KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM: KING ASOKA IN FRONT OF TiffiBODHI TREE
MONIKA ZIN
The uniformly-shaped slabs discovered at Kanaganahalli, each measuring approximately 3 meters high, were once located on the stilpa dome (fig. 1). When the monument was unearthed, the lower parts of some of these slabs were discovered in situ, affixed above the drum and held in position by the "collar stones." The slabs are composed of two panels, one above the other, separated by a frieze of geese. A railing is depicted below the panels, and the coping stones of this railing bear inscriptions which label the nar rative contents of the representations located on the panels. My study, The Kanaganahalli Stupa: An Analysis of the 60 Massive Slabs Covering the Dome, presents a reconstruction of the original sequence of the slabs on the monument. 1 Establishing the order of the slabs was a painstaking task. The photographs taken during the excavations, providing documentation of the exact locations where each slab was discovered, did not include all of the slabs, and I did not have access to other documentary material that might have been more complete. The restoration of the reliefs was carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). This was an enormous undertaking, and an achievement which cannot be valued highly enough. In order to accomplish this project, however, the reliefs were laid out on the ground near the stupa, in an area with enough space to permit the res toration work to be done. The slabs therefore ended up at a considerable distance from the locations in which they were originally discovered. Several of the slabs were placed in thematic groups at this stage. The reliefs depicting the events from the life of the Buddha, for example, were grouped on the ground according to the chronology of the narrative, not according to their original positions on the monument. In some instances,
1 Zin2018: 7-20; the book should be consulted for further discussion of issues broached in the present paper.
Journal ofthe International Association ofBuddhist Studies Volume 41 • 2018 • 537-568 • doi: 10.2143/JlABS.41.0.3285751 538 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 539 the position of the relief was marked by placing its number on the stones palanquin, but rather as arriving in a flying vi miina - correspond to the of the stupa drum, which remained in situ during the excavation process. gods on the other side of the dhamza wheel, and these two depictions cer Unfortunately, this occurred infrequently, perhaps because the excavators tainly form a unit with each other. The composition of the upper panels were unable to ascertain the original positions of the reliefs after they had follows the principle of axial symmetry, as the gods on both sides are been moved. figured as adoring the wheel that stands between them. The lower panels In the ASJ's official publication, Excavations at Kanaganahalli by are ordered in chronological sequence from right to left, showing Maya are K.P. Poonacha, the descriptions of the slabs divided into thematic asleep, with the Bodhisatva coming fromTu�i ta heaven in the shape of an groups. The representations of the jatakas, the reliefs depicting the life elephant, the interpretation of Maya's dream, and the birth of the future . are . story of the Buddha, and the depictions of historical kings descnbed Buddha. It is important to note that these three slabs were located facing in separate chapters. The book does not pay attention to the original posi one of the four entrances to the fenced enclosure of the stupa, above the or to the tion of the reliefs on the stupa dome relationships between neigh southernprojection, known as the ayaka, i.e. the platform on which offer slabs. Nakanishi, who visited the site during the excavations, also bouring ings could be placed. The centremost of the three slabs is unique when makes only a broad division between the areas on the stitpa dome where compared with its neighbours. Unlike the other slabs, it does not feature the jatakas were located, and those areas which featured depictions of the · a pilaster, that is, an ornamental vertical stripe, on its side. As we can events of the last life of the Buddha.2 In explaining the narrative content observe, the slab on the viewer's right has a pilaster on the left side, while of a given panel, the content of neighbouringslabs can be of crucial impor the slab on the left has a pilaster on the right side. The slabs following in tance. In many cases, panels of successive slabs visibly compose a the both directions were designed according to this principle: slabs are always matic unit, and must be read in horizontal order. A very telling example is separated by a single pilaster. The centre slab above the ayaka, featuring presented in the slab bearing the ASI number 05 (fig. 2).3 The lower panel the dharma wheel, is consequently the "switching slab" between the slabs of this slab presents Maya giving birth to the future Buddha, while in the with the pilaster to the left and the slabs with the pilaster to the right. These upper panel, we seeflying gods. Ifone were to perceive this slab as a distinct "switching slabs" prevent two pilasters from appearing next to one another. and self-contained unit, one could connect the flying gods in the panel above There are four "switching slabs" in total. Two are devoid of pilasters with the four gods standing located in the panel below. In fact, Poonacha completely, while two have two pilaster stripes each, one on each side. The (2011: 267) interpreted the panel in this manner, explaining that the deities dome of the Kanaganahalli stilpa was covered with 60slabs. Each quadrant in the panel above had carried Maya in a palanquin. When we reconstruct thus consisted of 15 slabs. There were three slabs above each iiyaka and the sequence of the slabs, however, we arrive at a different explanation twelve slabs between the iiyakas. The location of the slabs with certain (fig. 3):4 the gods in the upper panel - who are not depicted as carrying a positional features - e.g., a pilaster on the left or right - therefore followed a rather simple set of rules. These rules were made a bit more complicated z Nakanishi in Nakanishi/von HinUber 2014: 7--8; cf. also the earlier paper by Nakanishi by the fact that the "switching slabs" were not always located above the in Japanese (Nakanishi 2013a). . iiyakas. While the centre slabs above the southern and the northerniiyaka 3 The numbers assigned by the ASI are underlined in this paper. ASI number 05, ill us.: projections are in fact "switching slabs," without decorative pilasters, the Ararnaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi2011: 70; Poonacha 2011: pl. 85; Zin 2011: fig. 3 (lo�er panel); Nakanishi 2012; Stone 2015: fig. 3.8 (part of the lower panel); Qmntao11l�_ 20�7: fig. 17 (lower panel); in Zin 2018: 2 (17), pl. 10. Drawings of the �anaganahalb rebefs . in the present study by the author are based on the photographs m Aramaki/Dayalan/ N�anishi 2013b: fig. 9 (upper panel); Zin 2015: pl. 3 (upper panel, detail with the wheel); Nakanishi 2011. middle slab, lowe r part: Gulbarga Museum, illus. in Zin 2018: fig. 50; in Zin 2018: l (16), 4 For the references to lhe left slab cf. the foregoing footnote; middle slab, ASI pl. 9; right slab: ASinumber 03, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 63; Poonacha number 01, upper part: iUus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi2011: 63; Poonacha 2011: pl. 81, 2011: pl. 83; Zin2015: fig. 10; Zin2018: fig. 46; in Zin 2018: 15 (15), pl. 9. lN ART 540 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLl SATAVAffANA AND BUDDHISM 541 centre slabs above the eastern and western iiyakas are not. Indeed, they We may assume that the inscription which recorded the donation of the could not have been, since there is an unequal number of slabs with the covering "pa!(as" - probably the level stone plates covering the drum _ pilaster on the left and slabs with the pilaster on the right There are 19 of marks the point in time when the system was finalised. This inscription is the fonner, and nearly double as many, 37 in total, of the latter. "Switching dated to the 35m regnal year of Vas4;!:hlputra Sn Pu!umavi.s This is likely slabs" with decorative pilasters on both sides were placed irregularly in the date when the enlarged stupa, featuring 60 slabs (fixed behind the the areas between the eastern and southern iiyakasand between the western panas of the drum) and all fourayakas, was completed. The members of and northern iiyakas. the T<>Qa family, evidently rich citizens of the area, played a crucial role When we compare the styles of the reliefs on the slabs, we notice cer in the decoration of the stupa over several generations. The Todas. were tain dissimilarities. Several slabs display rather archaic features, clearly also active during the final stage, when the stupa was enlarged and the seen for example in the shapes of the eyes, which in some reliefs appear slab� �ere rea:ran�ed. This can be seen from the inscriptions recordingthe 5 as if glued onto the flat faces of the figures depicted (fig. 4). The depic family s contnbuttons on the slabs at the ayakas, and on other "switching tions in other slabs display quite developed forms. There, the eyes are slabs."9 The clusters of left-pilaster-slabs and right-pilaster-slabs were of shown with lachrymal sacks and eyeballs in eye sockets are visible behind primary importance in determining the sequence of the slabs. There were, eyelids (fig. 5).6 It is quite obvious that the reliefs are not a product of however, other elements that aided in this process. The railing depicted in the same period. This is supported by the inscriptions. Four of the slabs in the low�r portions of the slabs is made up of upright elements (stambhas) the less-developed style (where it appears as if the eyes were glued onto the and honzontal elements (sucis), and the ancient artists attempted to make figures' faces) bear inscriptions from the is1 century BCE,7 while one slab these elements coherent across panels. If the slabs are placed in their origi . from the group displaying the more developed form (with eyes depicted in nal order, and if they are well enough preserved, the portions of the railing eye sockets) has good reason to be dated no earlier than 120 CE (cf. supra, connect across the slabs without any incongruities: tbe upright stambha on n. 27). The 60 slabs excavated at Kanaganahalli were the result of a pro one slab joins thehorizontal sucis on the other. Jn several locations, how cess of creation and recreation which continued over several generations. �ver - and usually in the vicinity of the iiyakas- incongruities do appear, The excavations clearly show that the stitpa was enlarged at least three m the sense that the stambhas or sucis of the neighbouring slabs collide times. The order of the slabs as discovered during the excavation is evi with one another. dently the result of earlier and later slabs having been rearranged in a The following information is available to us. (1) The original position . process which appears to be connected with the enlargement of the stupa mg of approximately a third of the slabs can be ascertained on the basis of and the construction of the iiyaka projections. photographsof their location in situ during the excavation. (2) Several slabs depict the same narrative and compose a chronological sequence among themselves. (3) Four slabs are connected with a common inscription, and s ASI number 13, illus.: Indian Archaeology 1994-1995 -The Review, pl. 13 (upper panel); Das 2004: pl. 19 (upper panel); Aramaki/Dayalan/Na.kanishi 201 I: 69; Poonacha 201 l: pl. 93, Zin 2011: fig. 4 (lower panel); in Zin 2018: LO (25), pl. 14. ! Cf. von Hinuber 6 ASI number 39, illus.: Arama.ki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 20ll: 81; Poonacha 2011: pl. 61C . in Nakanishi/von Hiniiber 2014, l,8: 31-33, pl. 2. Cf. 1b1d., ill.l, 12: 89, pl. 31 (upper panel). 