Karlova Univerzita V Praze

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Karlova Univerzita V Praze UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut mezinárodních studií Ádám Hushegyi The Evolution and Political Impact of the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street during Barack Obama’s Presidency Diplomová práce Praha 2017 Autor práce: Ádám Hushegyi Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Jana Sehnálková Rok obhajoby: 2017 Bibliografický záznam HUSHEGYI, Ádám. The Evolution and Political Impact of the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street during Barack Obama’s Presidency. Praha, 2017. 100 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut mezinárodních studií. Katedra severoamerických studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce Mgr. Jana Sehnálková. Abstrakt Administrativa Baracka Obamy zdědila jednu z nejzávažnějších hospodářských krizí v dějinách Spojených států, která v očích mnoha občanů podkopala naděje v stabilní ekonomickou a politickou budoucnost země. Klesající důvěra ve federální vládu a v její kroky v reakci na ekonomickou recesi vedly k vzestupu dvou populistických hnutí, Tea Party a Occupy Wall Street. Obě hnutí získala přízeň veřejnosti díky své populistické rétorice, která odsuzovala politickou a finanční elitu společnosti a volala po navrácení osudu země do rukou obyčejných občanů. Diplomová práce přináší analýzu Occupy Wall Street a Tea Party. V práci zkoumám ideologii a cíle těchto hnutí, a zdůrazňuji ty nejzásadnější podobnosti a odlišnosti mezi nimi. V práci se vyjadřuji ve prospěch interpretace Tea Party a Occupy Wall Street jako dvou rozdílných typů populismu, přičemž vyzdvihuji také odlišnou míru podpory, kterou tato hnutí obdržela během jejich formace od různých zájmových skupin. V diplomové práci rovněž usiluji posoudit, jaký politický vliv Occupy Wall Street a Tea Party nabyla v průběhu prezidentství Baracka Obamy, k čemuž slouží analýza jejich integrace do amerického politického establishmentu, včetně zkoumání dopadu tohoto procesu. Abstract Barack Obama’s administration inherited one of the most severe economic crises in the history of the United States, which severely undermined the American public’s confidence in the country’s political and economic future. Declining trust in the federal government and its handling of the economic recession gave rise to two influential movements, the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street, which were thoroughly critical of the country’s leadership. Both movements made use of a strong populist rhetoric and mobilized masses by denouncing the political and financial elites, calling for returning control over the country’s fate into the hands of ordinary citizens. My master’s thesis is an analysis of the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street that focuses on the ideology and goals that drove these popular movements, as well as highlights the most crucial commonalities and differences between them. I argue in favor of interpreting the ideologies behind the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street as two distinct types of populism, in addition to which I emphasize the different degree of outside support the two movements enjoyed during their rise to prominence. To determine how influential the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street became during Barack Obama’s presidency, I also study their relationship with the political establishment and review to what extent these two movements managed to integrate themselves into the United States’ bipartisan political system, as well as the impact of this process. Klíčová slova volby, americká politická kultura, demokraté, republikáni, lidová hnutí, Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, populismus Keywords elections, american political culture, Republicans, Democrats, grassroots movements, Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, populism Rozsah práce: 166 728 znaků s mezerami (včetně seznamu literatury) Length of work: 166 728 characters with spaces (including bibliography) Prohlášení 1. Prohlašuji, že jsem předkládanou práci zpracoval samostatně a použil jen uvedené prameny a literaturu. 2. Prohlašuji, že práce nebyla využita k získání jiného titulu. 3. Souhlasím s tím, aby práce byla zpřístupněna pro studijní a výzkumné účely. Declaration of Authorship 1. I hereby certify that the thesis I am submitting is entirely my own original work except where otherwise indicated. 2. I certify that this work was not used to obtain another degree. 3. I consent to my work being used for the purpose of study and research. V Praze dne 30.7.2017 Ádám Hushegyi Acknowledgement I would like to thank Mgr. Jana Sehnálková for her prompt and concise feedback, as well as for her aid throughout the process of developing my diploma thesis. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Natalie Cimalová and Kristýna Veitová for proofreading the Czech passages of this work. Last but not least, I also owe thanks to my family and loved ones for their unrelenting support throughout my studies. Köszönöm a türelmet és támogatást! 1 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... 2 METHODOLOGY AND LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................... 5 1. THE TEA PARTY: TAKING THE COUNTRY BACK ........................................ 8 1.1 LIBERTARIAN ORIGINS ............................................................................................. 8 1.2 SHIFTING FOCUS AND THE EROSION OF INDEPENDENCE ........................................... 9 1.3 MEDIA AND THE COMMON ENEMY ........................................................................ 12 1.4 STATUS ANXIETY AS A DRIVING FORCE ................................................................. 