Abiy Superstar – Reformer Or Revolutionary? Hope for Transformation in Ethiopia Annette Weber

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Abiy Superstar – Reformer Or Revolutionary? Hope for Transformation in Ethiopia Annette Weber NO. 26 JULY 2018 Introduction Abiy Superstar – Reformer or Revolutionary? Hope for Transformation in Ethiopia Annette Weber It really is quite amazing. In the few weeks since Abiy Ahmed was elected Prime Minister of Ethiopia, nearly all the established facts that underpin Ethiopian politics have started to unravel. The new Prime Minister has apologized to the population for the mistakes of the past, ended the border war with Eritrea without making any demands and dismissed key officials from the old regime. At the same time, he has lifted the state of emergency and liberalized the economy – all this was previously considered unthinkable in Ethiopia. Control, internal security and a close-knit col- lective of former liberation fighters were the defining elements of a style of politics that provided stability and economic growth for a long time, but neglected the country’s rapidly growing young population and its concerns. When Abiy Ahmed succeeded Ethiopia’s Abiy was elected, it was the first time an Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, Oromo had taken power. His family in- there was no plan for regime change. Abiy cludes Muslims, Orthodox Christians and had previously worked in the cyber unit Evangelicals, Tigray, Amhara and Oromo. of the intelligence service, INSA, and was This background suggests that Abiy will a soldier in the war waged against Eritrea not pursue ethnonationalist policies. between 1998 and 2000. He then enjoyed a stellar career in the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO). After the The beginning of change victory of the liberation movements over the military regime in 1991, OPDO formed Since the end of 2015, tens of thousands a government coalition, the Ethiopian have been protesting against the compulso- People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front ry purchase of land set aside for expanding (EPRDF), with three other parties. The the capital, Addis Ababa. More than 700 coalition was dominated by the Tigrayan people were killed in the subsequent crack- People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) until the down and 23,000 arrested. The state of death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in emergency imposed at the time shattered 2012. When 41-year-old political scientist the relationship between the government and the people. A movement called Qeerroo youth, speaks of freedom and the need for Bilisummaa Oromo (Oromo Youth Move- political transformation. He released a large ment) became a symbol of protests. Strikes number of political prisoners, the opposi- were sometimes controlled via social media, tion exiled abroad has returned for dialogue including through bloggers in the diaspora. and violent opposition groups listed as ter- The government had no adequate response rorist organizations, such as Ginbot 7, have to the protests and tried to reassure people also been invited to participate in Ethio- by consulting selected opposition parties. pia’s political process. Abiy has promised a When this had little effect and the protests free press, he has lifted Internet blockades rekindled, Prime Minister Desalegn ordered and wants to open up the mobile network the release of a number of political prison- to foreign providers. Last but not least, he ers. He also announced his resignation, say- wants to change the constitution to limit ing he intended to make ‘room for political the Prime Minister’s term of office. change’. However, ethnic conflicts, primarily For the first time in Ethiopia’s recent over land, continue and more than one history, a transformation is being attempted million people have been displaced so far. from within. Since the overthrow of Em- That the Council of the Government peror Haile Selassie in 1974, each change of Coalition (EPRDF) elected Abiy Ahmed government had been bloody. By contrast, Prime Minister by 108 out of 180 votes was Abiy neither questions the EPRDF nor does astounding. The Tigray party, which only he break radically with his predecessors. represents six percent of the population, But the Ethiopian people and the political has largely been controlling the political, class not only reacted with incredulous economic and military interests of the amazement and euphoric optimism. Given country since the overthrow of the military Ethiopia’s history of armed conflict, there is regime led by Mengistu Haile Mariam in widespread fear among the population that 1991. Although the EPRDF is formally com- the pendulum could swing back towards posed of parties from all four major regions, violence. On 23 June, an attack was carried a greater degree of participation by the out at a major event for the Prime Minister other political parties was inconceivable in Addis Ababa: two people died and 150 because the TPLF showed the greatest mili- were injured. This shows that not everyone tary might during the liberation struggle