112; Zin 2011: fig. I; von Hiniiber 2014: fig. 3; in Zin 2018: 11 (41), (on slab no. 56, above the easterntiyaka.); 23: U.4 67 pl. 19 (on slab no. 28 which pl. 22. is a "switching slab" with pilasters on both sides betwee� the 1 ;vestem d northerntiyaka); inscription The slab of our Fig. 4 bearsthe end of the inscription stretching across fourslabs (from . � tO :"'hich to the right-h�d si�e), �nd I will therefore discuss the sequence from right are relief appearing in Amaravati (4) three slabs repeated in a single to le�. We will begin WJth the four slabs that the viewer encounteredbefore (5) slabs produce (as m our We can observe that adjoining iiyaka. is dated later. (6) of thedeco reachmg the The first two slabs portrayed kings of the Satavahana that the order JI 30, 2) a union ruled by means of symmetry, dynasty (fig. 7), J>ulumavi (no. 39, cf. n. 27) and Sundara Satakan:ri(no. fig. been followed, and side of the slabs must have ": 29). in rative pilasters on the �e cf. Both of the slabs featuring kings were certainly present this create a continuous railing using there was an attempt made to location, although it is uncertain whether slab no. 39 or no. 30 would have (7) that the slabs. By taking (stambha in the lower portions of for elements s and sucis) come �st the viewer. The subsequent two slabs featured symbolic rep I have been able to recreate the all of these factors into consideration, resentallons (fig. 8), 12 the first of a stupa and a building with relics (no. JJ) of the slabs is presented 60 slabs. Although the ordering bodhi tree 21). Of sequence of these whose and the sec�nd of the and the lion pillar (no. these four certain. The position of an� sla� as hypothetical, it is in fact rather slabs, there is photographic evidence fromthe excavation of the position of documented is said to be position has not been photographically no. 33. original on the basis of other because it has been determined 34, bodhi "hypothetical" simply of As for slab no. which features the tree and the lion we can slabs depicting consecutive events � It is theoretically possible that �nly say for cei:iain that the slab was in close proximity to the orthem factors. in separate places, � jiitaka, for example, could have been located aaka, �d that 1t was certainly on this side of the tiyaka, as its decorative a particular the sequence �at placed in sequence. Nevertheless IS certain 34 or were not originally which pilaster on the left side. It is un whether slab no. did, in fact, to the aforementioned principles, has been reconstructed according monument as a precede th� slab we are about to discuss next, or whether it came after it logic and unity of the 10 say, a sequence wherein the the ongmal_ sequence. The next slab is very well known (fig. 9). 13 It has is to is, according to my to the highest degree possible, -:vm 00. In whole is preserved slab� no ASI n�mber; here it be referred to as no. the upper panel, that is, the sequence in w�ch the . hypothesis, the "original" sequence, _ Sn we _see King ASoka, while 10 the lower panel, Bodhisatva Somarata is of the program under Vas1�tl:nputra at the time of the finalisation depicted. One of these two slabs, featuringAfoka and Bodhisatva Somarata stood is hypothetical, but positioning of many of the slabs ?� bodhi 21), Pulumavi. Thus, the could (no. QQ) the tree and the lion pillar (no. occupied the right sense position in which they in the that there is no other iiyaka. rather certain, of several most position of the three slabs over the northern We can be certain system as a whole. The position ayaka I0).14 be placed while maintaining the of the position of the following two slabs above the (fig. The general location, although un�er is quite certain in tenns of their I other slabs contrast, consider in the immediate vicinity. By to other slabs • 11 tain relative 26 n> to be uncertain. Slab wi� the ASI number 39, for refere nces cf. fn. 6; slab with the ASI number 30 ' slabs (ASI numbers and the location of only two will rUus.:_ �aki/Dayalan/Nalcanishi 2011: 77; Poonacha 2011: pls. 618 (lower panel>' I have proposed it bequestioned I hope that the sequence of slabs as 111; m Zm 2018: 12 (42), pl. 22. ' being, the order of the slabs 12 Slab with the ASI number ;n,illus.: Meister 2004: fig. 4; ArdlTlaki/Dayalan/Nak.anishi by future research. For the time and corrected diagram 2011: 78; Poonacha 2�11: pl. 115; in Zin 2018: 13 (43), pl. 23; slab with the ASI num to my work is presented in following · it now stands according ber 34, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 79·' Poonacha 2011 · pl · 116·• m z· m as slabs. Three of these · 6).10 In I will present a group of nine 2018: 14 (44), pl. 23. (fig. this paper were iiyaka. Four of the slabs 13 Slab wilhout an ASI number (in Zi n 2018: no. QQ), illus. among others in· Indian once located above the northern slabs were were located Arch��ology 1997-1998-The Review, pl. 72 (upper panel); Das 2004: pl. 20 (uppe; panel)· ' the iiyaka. The remaining two to the (viewer s) right of DeheJta 2007: fig. 13.13 (partof the upper pane l); Thapar 2008; Aramaki/Dayalan/NakanishJ located slabs from right to to would have viewed the 20 : 91; Poonacha 2011: pl. 104; in Zin 2018: 15 (45), pl. 24. to the left. A visitor the site �! stupa pradak$irµi (keeping the monument Slab Wtth ASI number 37, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 201.1: 80· Poonacha around the in left when pacing �011: pl. 57B (�ower panel), 118; in Zin 2018: 1 (46), pl. 24; slab with the ASI �umber 35 1Uus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 79; Poonacha 2011. · pi. 117· in Zin 2018:. 2 (47), pl. 25. ' 10 In Zin 2018, facing page 20. 