14 2. OCCUPY WALL STREET: THE ANGER OF THE 99 PERCENT .................. 18 2.1 BELATED RAGE ON WALL STREET ......................................................................... 18 2.2 GLOBAL ORIGINS ................................................................................................... 21 2.3 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE OCCUPY MOVEMENT’S POPULARITY ......................... 23 2.4 A LEADERLESS TWITTER MOVEMENT .................................................................... 26 3. TWO MOVEMENTS: DIFFERENT SIDES OF THE SAME COIN? ............... 29 3.1 A TALE OF TWO POPULISMS .................................................................................. 29 3.2 SCRAMBLE FOR AUTHENTICITY ............................................................................. 34 4. THE DAY AFTER: POLITICAL IMPACT AND INTEGRATION .................. 40 4.1 TOWARDS ESTABLISHMENT POLITICS .................................................................... 40 4.2 THE TEA PARTY AS A CONGRESSIONAL FORCE ...................................................... 46 4.3 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2012: THE LIMITS OF THE TEA PARTY’S APPEAL ......... 52 4.4 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2016: THE YEAR OF POPULISM .................................... 55 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 63 SOUHRN ....................................................................................................................... 67 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................... 69 2 Introduction Following his successful presidential campaign that mobilized record numbers of African Americans and young voters, Barack Obama envisioned a political landscape where he could transcend party lines and conduct his presidency by embracing centrist politics and inspiring bipartisan consensus.1 The new administration, however, inherited a herculean challenge in the form of the financial crisis of 2007-2008, which unleashed a wave of discontent among the American public, casting a grim light on the hopes of national unity.2 The Great Recession and the Obama administration’s attempts to mitigate its effects sent ripples across the United States, galvanizing groups both on the left and the right of the political spectrum that began to voice their dissatisfaction with Washington’s policies. The Obama administration and Democrat-led Congress came under heavy criticism from conservatives for adding to the federal deficit and expanding social welfare benefits with the 2009 stimulus package,3 whereas the government’s limited mortgage relief program was accused of being a straightforward giveaway to financially irresponsible citizens.4 At the same time, progressive and liberal pundits scrutinized Washington’s leadership for not devising a more ambitious recovery bill,5 particularly for Americans who were facing foreclosures as a result of the housing market crash.6 Coupled with a lack of confidence in economic recovery, backlash from across the political spectrum created a climate ripe for public dissent.7 The two most prominent movements that emerged from this discontent were the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street, both of which provided an outlet for the rage and 1 Sidney M. Milkis, Jesse H. Rhodes, and Emily J. Charnock, “What Happened to Post-Partisanship? Barack Obama and the New American Party System,” Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (2012), 57-58. 2 Tekla Ali Johnson, Pearl K. Ford Dowe, and Michael K. Fauntroy, “One America? President Obama's Non-Racial State,” Race, Gender & Class 18, no. 3/4 (2011), 141-142. 3 Robert P. Watson et al., The Obama Presidency: A Preliminary Assessment (New York: State University of New York Press, 2012), 94. 4 Gary Dorrien, The Obama Question: A Progressive Perspective (New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2012), 5. 5 Holly Dolezalek, Global Financial Crisis (North Mankato, MN: ABSO Publishing, 2012),
Recommended publications
  • The Digital Revolution: How the Demcrotatic Party Has Leveraged Email and Online
    The Digital Revolution: How The Demcrotatic Party has Leveraged Email and Online Fundraising to Target Grassroots Donors By Rachel McCoy Today, getting emails from politicians asking for money is as ubiquitous as getting sales fliers for Macy’s in the mail. But what might feel like just another random email cluttering your inbox is actually the product of over a decade of development, testing, and strategy adjustments. The art of the perfect fundraising email is today as much science as it is art. There is strategy behind every decision from the subject line to the formatting to the sender. Even the time of day it is sent can be a strategic decision. And it’s all in the pursuit of bringing in more money. In this paper, I will begin with a brief history of the Democratic Party’s use of email and online fundraising, as well as address several of the strategies used for email fundraising. This research was conducted through hands on experience on political campaigns, interviews with campaign professionals, and the reading of academic and news sources related to email and online fundraising. My goal with the project was to understand how the Democratic Party’s email program has been successful in targeting grassroots donors in the past and present and how it could continue that success in the future. Part 1: The History and Evolution of Political Online Fundraising in the Democratic Party While the internet had been a part of political campaigns for a few cycles before 2004, it was Howard Dean’s campaign for the Democratic Party’s nomination for the presidency that 2 brought to light the organizational and fundraising potential of the internet for campaign.