is in favour of peaceful change. It is still and was led by its charismatic and decisive unclear who was behind the attack. It was leader, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, until not too long ago that an opposition alliance his death in 2012. The TPLF, probably out of won a large majority of votes in the 2005 a sense of superiority, did not propose any elections in the capital and throughout the of its own candidates for the position and country. The ruling party reacted to the had no doubt that their preferred former unexpected outcome of the elections with parliamentary speaker, Abadula Gemeda, repression. would have the support of both the Oromo At his cabinet reshuffle in mid-May 2018, and the majority of Amhara and Tigray. Abiy removed long-serving and powerful EPRDF officials, which caused some aston- ishment. The majority of the cabinet now Political upheaval consists of Oromo, the previously influen- tial TPLF remains with only two ministers. Prime Minister Abiy has been touring the Barely three months after his election, country since April. In his inaugural ad- almost all influential actors in the ‘deep- dress, he acknowledged that the previous state’ – the intelligence service, the mili- government had made mistakes and cam- tary and the TPLF-associated economic com- paigned for political openness and recon- plex – have been replaced. This can be ciliation with Eritrea – formerly sacrosanct viewed as a necessary restructuring and as a taboos. Abiy, who wants to engage the bold move by the Prime Minister who wants SWP Comment 26 July 2018 2 to garner support particularly from young Oromo Liberation Front (OLF, later Oromo people, protesters, the opposition and Democratic Front – ODF), plans to return Oromo. This is risky for Abiy but, on the after more than 20 years in exile. Many other hand, it represents the promised oppositionists, however, do not trust the change that tens of thousands of demon- abrupt turnaround. They remain cautious strators have called for in recent years. and have succumbed to the understandable The fact that there has so far been no reflex of focussing on criticism of the TPLF. resistance from the security authorities, the Even opposition activists who had called army and the Central Committee, testifies for violence, who were imprisoned as ter- not least to the credibility of the hierarchy rorists or denounced as such, have been re- and loyalty to the state that has character- leased during the amnesties of recent weeks. ized Ethiopia for centuries. They are allowed to remain politically If the old guard does not want to be side- active as long as they renounce violence. lined, it will have three strategies. Firstly, it could become an advocate of the reforms and hope to regain leading positions in the Economic policy: more of the 2020 elections. Secondly, it could withdraw same but quicker and allow itself to be celebrated as a pio- neer of democratic reform or, thirdly, op- The population of Ethiopia, more than 100 pose the movement and try to reinstate the million people, lives mainly in rural areas old order through repressive measures – and practices subsistence farming. Abiy and probably also by force. It would be de- Ahmed backing the potential for change sirable for the reformers to gain the upper among young people. However, economic hand. They could then use their experience renewal was not invented by the new Prime in government and political infrastructure Minister. Under Meles Zenawi, the develop- to secure their political survival in the next ing state – a mix of revolutionary democ- elections. However, it is also possible that racy and planned economy – prevailed; the EPRDF might implode, should there infrastructure development and economic be fierce infighting between the internal liberalization began under Hailemariam factions. Desalegn. In this regard, Abiy policies are more continuity than turnaround, but he is achieving a much higher hit rate. Next steps Nevertheless, the liberalization of the economy has by no means been just a suc- The coming weeks before the EPRDF party cess story. The industrial parks, where com- conference in August are crucial. If Abiy panies such as H&M, Primark, Tchibo and succeeds in consolidating his power beyond KiK produce their goods, were attacked ethnic ties and in integrating opposition during the protests. The anger was largely groups from home and abroad, Ethiopia aimed at the country’s nationalization: could succeed in what has never been The affected regions have little say in major achieved in the region by a regime emerg- agricultural projects or urban expansion. ing from a liberation movement: simulta- The construction of the GERD dam to elec- neously introducing transformation and trify the region beyond Ethiopia, the rail- generation change. way line from the Red Sea to the economic The next step could be a national dia- zone near the capital, industrialization and logue or, less ambitiously, preparations for the establishment of textile companies are the next election. In both cases, the oppo- generating average economic growth of sition will play an important role.