544 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVA.HANA ART BUDDHISMAND 545 depicts centre slab was no. 37, a "switching slab" without pilasters, which of kings. There are two Satavahana kings on each side. The depiction of The inscription a stupa in the panel above and a niigain the panel below. A�oka is located among the four other slabs, which have a rather unique :vas refersto the naga as Pru:ic,laraka.15The slab on the left above the iiya� character. These slabs depict important Buddhist symbols: the cakra, the a building. slab no. 35, which depicted the pillar with the dharmacakra and stupas, the tree, and the lion pillar, as well as a specific cobra deity, the on the This leftmost slab and the slabs that followhave decorative pilasters niigariiyii parjarako. The placement of this niiga at the entrance may not �lers o� right side. The following two slabs (fig. 11) once again display bea coincidence, for the story of Pai;ic,larakais also depicted on the entrance SrI Satakan.u the Satavlihana dynasty.16 One of these is Vasi�\:hiputra wall in a painting in Cave IX at Ajanta.19 Pru:i4araka, however, could also 28) and the other is �atalaka (no. 1Q). simply be a stand-in. representing a mighty cobra deity who guards the donating to monks (no. 59, cf. n. . there is no We must refer to the position of these slabs as hypothel:lcal, as stilpa. There are also buildings depicted on the slabs, which accord with as is � wn photographical documentation of their discovery, at least as far ? the Buddhist symbols. One buiJding, shown beneath the depiction of the positions to me. There is, however, hardly any other location among the 60 stupa (no. 33, cf. n. 12), is labelled in an inscription as the "strong house" with the on the stilpa where the slabs could have been located. The slabs (da/hagharo) and should therefore represent a storage house for relics.20 at the decorative pilasters on the right side belong to the clusters beginning Another building, underneath the cakm (no. 35, cf. n. 14), might represent fig. 6). There northern and southern ayaka and continuing to the left (cf. architecturally the same pilgrimage site that the upper panel represents south rn is no space for additional slabs in the cluster beginning at the � symbolically, namely, r#patana, the park near Varfu:tasI.The cakra on the the cluster begin ayaka.Theoretically, the slabs could have been located in pillar is flanked by antelopes. These are a clear allusion to the park that order ning at the northern iiyaka, further to the left, but the established provided the setting of the Buddha's first sermon. We can see, therefore, slabs depicting the representation of the jiitakas - the that the slabs are simultaneously of a semi-narrative and semi.-symbolical of the subsequent 8 42, �17 and slab no. 44,1 character. Among the slabs with Buddhist symbols designating the pres Sa photographs from the excavations. The Asoka slab was located either to not added on this slab. Had the slab indeed intended to represent King pillar the right or to the left of the slab showing the bodhi tree and the lion Afoka from the beginning, the label would probably have been supplied (no. 34, cf. n. 12). It is impossible to ascertain exactly where the slab was along the bottom. Instead, it seems that a recontextualization of the slab, located. If we look, however, at the upper panels of the slabs, we see one such that the king in the upper panel was made to face the bodhi tree, relief showing the bodhi tree and another showing the king. If we consider changed both the identity of the king - necessitating a new label inscrip the content of the panels, the only arrangement of the panels that yields a tion - and the meaning of the relief. As noted previously, the sequence of meaning is the one in which the king faces the tree: the two panels thus the slabs cannot be definitively reconstructed here, but given that some depict ASoka's visit to the bodhitree in Bodhgaya (fig. 12).21 The narrative rearrangement seems to have occurred- as evidenced by the inescapable of Asoka's pilgrimage to the bodhi tree was familiar to the artists who visual conflicts in the lower railing - the sequence with slab 00 to the left created the Kanaganahalli stupa, as well as to its visitors. This is made of slab 34, creating an interpretable image of Asoka honoring the bodhi clear by slab no. 36 (fig. 13) which depicts the king in front of the tree, tree, makes more sense than the alternative, where slab 00 is placed to with footprints serving as symbols of the presence of the Buddha. It is the right of slab 34. It is, however, clear that the resulting sequence - which inscribed with the words raya asoko.n Note that the location of this slab represents our reconstruction of the sequence at the time of the finalisation above the western iiyaka is certain. Let us return to Afoka in front of the of the program in the early 2"d century CE - is secondary. The king was 23 tree above the northernayaka (fig. 12), and to the inscription raya asoko. not originally intended to be placed infront of the tree, because the women This slab bears the only label inscription discovered at the site which was in the panel, too, would have faced the tree if the relief were originally placed on the strip above the panels. Slab no. 00 (fig. 9) also bearsanother designed with this representation in mind. inscription. This one is placed in the usual location, underneath the fig With this, we are provided with a very important piece of information. urative panels. It reads: ...dhisato somariito, apparently for Bodhisatva Kanaganahalli tells us that the narrative of A§oka's pilgrimage to Bodhgaya Somariita, so far unknown from textual sources.24 It is important to note was familiar to the visitors of the site. The visible rearrangement of the slabs here that there was space enough to the right of this inscription to have provides further evidence of th� importance given to the story. The figure included an explanation of what was represented above. Inscriptions below labelled as riiya asoko, however, was probably not intended to represent the bottom panels referring to the upper panels, using the word upari Asoka in the first place. The accompanying label inscription, uniquely (above), have been found in Kanaganahalli.2.5 Yet such an inscription was placed above the narrative panel, appears to have been added only after the slabs were rearranged. 