    [Show full text]
  • Small Donor Matching Funds: the Nyc Election Experience | 2 Ii
    SM ALL DONOR MATCHING FUNDS: THE NYC ELECTION E XPERIENCE Angela Migally Susan Liss Foreword by Frederick A.O. Schwarz, Jr. Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-partisan public policy and law institute that focuses on the fundamental issues of democracy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to campaign finance reform, from racial justice in criminal law to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A singular institution – part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group – the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advocacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S DEMOCRACY PROGRAM The Brennan Center’s Democracy Program works to repair the broken systems of American democracy. We en- courage broad citizen participation by promoting voting and campaign reform. We work to secure fair courts and to advance a First Amendment jurisprudence that puts the right of citizens – not special interests – at the center of our democracy. We collaborate with grassroots groups, advocacy organizations, and government officials to eliminate the obstacles to an effective democracy. The Democracy Program’s Money and Politics project works to reduce the real and perceived influence of special interest money on our democratic values. We serve as con- stitutional counsel to the Fair Elections coalition, promoting public financing for congressional and presidential elections. Project staff also defend federal, state, and local campaign finance, public finance, and disclosure laws in courts around the country, and provide legal guidance to state and local campaign finance reformers through counseling, testimony, and public education.
    [Show full text]
  • Thesis the Tea Party
    THESIS THE TEA PARTY: THE DISCOURSE OF CLASS, RACE, & GENDER/SEXUALITY Submitted by Benjamin Thomas Grant Schrader Department of Ethnic Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts Colorado State University Fort Collins, Colorado Spring 2011 Master’s Committee: Advisor: Eric Ishiwata Joon Kim Courtenay Daum ABSTRACT THE TEA PARTY: THE DISCOURSE OF CLASS, RACE, & GENDER/SEXUALITY My thesis seeks to examine the Tea Party and its effects on the discourse around the intersections of race, class, and gender. It is my contention that the actions and discourse around the Tea Party Movement creates a cultural pedagogy that promotes structural violence that stems from an ideology of individualism. The promotion of individualism breaks down the foundations of democratic practices. In order to examine this, my investigation will work to: 1) explore the ties between neoliberalism, nationalism, and patriotism; 2) trace the ways in which race plays a role in Tea Party rhetoric and show its ties to racism, and; 3) locate the ways in which the Tea Party movement promotes hyper-masculinity. The final chapter will explore the construction of communal traditions that promote volunteerism and/or community engagement, which in turn could build social capital that could counter the endemic ideology of individualism. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENT Special thanks to my thesis advisor, Eric Ishiwata, I couldn’t have done it without you! Thanks also to my committee, Joon Kim and Courtenay Daum. Also, thank you very much to the Ethnic
    [Show full text]
  • CQR Tea Party Movement
