an environmental threat is distant or uncertain are less likely to sup- port action to address the threat. In fact, psychological distance from climate WHAT IS CLT? change is also highly correlated with skepticism about its exis- tence, and it is possible that it is an expression of denial or skep- Often when we think about things that are distant, we also ticism that is more about one’s lived reality than a view of perceive them more abstractly than things that are close. This whether it exists at all (‘‘it’s not real, and even if it is, it’ll be in is the key idea behind CLT, the main theory used to study psy- the distant future and it won’t affect me’’). chological distance put forth by Trope and Liberman. CLT ar- gues that greater psychological distance is accompanied by The portrayal of environmental challenges as distant an increase in mental abstraction. At a higher level of construal, and abstract we focus on abstract, superordinate, and central features of ob- Psychological distance can also be used to understand the con- jects (e.g., chairs), and at lower levels of construal, we focus on struction of environmental challenges as socially distant issues. concrete, specific, and peripheral features (e.g., wheelchairs). Often global challenges are portrayed in the media as problems There are various consequences of abstract or concrete con- for large international organizations, national governments, or strual on our perception: things construed abstractly also tend to scientists to solve. Reports on the status and progress of envi- be viewed as distant and are evaluated with an eye to the big pic- ronmental commitments are often written in unemotional, scien- ture, where enduring and stable properties are more important tific language, couched in uncertainties, wide time windows, and than specific details. On the other hand, things construed projections of the distant future or data from the distant past, and concretely tend to be seen as psychologically close, and are specifying only abstract spatial regions. The visual depiction of evaluated based on transient and circumstantial properties. To many environmental challenges tends to be removed from illustrate, when agreeing to attend a public protest a year from many people’s daily lives, from melting ice and megafauna, to now, we might consider abstract, stable factors that do not denuded landscapes. Relatedly, the images that come to mind vary much over time, such as how much we care about the issue, when people think of climate change tend to be abstract and when making our decision. By contrast, if that protest were to psychologically distant—devoid of specific geographic, social, happen tomorrow, we may instead attend to specific features, or temporal details—and typically do not feature people. such as whether the protest is in a convenient location. Some Showing identifiable, relatable people can lead to greater experimental evidence has shown that when a single piece of engagement, concern, and motivation to act, yet depictions of data deviate from a wider global trend, people tend to give humans are infrequent, and of ‘‘ordinary citizens’’ even rarer. more weight if it is geographically close to them (i.e., with a con- Specific people can become ‘‘iconic’’ of environmental issues, crete and circumstantial mindset) than if it is geographically and part of how society sees those issues, personified by images distant (i.e., with an abstract and stable mindset). of politicians at international meetings, celebrities, or prominent activists, such as Greta Thunberg. For those who do not person- WHERE IT MIGHT APPLY ally identify with these icons, and who do not see people like themselves, this may increase social distance