11 34 (cf. The slab featuring Asoka was located above the northern iiyaka.26 When Upper panels of slabs without the ASI number (cf. n. 13) and with number positioned to create the representation of "Asoka and the tree," n. 12). bodhi 201 I: 91; Poonacha 22 Slab with the ASInumber 36, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi the slab forms the centre of the axial-symmetrical group with two slabs of 105; in Zin 2018: 1500). pl. 16. Cf. von Hiniiber in: Nakanishi/voo Hiniiber 2011: pl. both semi-narrative and semi-symbolical character on each side. It appears 2014, 1.2: 27-22, pl. 1: "rifyiiasokc 'King Asoka. "' arran n Cf. ibid., I.J : 27, pl. I : "riiyii asokc 'King Asoka."' that this axial-symmetrical gement was continued outward on both 2A Cf. ibid., II.7,11: 81-82, pl. 28: "[bo]dhisato somariito'The Bodhisatva Somariita.'" sides of the group. Earlier, I indicated that there were four slabs depicting Schlingloff (privale communication) takes the depicted king for Mlira and reads the Satavlibanakings, two on each side of the ayaka projection (figs. 7 and 11). inscription: (bo)dhi-sa(rfl)toso mariito, "das Sich-Zufriedengeben (mit der) Erleuchtung (des Buddha) seitens Mara" ["The satisfaction with the (Buddha's) enlightewnent on Mara's part"). . 25 Cf. ibid., ill.l,16 and ill.1,17: 90, pl. 31: "sukajataka 'Suka-jataka."' And "hasaja- upari 'Above: TheStii pa of Rfilnagiima (enclosing) the eighth part (of the relics distributed rakaupari 'Above: Hamsa-jataka;'" ID.1,1: 86, pl. 30: "j&akari1s enakyi am upari 'Above: after the Nirvfu:la)."' 26 Senaka-jiitaka (Sattubhasta-ji!taka);"' ID.2,31: 101. pl. 35: "riimagtimilo athabluiga thuvo Slab no. 36 (fig. 13) is the rightmost slab above the westerniiyaka. 548 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALU IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 549 All four are among the best-executed reliefs to have been found at Kana third of the firstcentury of the Common Era.31 These four slabs are executed ganahalli. They belong to the later style, and clearly show the effortsmade with remarkable stylistic uniformity. The reliefs appear not only to be the by the artists to represent the hands, feet, and eyes in an anatomically product of the same epoch, but also of the same workshop. Besides being correct way (fig. 5). The faces are shown in semi-profile. The eye further alike in style and composition, the reliefs are also composed according to not towards the back of the image is shown smaller, in perspective (this is principles of axial symmetry. All of the slabs depict royal mounts - ele are found in reliefs done in the early style), and display eyeballs which phants and horses - in the lower panels. Inthe slabs on the right, the mounts indicatedbehind the eyelids in a manner thatrecalls faces of the 2°"century are oriented towards the right, and in the slabs on the left, they are oriented Mathura One of the slabs on the right side (no. J2, fig. 7), labelled with the towards the left.Given the fact that depictions oriented to the right are rare inscription riiya pufumiivi ajayatasa ujeni deti,n appears to illustrate a his at this site, and considering that they clearly comprise counterparts in axial torical event. In this relief, the Sataviihana King Vasi�µilputra Sri�umavi symmetry matching representations on the left (cf. figs. 2-3),these panels had to give territory, including the city of UjjayinI, to the K�atrapas. The with mirroring royal mounts clearly create a visual ensemble. figure referred to in the inscription as the "non-victorious one" (ajayant-) The royal mounts are not the only elements designed according to this must be the Western K�atrapa C��ana. The incident occurred at the begin principle of symmetry. On both sides of the cluster we see one panel with ning of the 2nd century CE, which indicates that this relief must be dated a king standing, and one panel with a king seated. The standing kings, later. This provides us with additional information on the dating of the slab, VasiWuputraSn Sataka.TI).i donating to the monks on the left, and Vasi�µilpu which corroborates our stylistic analysis. The slabs on the left side (fig. 11) tra Sn Pujumiivi donating to the "non-victorious one" on the right, show the are no. 59, depictingSatakan:ll donating to monks and no. 40, which depicts kings turned towards the outside of the composition, each holding a water Matalaka.28 The slabs on the right (fig. 7) are no. 39, Pu!umavi donating pitcher (bh[ngiira) in his hands. The pouring of water from a pitcher serves featured Ujjayini and no. 30, Sundara Satakan;ri.29All of the kings here are as a seal in donation.32 The recipients of the donation stand to the right on the historical personalities. From the perspective of Kanaganahalli, the most right slab and to the left on the left slab. The panels with Lhe sitting kings are Sn successor to Pujumavi), who also designed in symmetry. The slab on the right featuring Sundara Siitakarni important was Vas�µtlputra SatakarQi (the � is depicted donating to the monks. He reigned during the first quarter of the has been badly destroyed,' yet enough remains to see that the king was sea 2ud CE.This was the time during which the final stage of the work towards on the outer side, and his spouse was seated on the inner side. The architectural the completion of the stupa took place, and when the slabs were fixed to frame above has been lost. The royal couple was certainly shown in front of the dome.30 Much less is known about Matalaka and Sunclara Satakan;ll. the palace. We can see this in the panel on the left. Matalaka sits with his They certainly were less important rulers and are dated earlier, to the first lady in front of a building which appears to bethe palace. In symmetry with Sundara, the king sits on the outer side, and the queen on tbe inner. The elements of these four stylistically identical slabs that match each other per fectly and recall the symmetry of the entire composition, are so numerous n Cf. voo Hiniiberin: Nakanishi/von Hintiber 2014, 1.9: 33-34, pl. 2: "raya pu�umavi ajayatasa 11jeni deli'King Pu!umavi bands over Ujainto Ajaya(rr)ta ('the non-victorious');"' that it is impossible to ignore them. In the art of Andhra, we often see friezes cf. also von Hintiber 2014. shaped and arranged according to the principles of axial symmetry.33 Such 2s For no. 59, cf. von Hiniiber in: Nakanishi/von Hiniiber 2014, I.7: 30-31, pl. l: "rayci scitaka;fimahace](1)[1lyasa r(u)pamayani paywnani 07.1(o)ye1i 'King Satakan)..i donates silver lotus flowers to the Great Caitya. "' For no. 40, cf. ibid., 1.5: 29-30, pl. 1: 31 Forthe list of the Siitavahanakings with references to the previous researchcf. von "rciya matalako 'King Mantalaka.'" Hiniiber in Nakanishi/von Hinilbcr 2014 : 22-23. 