Political dynasty in the philippines pdf Continue Political dynasties are present in many countries, even those that identify as democracies. But traditional political families in the Philippines are so infamous that a 2012 piece by the Sydney Morning Herald documented a dynasty on steroids. It is noteworthy that political dynasties in the Philippines continue to expand. The article, published by the Ateneo Policy Center' academic think tank From Fat to Obesity: Political Dynasties after the 2019 midterm elections, argues that political dynasties have become fatter over the past 30 years (or 10 election periods). According to the document, the thin dynasty is one where political families mantle public office on other members consistently. Elections are used by family members to replace each other in a political post. On the other hand, the term fat dynasty refers to the family of politicians, while entering public office. Several members of the clan participate in elections simultaneously, running for various positions. Accordingly, the newspaper is so troubling: The results of the 2019 midterm elections have demonstrated the ability of political dynasties to remain in power, as fat dynasties remain entrenched in many parts of the country. While some prominent political dynasties have lost, the overall picture shows that fat dynasties continue to grow on both intense (i.e., the size of political clans among fat dynasties) as well as vast (i.e., the number of political clans that fat dynasties) fields. The threat to democracy, the continued dominance of particular families in elections, in fact, distorted this political exercise in favour of only a special caste of politicians. This expansion of fat dynasties must inevitably be seen as a very serious threat to democracy, as it foreshadows a steady deterioration of the entire democratic system. In a democracy, suffrage is a means of choosing the right people to govern their Government. If incumbent officials do not work at the proper level, the state always has a chance to replace them at the next election. The electoral cycle should be a way for the electorate to reject the undesirables among the political class. More importantly, however, elections are also the path through which true leaders from the community can arise. In the Philippines, the excessive dominance of political dynasties undermines the electoral process, making genuine political competition virtually impossible. The fairness of acting, name recall, and patronage policies all make hold of dynastic politicians in power almost indestructible. More importantly, the relentless expansion of political dynasties heralds the decline of democracy in the Philippines, as their dominance in the electoral cycle stifles access public service opportunities. Citizens who don't political pedigrees are extremely disadvantaged when competing in electoral contests. The democratic decline of the notion of democratic disintegration is widely explained as the gradual degradation of the structures and substance of liberal constitutional democracy. And according to the Dem-Dec website, where the democratic system does not respond to the public, is overrun by elite interests or suffers extreme inequality, democracy as an idea is tarnished. The reality is that many local communities in the Philippines continue to suffer from inept and corrupt dynastic leaders because those who can seek reform but have no inherited political advantage are effectively denied the right to run for public office because of the monarchical nature of local politics. The lack of genuine political competition does amount to poor governance, as evidenced by the myopic and parochial thinking of dynastic policies in the Philippines. This is very clearly demonstrated by current local policies that can only be concerned about short-term projects that have immediate and tangible impact, such as basketball courts and bus shelters. Previous studies of political dynasties in the Philippines have shown that areas governed by dynastic policies maintain lower living standards, lower levels of human development and higher levels of deprivation and inequality. But more worryingly, fat dynasties have taken refuge in the poorest parts of the country. It is noteworthy that the opportunity to run for public office is a political right guaranteed by international law, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 21) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 25). The undermining of that right is therefore, of course, a blatant attack on democracy. However, the expansion of political dynasties in the Philippines is a slow and systematic undermining of that right. This is much more dangerous because the weakening of democracy is gradually and