    Res earc her Published by CQ Press, a Division of SAGE CQ www.cqresearcher.com Tea Party Movement Will angry conservatives reshape the Republican Party? he Tea Party movement seemed to come out of nowhere. Suddenly, citizens angry over the multi- billion-dollar economic stimulus and the Obama ad - T ministration’s health-care plan were leading rallies, confronting lawmakers and holding forth on radio and TV. Closely tied to the Republican Party — though also critical of the GOP — the movement proved essential to the surprise victory of Republi - can Sen. Scott Brown in Massachusetts. Tea partiers say Brown’s Tea kettle held high, a Tea Party activist dressed like a election proves the movement runs strong outside of “red states.” Revolutionary War soldier rallies tax protesters in Atlanta on April 15, 2009. It was among several But some political experts voice skepticism, arguing that the Tea protests held in cities around the nation. Party’s fiscal hawkishness won’t appeal to most Democrats and many independents. Meanwhile, some dissension has appeared among tea partiers, with many preferring to sidestep social issues, I such as immigration, and others emphasizing them. Still, the move - N THIS REPORT ment exerts strong appeal for citizens fearful of growing govern - S THE ISSUES ....................243 I ment debt and distrustful of the administration. BACKGROUND ................249 D CHRONOLOGY ................251 E CURRENT SITUATION ........256 CQ Researcher • March 19, 2010 • www.cqresearcher.com AT ISSUE ........................257 Volume 20, Number 11 • Pages 241-264 OUTLOOK ......................259 RECIPIENT OF SOCIETY OF PROFESSIONAL JOURNALISTS AWARD FOR EXCELLENCE N AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION SILVER GAVEL AWARD BIBLIOGRAPHY ................262 THE NEXT STEP ..............263 TEA PARTY MOVEMENT CQ Re search er March 19, 2010 THE ISSUES SIDEBARS AND GRAPHICS Volume 20, Number 11 • Does the Tea Party rep - Tea Partiers Running in MANAGING EDITOR: Thomas J.
    [Show full text]
  • Participatory Propaganda Model 1
    A PARTICIPATORY PROPAGANDA MODEL 1 Participatory Propaganda: The Engagement of Audiences in the Spread of Persuasive Communications Alicia Wanless Michael Berk Director of Strategic Communications, Visiting Research Fellow, SecDev Foundation Centre for Cyber Security and International [email protected] Relations Studies, University of Florence [email protected] Paper presented at the "Social Media & Social Order, Culture Conflict 2.0" conference organized by Cultural Conflict 2.0 and sponsored by the Research Council of Norway on 1 December 2017, Oslo. To be published as part of the conference proceedings in 2018. A PARTICIPATORY PROPAGANDA MODEL 2 Abstract Existing research on aspects of propaganda in a digital age tend to focus on isolated techniques or phenomena, such as fake news, trolls, memes, or botnets. Providing invaluable insight on the evolving human-technology interaction in creating new formats of persuasive messaging, these studies lend to an enriched understanding of modern propaganda methods. At the same time, the true effects and magnitude of successful influencing of large audiences in the digital age can only be understood if target audiences are perceived not only as ‘objects’ of influence, but as ‘subjects’ of persuasive communications as well. Drawing from vast available research, as well as original social network and content analyses conducted during the 2016 U.S. presidential elections, this paper presents a new, qualitatively enhanced, model of modern propaganda – “participatory propaganda” - and discusses its effects on modern democratic societies. Keywords: propaganda, Facebook, social network analysis, content analysis, politics A PARTICIPATORY PROPAGANDA MODEL 3 Participatory Propaganda: The Engagement of Audiences in the Spread of Persuasive Communications Rapidly evolving information communications technologies (ICTs) have drastically altered the ways individuals engage in the public information domain, including news ways of becoming subjected to external influencing.