29 Cf. ibid., 1.6: 30, pl. .1: "riiyci sudara stilakani 'King Sundara Satakan.J.i."' 32 Cf. Wezler 1987: 12ff.w ith referencest o primary sources and Lilders' Varww (1951) JO Cf. n. 8; for the analysis of 1he inscriptions which led to this conclusion cf. ibid., for e�planation of the custom. llff., esp. 31-33. 33 Cf. Zin20 16: 53-57; Zin (forthcoming a). 550 MONlKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI CN SATAVAHANA ART BUDDHlSMAND 551 compositions highlight the significance of the central register and lead depicted with Asoka in a prominent position of the smpa, but also implic the viewer to consider the friezes as a unity. Although the position of itly represents them, like Asoka himself, as Buddhist rulers. the slabs depicting the Satavahana kings to the left and ri ght of the north Kanaganahalli, although unique in several ways, still belongs fully to the ern ayaka pillar is quite certain, the position of one slab relative ot the architectural and pictorial tradition of Andhra. As recent research demon other on each side remains uncertain, i.e., it is not clear whether P�umavi strates, the site was associated with the Mahavina.Sailas,34 a school that (no. 22) preceded Sundara (no. J.Q), and whether Satakan:ti (no. 22)preceded is also associated with the elaborately-decorated monuments at Nagarju Matalaka (no. 1.Q). Nevertheless it would seem that the symmetry of the nakonda (Zin forthcoming b). Both the selection of subjects, and the man composition should have been maintained: whichever king was located ner of their representation, have close parallels with examples from Andhra. closer to the centre of the composition, whether standing orseated, bis coun As an example, we can look at the panel on the slab bearing the ASI num terpart - also standing or seated - was certainly placed in the corresponding ber 07. This panel depicts the yak�a Sfilcyavardhana (sakiyava Indian Archaeology 1994-1995 - The Review. New Delhi, 2001, Sannati/Kana of the composition, and was clearly only included in order to remain true ganahalli: 37-40, pls. 12-13. to the local version of the story. This is of great significance because ver Indian Archaeology 1997-98 - The Review. New Delhi, 2003, Sannati/Kanagana sions in which Mara has four daughters are so rare: the only textual source halli: 93-97, pls. 70-72. 1951. for it known to us today is a Chinese translation of an early version of Liiders, Heinrich. Va ru�a. Aus dem NachlajJ herausgegeben von Ludwig Alsdorf. J Varu�1a unddie Wasser. Gl:ittingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. the Lalitavistara, made by Dharmar�a in the year 308 CE.39 Of course, Meister, Michael W. 2004. "Notes toward the Study of Representations of Early it was not this particular text which was illustrated, but it appears that a Indian Architecture, Kanganhalli." In S.S. Ramachandra Murthy, et al., eds., comparable version must have been in circulation in the area, and likely Priisadam: Recent Researches on Archaeology, Art, Architecture and Cul to the tradition of the Mahavina§ailas. ture, B. Rajendra Prasad Festschrift. New Delhi: Harman Publishing House: belonged . . 120-24. All of this leads us to the conclusion that the art of Kanaganahalh , like Nakan ishi, Maiko. 2012. "Kanganhalli isek:i kara shutsudoshita 'Buddha no tanjou ' the Buddhist art of Andhra, appears to have been based on a literary zu ni tsuite [The Birth of the Buddha: On the Interpretation of the Kanganhalli which has since been Jost. This fact is of utmost importance in tradition � Relief]." Shinshu Bunka: Bulletin of the Institute of Shin Buddhist Culture 21: attempting to explain the narrative content of Bud st artfrom K�agana 1-19. halli. We must accept the fact that some of the re hefs may remam unex -. 2013a. "Kanganhalli iseki Chosahokoku - Jyodan Relief Sekiban ni egakareta plained for a long time to come. Bukkyosetsuwa no hairetsu wo megutte (A Report on the Research on the Great Stiipa at Kanganhalli for the arrangement of the upper large slabs]." The Bukkyo University Graduate School Review 41: 73-87. References -. 2013b. "Kanganhalli no 'Shotenhorin' zu ni tsuite [A Iconographic Study of theFirst Sennon in the Kanganhalli Relief]." Shinshu Bunka: Shinsyu Bunka: 2011. A New Aramaki Noritoshi Duraiswamy Dayalan, and Maiko Nakanishi. Bulletin of theinstitute of Shin Buddhist Culture 22: 1-25. ; he v ment on the Basis of Art �is Ap roach to t Origin of Mahiiyiinasiara M� � Nakanishi, Maiko and Oskar von Hiniiber. 2014. Kanaganahalli Inscrip tions = on the Res (JJeh. torical andArchaeological Evidence. A Prelmunary R�port � AnnualReport ofthe International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology Society for Promonon of Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, The Japan at Soka University for the Academic Year 2013. Vol. 17, Supplement, Tokyo. 20520050. Science, Project (C) no. Poonacha, K.P. 201 l. Excavations at Kanaganahalli (Sannati), Dist. Gulbarga, Kar 2004. "Spread of Buddhism in northern Karnataka." In Aloka 106. Das ' Jitendra. nataka. Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India Delhi: Director Jaina History of the Deccan Parasher-Sen, ed., Kevala-Bodhi: Buddhist and General, Archaeological Survey of India. Commemorative Volume). (the BSL [Bhattiprolu Sri Laksluni) Hanumantha Rao Quintanilla, Sonya Rhie. 2017. "Transformation of Identity and the Buddha's 139-47. Vol. 1. Delhi: Bharatiya Kala Prakashan: . . Infancy Narratives at Kanaganahalli." Archives of Asian Art 67(1): 111-42. 