Recommended publications
  • Managing Ethiopia's Transition
    Managing Ethiopia’s Unsettled Transition $IULFD5HSRUW1 _ )HEUXDU\ +HDGTXDUWHUV ,QWHUQDWLRQDO&ULVLV*URXS $YHQXH/RXLVH %UXVVHOV%HOJLXP 7HO )D[ EUXVVHOV#FULVLVJURXSRUJ Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Anatomy of a Crisis ........................................................................................................... 2 A. Popular Protests and Communal Clashes ................................................................. 3 B. The EPRDF’s Internal Fissures ................................................................................. 6 C. Economic Change and Social Malaise ....................................................................... 8 III. Abiy Ahmed Takes the Reins ............................................................................................ 12 A. A Wider Political Crisis .............................................................................................. 12 B. Abiy’s High-octane Ten Months ................................................................................ 15 IV. Internal Challenges and Opportunities ............................................................................ 21 A. Calming Ethnic and Communal Conflict ..................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopia, the TPLF and Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor Paulos Milkias Marianopolis College/Concordia University
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarWorks at WMU Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU International Conference on African Development Center for African Development Policy Research Archives 8-2001 Ethiopia, The TPLF and Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor Paulos Milkias Marianopolis College/Concordia University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/africancenter_icad_archive Part of the African Studies Commons, and the Economics Commons WMU ScholarWorks Citation Milkias, Paulos, "Ethiopia, The TPLF nda Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor" (2001). International Conference on African Development Archives. Paper 4. http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/africancenter_icad_archive/4 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for African Development Policy Research at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Conference on African Development Archives by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ETHIOPIA, TPLF AND ROOTS OF THE 2001 * POLITICAL TREMOR ** Paulos Milkias Ph.D. ©2001 Marianopolis College/Concordia University he TPLF has its roots in Marxist oriented Tigray University Students' movement organized at Haile Selassie University in 1974 under the name “Mahber Gesgesti Behere Tigray,” [generally T known by its acronym – MAGEBT, which stands for ‘Progressive Tigray Peoples' Movement’.] 1 The founders claim that even though the movement was tactically designed to be nationalistic it was, strategically, pan-Ethiopian. 2 The primary structural document the movement produced in the late 70’s, however, shows it to be Tigrayan nationalist and not Ethiopian oriented in its content.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopia and Eritrea: Border War Sandra F
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Richmond University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2000 Ethiopia and Eritrea: Border War Sandra F. Joireman University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the African Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Joireman, Sandra F. "Ethiopia and Eritrea: Border War." In History Behind the Headlines: The Origins of Conflicts Worldwide, edited by Sonia G. Benson, Nancy Matuszak, and Meghan Appel O'Meara, 1-11. Vol. 1. Detroit: Gale Group, 2001. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ethiopia and Eritrea: Border War History Behind the Headlines, 2001 The Conflict The war between Ethiopia and Eritrea—two of the poorest countries in the world— began in 1998. Eritrea was once part of the Ethiopian empire, but it was colonized by Italy from 1869 to 1941. Following Italy's defeat in World War II, the United Nations determined that Eritrea would become part of Ethiopia, though Eritrea would maintain a great deal of autonomy. In 1961 Ethiopia removed Eritrea's independence, and Eritrea became just another Ethiopian province. In 1991 following a revolution in Ethiopia, Eritrea gained its independence. However, the borders between Ethiopia and Eritrea had never been clearly marked.