shrouded in regularity and the need for periodic elections. Therefore, the decline of democracy in the country can easily go unnoticed. The regulation of the Ateneo Dynasty Political Center paper is a timely warning that expanding fat dynasties is a serious problem for all Filipinos. It makes a clear case for reviving a genuine political struggle to prevent the decline of Philippine democracy. The introduction of more choice of alternative candidates, i.e. non-dynastic politicians, will restore genuine and fair competition in elections. In this way, it can increase the chances of voters electing only the most worthy which can then significantly improve the quality of public sector management and management. The document proposes to rejuvenate political competition in the Philippines, legislation governing political dynasties and political parties must be passed by Congress. While this is a really great proposal, it faces a huge problem: the fact that most members of both houses of Congress belong to political dynasties. This harsh reality raises the question of whether the same politicians can be motivated to take measures that will weaken their influence on political power. Allegedly dynastic legislators are likely hesitant to pass laws that can challenge the political advantages they have enjoyed for so long. So filipinos can actually be persuaded by as many lawmakers as possible to take the necessary political reform measures in Congress. Obviously, this is a huge issue, but the expansion of political dynasties simply cannot be left without guilt. If they become morbidly obese, it could be fatal to democracy in the Philippines. Asia Times Financial is now live. Linking accurate news, insightful analysis and local knowledge with the ATF China Bond 50 Index, the world's first benchmark cross-sector of Chinese bond indices. Read the ASF now. The Wikimedia list below is a list of the Most Visible Political Families of the Philippines, each with areas in which their influence has been/is strong. The names in bold indicate that the person was/is the President of the Philippines. The Philippine political arena is largely organized and run by families or family unions, rather than organized around voting for political parties. A Family name From Family members Abad Batanes Jorge Abad[1] – Congressman from Batanes (1949–1957, 1962–1965, 1969–1972) Aurora Barsana-Abad,[1] wife of Jorge Abad – Congressman from Batanes (1965–1969) Florencio Abad,[1] son of Jorge Abad – Cabinet Secretary of the Philippines (1989–1990, 2004–2005, 2010–2016), Congressman from Batanes (1987–1989, 1995–2004) Dina Abad,[1] wife of Florencio Abad – Congresswoman from Batanes (2004–2007, 2010–2017) Abalos Mandaluyong Benjamin Abalos Sr.[2] – Mayor of Mandaluyong (1988–1998), Chairman of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (2001–02), Chairman of the Commission on Elections (2002–2007) Benjamin Benhur Abalos Jr.,[2] son of Benjamin Abalos Sr. – Mayor of Mandaluyong (1998–2004, 2007–2016), Congressman from Mandaluyong (2004–2007) Carmelita Menchie Abalos , wife of Benjamin Abalos Jr. - Mayor of Mandaluyong (2016-present) Hariss Abalos, daughter of Benjamin Abalos Jr. - Mandaluyong Adviser Jonathan Abalos, son of Benjamin Abalos Sr. - Mandaluyong Advisor Arsenio Abalos, brother of Benjamin Abalos Sr. - Barangay Captain Hagdang Bato Itaas, Mandaluyong Councillor Abaya Kavite Plaridel M. Abaya, Representative of the 1st Circuit (1995-2004) Joseph Emilio Abaya - Minister of Transport and Communications (2012-2016); Representative, 1st Francis Gerald Abaya - Representative of the 1st District (2013-present) Paul Plaridel Abaya Jr. - Vice Mayor, Kavit (2013-present) Acosta Bukidnon Socorro Acosta: 1st District, Bukidnon (1987-1998); Mayor Manolo Fortic, Bukidnon (2004-2007) J. son of Socorro Acosta; Representative, 1st District, Bukidnon (1998-2007); Director General, Laguna Lake Development Authority (2011-present); Presidential Adviser for the Environment (2011-present) Afable zambales Valentin Afable Virgilio Afable - Congressman of the lonely district of zambales (5th Congress 1961-1965) Aguilar (-Villar) Las PiAs and Muntinlopa Philemon Aguilar - former mayor and representative of the Legislative District of Las Pinjas-Muntinloup during the 8th Congress of the Philippines Cynthia Aguilar-Villar - Representative of the Legislative District of Las Pinjas during the 12th, 13th and 14th, incumbent senator in the 16th Congress of the Philippines (2013-present) Manuel Manny Villar - Senator in the 14th Congress of the Philippines; Representative of the Legislative District of Las Pinhas during the 11th Congress; Representative of the Legislative District of Las Pinhas-Muntinlupa during the 9th and 10th Congress of the Philippines