2007. Labels: Buddhist Dehejia, Vidya. "Questioning Narrativity and Inscnbed Schlingloff, Dieter. 2000. Ajanta - Handbuch der Malereien/Handbook of the Sannati, and Borobudur." In Himanshu P. Ray, ed., Sacr�d Land Bharhut, _ Paintings I. Eniihlende Wandmalereien/Narrative Wall-paintings. Wiesbaden: Delhi: Ind 1an Inter scapes in Asia: Shared Traditions, Multiple Histories. New . Harrassowitz. 286-307. national Centre/Manohar: -. 2013. Ajanta - Handbook of the Paintings I. Narrative Wall-paintings. New 2014. Hiniiber von, Oskar. "Mitteilungen aus einer vergangenen Welt, Friiheindi Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Cenlre for Arts.the sche Buddhisten und ihre Inschriften." "leitschrift der Deutschen Morgen Schmidt, Klaus T. 2010. "Die Entzifferung der westtocharischen Oberscbriften 164(1): 13-32. liindischen Gesellschaft zu einem Bilderzyklus des Buddhalebens in der 'TreppenMhle' (Hl:ihle 110) -. 2016. "Buddhist Texts and Buddhist Images: New Evidence from Kanag:ma in Quizil/Interd.isciplinary research on Central Asia: The decipherment of halli (Kamataka/Ind.ia)." Annual Report of the International Research Institute the West Tocharian captions of a cycle of mural paintings of the life of the 19: 7-20. for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University Buddha in cave llO in Quizil ." ln Eli Franco and Monika Zin, eds., From Turfan to Ajanta, Festschrifi fo r Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday. Lurnbini: Lumbini International Research Institute : 835- 39 Tais ho no. 186, ed. vol. 3: 519a25-29; four daughters are repeat ed only in two later 66. sources: T 2040, ed. vol. 50, p. 8a3-5 and T 397, ed. vol. 13, p. J42c5-6. 554 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAfIANA ART ANDBUDDHJSM 555 Stone, Elizabeth R. 2015. "Kanganballi (Sannati) and the Amaravati School: ABSTRACT Some Observations." In Anila Verghese and Anna Libera Dallapiccola, eds., Art, Icon, and Architecture in South Asia: Essays in Honour of Devangana I� has been pos ible � to establish the sequence of 23-42. �oned the 60 massive slabs once posi Desai. New Delhi: Aryan Books Interna tional: on the stupa dome at Kanaganah'.11Ji with great certainty. 2008. mportan This sequence is of Thapar, Romila. "Rayo Asoka from Kaoganhalli: Some Thoughts." In ce forevery atte pt to ascertam � the narrative content of R. Kalaikovan, et al., eds., Airdvati, Felicitation Volume in Honour of /ra lhe often these slabs since � fonn a thematic entity with neighbouring slabs and have · vatham Mahadevan. Chennai: Varalaaru.com: 249-62. honzontal order. to be read m Ni kiiyas The slabs Toumier, Vincent. Forthcoming. "Buddhist in Andhra and Beyond: A Sur were produced over a period of at least 120 years· they vey of theEpigraphic Evidence." In A. Griffiths, A. Kirichenko, A. Shimada, an�ed, probably when were rear : the stupa was enlarged and equipped th � wi four iiyaka pro and V. Toumier, eds., From Vijayapuri toSrik�etra? The Beginnings of Buddhist Jec o�. That the s bs ere located !� � � can be deduced fromthe incongruities Exchange across the Bay of Bengal. Paris: Ecole Fran \!aise d'Extreme-Orient. d p1ction f the radmg inthe � _ � •? theIT lo�er portions. The 1987. largest number of "conflicts" Wezler, Albrecht Bhrflgdra in Sanskrit Literature. Aligarh Oriental Series :-- 1.e. collis10 of the u nght o � � : horizontal elements of the railing 8. Aligarh: Viveka Publications. mg slabs �a t of two neighbour mterrupt us continuous representation - appear in the vicinity of the Zin, Monika. 2000. "Two Naga-Stories in the Oldest Paintings of Ajanta IX." In north �m ayaka where one of the slabs even displays "conflicts" Th.is . on both sides. Maurizio Taddei and Giuseppe De Marco, eds., South Asian Archaeology slab, the only figuranve among symbolical depictions, is the 1997, Proceedings of the J4'h International Conference o.f the European Asso among the most famous K'.1°aganahalli reliefs as it represents King Moka. The slab was appar ciation of South Asian Archaeologists in Rome. Rome: lstituto italiano per �ntly placed m this position _ only after rearrangements of tt was _ the slabs during which !'Africa e l'Oriente: 1171-99. combme� with the depiction of the bodhi tree on the neighbouring -. 201 1. "Narrative Reliefs in Kanaganahalli - A Short OutJine of Their Impor create the narr t1ve slab to � of Afoka's pilgrimage to Bodhgaya. 63{1): 12-2 1. The slab showing Afoka tance for Buddhist Sturues." Marg furthennore ism the centre · of a cluster • · . . of nine slabs on both ends of this cI uster -. 2012. "Mfuldbiitar, the universal monarch, and the meaning of representations - comp se d mace rta ? inly deltberate symmetry - appear stylistically resentations later rep of the cakravartin in the Amaravati School, and of the Icings on the Kangan of the Siitavahana kings. halli stupa." In Peter Skilling and Justin McDaniel, eds., Buddhist Narrative in Asia and Beyond. In Honour of HRH Princess Maha Chakri Siringhorn on Her Fifty-Fifth Birth Anniversary. Vol. I. Bangkok: Institute of Thai Studies, Chulalongkom University: 149-64. -. 2015. "Nur Gandbara? Zu Motiven der kJassischen Antik:e in Andhra (incl. Kanaganahalli)." Tribus, Jahrbuch des Linde11-Muse1uns, Stuttgart 64: 178--205. -. 2016. "Buddhist Narratives and Amaravati." In Akira Shimada and Michael Willis, eds., Amaravati: TheArt of an Early Buddhist MonumenJ in Context. London: The British Museum: 46-58. -. 2018. The Kanaganahalli Stupa : An Analysis of the 60 Massive Slabs Cover ing the Dome. New Delhi: Aryan Books International. -. Forthcoming a. "Heavenly Relics -The Bodhisatva's Turban and Bowl in the Reliefs of Gandhara and Andhra (including Kanaganahall i)." In Corinna Wessels-Mevissen, Gerd J.R. Mevissen, with the assistance of Arundbati Banerji, and Vinay K. Gupta, eds., lndology's Pulse: Arts in Context. Essays Presented to Doris Meth Srinivasan in Admiration ofHer Scholarly Research. New Delhi: Aryan Books Internati onal: 365-78. -. Forthcoming b. "Nagarjunakonda - its Monasteries and their School Affilia tions." In Tansen Sen, ed., Buddhism acrossAsia: Networks of Material, Intel lectual and Cultural Interchange. Vol. 2. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. KANAGANAHALLI lN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 557 556 MONIKAZlN Fig. 1: Reconstructing drawing of the Kanaganahalli stupa by Dominik Oczkowski. Fig. 2: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slab no. 05. KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 559 558 MONIKA ZIN Fig. 4: Kanaganahalli, in situ, part of the upper panel of slab no. lJ.. No. 05 No. 01 No. 03 Fig. 3: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs nos. 05, 01, 03. Fig. 5: Kanaganahalli, in situ, part of the upper panel of slab no. ~· KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 561 560 MONIKA ZIN Fig. 6: Diagram by Dominik Oczkowsld. No. 39 No . .lQ Fig. 7: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs nos. 39, 30. 562 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 563 No. 34 No. 33 Fig. 8: Kanaganahall i, in situ, slabs nos. 34, 33. Fig. 9: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slab no. 00. 564 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 565 No. 35 No. 37 No. 40 No. 59 Fig. 10: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs number 35, 37. Fig. 11: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs nos. 40, 59. 566 MONil No. 00 No. 34 Fig. 12: Kanaganahalli, ill situ, upper panels of slabs nos. 00, 34. Fig. 13; Kanaganahalli, in situ, slab no. 36. l J NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTORS Lauren BAUSCH received her PhD in Sanskrit from the Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley in 2015. She teaches Sanskrit, Buddhism, and other Indian philosophy and literature at Dharma g1 Realm Buddhist University in Ukiah, California. Her research focuses on the ~I intersection of Vedic and early Buddhist philosophy, with special attention to middle Vedic texts. ~l Lauren Bausch• Dharma Realm Buddhist University• 4951 Bodhi Way• ~I Ukiah, CA 95482 • USA 81 E-mail: [email protected] ~I Alice COLLETI received her MA in Buddhist Studies from the University of Bristol, ~I and her PhD from Cardiff University. Post-doctorally, her research has focused ~ on women in early Indian Buddhism and she has published several books, articles and book chapters on the topic. In 2013, her edited volume was published as part ~I of the South Asia Research series (OUP, NY), which is entitled Women in Early c~ Indian Buddhism: Comparative Textual Studies, and in 2016 her monograph lives of Early Buddhist Nuns: Biographies as History (OUP, India). Since her PhD, .0"' ~ Dr Collett has worked in several universities in the UK, NortJ1 America and Asia. "' tl' She has received several grants to support her research and is currently working ·o; on a funded project on women in early historic India. -~ Alice Collett • School of Buddhist Studies, Philosophy and Comparative Religion • Nii.landli University • Rajgir • BThar 803116 • India E-mail: [email protected] 1 '1 1 Olaf CZAJA obtained his doctoral degree at Leipzig University with a dissertation I on a Tibetan noble house, entitled: "Medieval Rule in Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling House of Phag mo gru pa." ~ Having studied history of art, Indian, Tibetan and Mongolian studies at Leipzig, u::ci> Bonn, and Kathmandu, his main research interests are Tibetan history, art and medicine. He is currently writing a monograph on Tibetan pharmacology and is doing research on colossal statues in Tibet. Olaf Czaja • E-mail: [email protected] David EFURD is Associate Professor of Art History at Wofford College. His research centers upon developments in early Buddhist architecture and how presupposi tions during the era of British lnlperialism continue to shape the understanding of ancient Buddhist material culture. He received his doctorate from the Ohio State Journal of the International Associatio11 of Buddhist Studies Volume 41•2018 • 569-573 • doi: 10.2143/JIABS.41.0.3285752 Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies JIABS Volume 41 2018 Presidential Address JIABS Richard Salomon Journal of the International What Happened to Buddhism in India? (Presidential address, JABS XVIII, Toronto, August 20, 2017) Association of Buddhist Studies . Articles Lauren M. Bausch The Kii1;va Briihma1:zas and Buddhists in Kosa/a Olaf Czaja The Maitreya Prayer Festival at Bkra shis lhun po: A Historical and Art Historical Study Volume 41 2018 Paul Harrison, Timothy Lenz, and Richard Salomon Fragments of a Giindhiirl manuscript of the Pratyutpannabuddhasarrimukhiivasthitasamiidhisutra (Studies in Giindhiirl Manuscripts 1) Jeffrey Kotyk Astrological Determinism in Indian Buddhism Cuilan Liu Merit-Making or Financial Fraud? Litigating Buddhist Nuns in Early J01h_ Century Dunhuang Alison Melnick Dyer Female Authority and Privileged Lives: The Hagiography of Mingyur Peldron Karnmie Takahashi Like Birds Soaring and Fish Gliding: View and Method in the Mahiiyoga Texts of Buddhaguhya Trent Walker Sarrivega and Pasiida: Dharma Songs in Contemporary Cambodia Panel Buddhism in the Siitaviihana Empire Guest editor: Andrew Ollett Alice Collett Reimagining the Sataviihana Queen Niigmp;ikii David Efurd Buddhist Sites of Western India in the Aftermath of the Sataviihana-K~ahariita War: Dynastic Geographies and Patterns of Patronage, Renewal, and Abandonment Andrew Ollett Siitaviihana and Niigiirjuna: Religion and the Siitavahana State Akira Shimada Royal and Non-Royal Buddhist Patronage in the Early Deccan Meera Visvanathan U~avadiita's Akhayanivi: The Eternal Endowment in the Early Historic Deccan Monika Zin Kanaganahalli in Siitaviihana Art and Buddhism: King Afoka in Front of the bodhi Tree Notes on the Contributors PEETERS Peeters Publishers, Leuven