    [Show full text]
  • The Africa Union Handbook
    African Union Handbook African THE YEAR OF REFUGEES, RETURNEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS: Towards Durable Solutions to Forced Displacement in Africa The logo for the 2019 Theme of the Year has been built around the crisis facing refugees in Africa. New Zealand is proud to once again partner with the African Union “Whereas migration is a common Commission to produce the latest version of the African Union Handbook. phenomenon as people have always relocated for various reasons, in the With new and updated information about the Union, its organs and related case of Africa, the continent is painted as a miserable place bodies, the Handbook serves as a factual and concise reference guide to all because migration is as a result of aspects of the African Union and its Commission, and remains an invaluable civil strife, poverty and a myriad of tool for anyone working with, and within, the AU system. other factors, thereby promoting the narrative that Africa cannot care for Through its ambitious integration agenda, African Union members have its people. Africa knows how to take care of its own in each regard no committed themselves to aspire to a world where international connections matter what, and many African between peoples and nations are the most powerful tools for creating countries continue to welcome and prosperous societies based on inclusive growth and sustainable development. host refugees while working to resolve the issues that caused them At a time when the need for collective global action and multilateralism has to flee their homes. never been clearer, New Zealand expresses its profound respect to the African For the 2019 Theme, an identity has Union for its commitments made under Agenda 2063 towards achieving an been developed of a mother with integrated, inclusive and united Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Confict Resolution
    AFRICAN JOURNAL ON CONFLICT RESOLUTION Volume 16, Number 2, 2016 Efficacy of top-down approaches to post-conflict social coexistence and community building: Experiences from Zimbabwe ‘There’s no thing as a whole story’: Storytelling and the healing of sexual violence survivors among women and girls in Acholiland, northern Uganda Volume 16, Number 2, 2016 Number 2, 2016 16, Volume Competing orders and conflicts at the margins of the State: Inter-group conflicts along the Ethiopia-Kenya border Indigenous institutions as an alternative conflict resolution mechanism in eastern Ethiopia: The case of the Ittu Oromo and Issa Somali clans African Journal on Conflict Resolution Volume 16, Number 2, 2016 The African Journal on Conflict Resolution is a peer-reviewed journal published by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) for the multidisciplinary subject field of conflict resolution. There are two regular issues per year, and occasionally also a special issue on a particular theme. It appears on the list of journals accredited by the South African Department of Higher Education and Training. ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. The journal seeks to publish articles and book reviews on subjects relating to conflict, its management and resolution, as well as peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding in Africa. It aims to be a conduit between theory and practice. Views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this journal contains.
    [Show full text]
  • Eastern Africa: Security and the Legacy of Fragility
    Eastern Africa: Security and the Legacy of Fragility Africa Program Working Paper Series Gilbert M. Khadiagala OCTOBER 2008 INTERNATIONAL PEACE INSTITUTE Cover Photo: Elderly women receive ABOUT THE AUTHOR emergency food aid, Agok, Sudan, May 21, 2008. ©UN Photo/Tim GILBERT KHADIAGALA is Jan Smuts Professor of McKulka. International Relations and Head of Department, The views expressed in this paper University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South represent those of the author and Africa. He is the co-author with Ruth Iyob of Sudan: The not necessarily those of IPI. IPI Elusive Quest for Peace (Lynne Rienner 2006) and the welcomes consideration of a wide range of perspectives in the pursuit editor of Security Dynamics in Africa’s Great Lakes of a well-informed debate on critical Region (Lynne Rienner 2006). policies and issues in international affairs. Africa Program Staff ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS John L. Hirsch, Senior Adviser IPI owes a great debt of thanks to the generous contrib- Mashood Issaka, Senior Program Officer utors to the Africa Program. Their support reflects a widespread demand for innovative thinking on practical IPI Publications Adam Lupel, Editor solutions to continental challenges. In particular, IPI and Ellie B. Hearne, Publications Officer the Africa Program are grateful to the government of the Netherlands. In addition we would like to thank the Kofi © by International Peace Institute, 2008 Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre, which All Rights Reserved co-hosted an authors' workshop for this working paper series in Accra, Ghana on April 11-12, 2008. www.ipinst.org CONTENTS Foreword, Terje Rød-Larsen . i Introduction. 1 Key Challenges .
    [Show full text]
  • State Terrorism and Globalization: the Cases of Ethiopia and Sudan
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Sociology Publications and Other Works Sociology January 2005 State Terrorism and Globalization: The Cases of Ethiopia and Sudan Asafa Jalata University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_socopubs Part of the African Studies Commons, Other International and Area Studies Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, and the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Jalata, Asafa, "State Terrorism and Globalization: The Cases of Ethiopia and Sudan" (2005). Sociology Publications and Other Works. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_socopubs/86 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 05_jalata_054471 (jk-t) 17/6/05 11:47 am Page 79 State Terrorism and Globalization The Cases of Ethiopia and Sudan Asafa Jalata* ABSTRACT This article compares the essence and effects of Ethiopian and Sudanese state terrorism by focusing on the commonalities between the two states. These peripheral African states have used global and regional connections and state terrorism as political tools for creating and maintaining the confluence of identity, religion, and political power. Ethiopia primarily depends on the West, and Sudan on the Middle East, since Christianity and Islam are the dominant religions in these African states respectively. While the Ethiopian state was formed by the alliance of Abyssinian (Amhara-Tigray) colonialism and European imperialism, the Sudanese state was created by British colonialism known as the Anglo- Egyptian condominium.
    [Show full text]
  • Somalia Terror Threat
    THECHRISTOPHER TERROR February 12, THREAT FROM THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF AL SHABAAB CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH APPENDICES AND MAPS BY KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN FEBRUARY 12, 2010 A REPORT BY THE CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT OF THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 IMPORTANT GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS IN SOMALIA 3 NOTABLE INDIVIDUALS 4 INTRODUCTION 8 ORIGINS OF AL SHABAAB 10 GAINING CONTROL, GOVERNING, AND MAINTAINING CONTROL 14 AL SHABAAB’S RELATIONSHIP WITH AL QAEDA, THE GLOBAL JIHAD MOVEMENT, AND ITS GLOBAL IDEOLOGY 19 INTERNATIONAL RECRUITING AND ITS IMPACT 29 AL SHABAAB’S INTERNATIONAL THREATS 33 THREAT ASSESSMENT AND CONCLUSION 35 APPENDIX A: TIMELINE OF MAJOR SECURITY EVENTS IN SOMALIA 37 APPENDIX B: MAJOR SUICIDE ATTACKS AND ASSASSINATIONS CLAIMED BY OR ATTRIBUTED TO AL SHABAAB 47 NOTES 51 Maps MAP OF THE HORN OF AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST 5 POLITICAL MAP OF SOMALIA 6 MAP OF ISLAMIST-CONTROLLED AND INFLUENCED AREAS IN SOMALIA 7 www.criticalthreats.org THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Executive Summary hree hundred people nearly died in the skies of and assassinations. Al Shabaab’s primary objectives at TMichigan on Christmas Day, 2009 when a Niger- the time of the Ethiopian invasion appeared to be ian terrorist attempted to blow up a plane destined geographically limited to Somalia, and perhaps the for Detroit. The terrorist was an operative of an al Horn of Africa. The group’s rhetoric and behavior, Qaeda franchise based in Yemen called al Qaeda in however, have shifted over the past two years reflect- the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP).
    [Show full text]
  • The Ethiopia-Eritrea Rapprochement : Peace and Stability in the Horn Of
    ETHIOPIA–ERITREA RAPPROCHEMENT: RAPPROCHEMENT: ETHIOPIA–ERITREA THE RECENT RAPPROCHEMENT between Ethiopia and Eritrea has fundamentally reshaped the relation- ship between the two countries. The impact of the resolution of the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict goes beyond the borders of the two countries, and has indeed AFRICA THE HORN OF IN AND STABILITY PEACE brought fundamental change to the region. Full diplo- The Ethiopia-Eritrea matic relations have been restored between Eritrea and Peace and Stability Somalia; and the leaders of Eritrea and Djibouti have met in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. The central question the Rapprochement in the Horn of Africa book attempts to address is: what factors led to the resolution of a festering conflict? The book explains and analyses the rapprochement, which it argues was made possible by the maturing of objective and sub- jective conditions in Ethiopia and by the trust factor in Eritrea. REDIE BEREKETEAB is a Senior Researcher and Associate Professor in Sociology at the Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala, Sweden. His main field of research is conflict and state building in the Horn of Africa, and the regional economic communities (RECs) and peace building in Africa. REDIE BEREKETEAB ISBN 9789171068491 90000 > Policy Dialogue No. 13 Redie Bereketeab 9 789171 068491 POLICY DIALOGUE No. 13 THE ETHIOPIA-ERITREA RAPPROCHEMENT Peace and Stability in the Horn of Africa Author Redie Bereketeab NORDISKA AFRIKAINSITUTET The Nordic Africa Institute UPPSALA 2019 INDEXING TERMS: Ethiopia Eritrea Foreign relations Regional cooperation Regional integration Dispute settlement Political development Peacebuilding Reconciliation The Ethiopia-Eritrea Rapprochement: Peace and Stability in the Horn of Africa Author: Redie Bereketeab ISBN 978-91-7106-849-1 print ISBN 978-91-7106-850-7 pdf © 2019 The author and the Nordic Africa Institute Layout: Henrik Alfredsson, The Nordic Africa Institute and Marianne Engblom, Ateljé Idé.
    [Show full text]
  • 6. Oromo Liberation Front
    Country Information and Policy Note Ethiopia: Opposition to the government Version 1.0 December 2016 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information The COI within this note has been compiled from a wide range of external information sources (usually) published in English. Consideration has been given to the relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability of the information and wherever possible attempts have been made to corroborate the information used across independent sources, to ensure accuracy. All sources cited have been referenced in footnotes. It has been researched and presented with reference to the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, dated July 2012. Feedback Our goal is to continuously improve our material. Therefore, if you would like to comment on this note, please email the Country Policy and Information Team.
    [Show full text]
  • The Binding Dilemma: from Bakassi to Badme - Making States Comply with Territorial Decisions of International Judicial Bodies
    American University International Law Review Volume 19 | Issue 3 Article 4 2003 The indinB g Dilemma: From Bakassi to Badme - Making States Comply with Territorial Decisions of International Judicial Bodies Nejib Jibril Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Jibril, Nejib. "The indB ing Dilemma: From Bakassi to Badme - Making States Comply with Territorial Decisions of International Judicial Bodies." American University International Law Review 19, no. 3 (2003): 633-677. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BINDING DILEMMA: FROM BAKASSI TO BADME - MAKING STATES COMPLY WITH TERRITORIAL DECISIONS OF INTERNATIONAL JUDICIAL BODIES NEJIB JIBRIL IN TRO D U CTION ............................................... 634 I. BA CK GROU N D .............................................. 638 A. THE ETHIO-ERITREAN AND NIGERIA-CAMEROON BORDER DISPUTES AND THEIR SUBMISSION TO THE RESPECTIVE C OU RTS .................................................. 638 1. The Ethio-Eritrean War and the Algiers Peace A greem ent ............................................ 638 2. Nigeria and Cameroon'sBorder Dispute and ICJ Compulsory Jurisdiction .............................. 641 B. DIFFERENCE IN FORUM - COURTS OF ARBITRATION AND THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE ....................... 644 1. Similarities and Differences Between the ICJ and the EE B C ................................................ 644 2. The EEBC's Decision Concerning the Ethiopia-Eritrean Dispute and its Rationale ............................
    [Show full text]
  • ETHIOPIA Ethiopia Is a Federal Republic Led by Prime
    ETHIOPIA Ethiopia is a federal republic led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The population is estimated at 82 million. In the May national parliamentary elections, the EPRDF and affiliated parties won 545 of 547 seats to remain in power for a fourth consecutive five-year term. In simultaneous elections for regional parliaments, the EPRDF and its affiliates won 1,903 of 1,904 seats. In local and by-elections held in 2008, the EPRDF and its affiliates won all but four of 3.4 million contested seats after the opposition parties, citing electoral mismanagement, removed themselves from the balloting. Although there are more than 90 ostensibly opposition parties, which carried 21 percent of the vote nationwide in May, the EPRDF and its affiliates, in a first-past-the-post electoral system, won more than 99 percent of all seats at all levels. Although the relatively few international officials that were allowed to observe the elections concluded that technical aspects of the vote were handled competently, some also noted that an environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place prior to election day. Several laws, regulations, and procedures implemented since the 2005 national elections created a clear advantage for the EPRDF throughout the electoral process. Political parties were predominantly ethnically based, and opposition parties remained splintered. During the year fighting between government forces, including local militias, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based, violent insurgent movement operating in the Somali region, resulted in continued allegations of human rights abuses by all parties to the conflict.
    [Show full text]