    [Show full text]
  • CHANGING STATES: a FRAMEWORK for PROGRESSIVE GOVERNANCE the Range of States Is Deliberate: We Wanted to See Whether Our Analysis Worked in States That Might Be 3
    CHANGING STATES A FRAMEWORK FOR PROGRESSIVE GOVERNANCE USC PROGRAM FOR ENVIRONMENTAL AND REGIONAL EQUITY BY MANUEL PASTOR, JENNIFER ITO, AND MADELINE WANDER MAY 2016 PRIMARY AUTHORS Manuel Pastor Jennifer Ito Madeline Wander CONTRIBUTORS Chris Benner Vanessa Carter Robert Chlala Jared Sanchez Alejandro Sanchez-Lopez ABOUT USC PROGRAM FOR ENVIRONMENTAL AND REGIONAL EQUITY Established in 2007, the Program for Environmental and Regional Equity (PERE) is a research center within the University of Southern California (USC) Dana and David Dornsife College of Letters, Arts & Sciences. PERE conducts research and facilitates discussions on issues of environmental justice, regional inclusion, and social-movement building. PERE’s work is rooted in three R’s: rigor, relevance, and reach. It conducts high-quality research in its focus areas that is relevant to public policy concerns and that reaches to those directly-affected communities that most need to be engaged in the discussion. In general, it seeks and supports direct collaborations with community-based organizations in research and other activities, trying to forge a new model of how university and community can work together for the common good. For more information, please visit http://dornsife.usc.edu/pere. TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • “Opposition Research” Guest: Mayor Pete Buttigieg [Intro Music] HRISHI: You're Listening to the West Wing Weekly
    The West Wing Weekly 6.11: “Opposition Research” Guest: Mayor Pete Buttigieg [Intro Music] HRISHI: You're listening to The West Wing Weekly. I'm Hrishikesh Hirway. JOSH: And I'm Joshua Malina. HRISHI: And today we're talking about season 6, episode 11, it's called Opposition Research. JOSH: It was written by Eli Attie, it was directed by Chris Misiano, and it first aired on January 12th, 2005. We're two weeks away from the month that shall not be mentioned. HRISHI: The month of Voldemort. JOSH: Right, exactly. HRISHI: In this episode, Josh and Matt Santos travel to New Hampshire to set up shop and do some campaigning for the early days of the Santos candidacy. But they discover they have some fundamental disagreements about the strategy in New Hampshire and the story to be told, and maybe even the ultimate goal of the campaign. And coming up later, we're going to be joined by special guest Mayor Pete Buttigieg, who has been honing his own narrative and introducing himself as a candidate for the Presidency. He's got an exploratory committee and he's got some similarities to Matt Santos and he just spent some time in New Hampshire doing retail politics of his own. JOSH: He's a candidate you could see Josh Lyman getting behind. HRISHI: I think so, yes. And in fact, Bradley Whitford tweeted that he thought that he was the real thing. JOSH: There you go. HRISHI: This episode starts with a white title screen, as opposed to our familiar black title screen with white text.
    [Show full text]
  • Gaming Search Engine Algorithms to Amplify Junk News Samantha Bradshaw Oxford Internet Institute, United Kingdom, [email protected]
    INTERNET POLICY REVIEW Journal on internet regulation Volume 8 | Issue 4 Disinformation optimised: gaming search engine algorithms to amplify junk news Samantha Bradshaw Oxford Internet Institute, United Kingdom, [email protected] Published on 31 Dec 2019 | DOI: 10.14763/2019.4.1442 Abstract: Previous research has described how highly personalised paid advertising on social media platforms can be used to influence voter preferences and undermine the integrity of elections. However, less work has examined how search engine optimisation (SEO) strategies are used to target audiences with disinformation or political propaganda. This paper looks at 29 junk news domains and their SEO keyword strategies between January 2016 and March 2019. I find that SEO — rather than paid advertising — is the most important strategy for generating discoverability via Google Search. Following public concern over the spread of disinformation online, Google’s algorithmic changes had a significant impact on junk news discoverability. The findings of this research have implications for policymaking, as regulators think through legal remedies to combat the spread of disinformation online. Keywords: Disinformation, Junk news, Computational propaganda, Search engine optimisation, Digital advertising Article information Received: 02 Jul 2019 Reviewed: 26 Nov 2019 Published: 31 Dec 2019 Licence: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Germany Funding: The author is grateful for support in the form of a Doctoral fellowship from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC). Additional support was provided by the Hewlett Foundation [2018-7384] and the European Research Council grant “Computational Propaganda: Investigating the Impact of Algorithms and Bots on Political Discourse in Europe”, Proposal 648311, 2015–2020, Philip N.
    [Show full text]
  • Thank You for Stepping Forward Instead of Sitting on Your Hands
    Thank you for stepping forward instead of sitting on your hands. Thank you for speaking up instead of being silent. Thank you for fighting and not giving up. We do this because we believe in personal freedom, personal responsibility, private property, free markets, and non-aggression. The first step in any campaign is to look at what you want to accomplish with your campaign and then tailor your tactics to accomplish that goal. Are you looking to provide voters with a Libertarian choice on the ballot? Perhaps you want to educate voters on what Libertarians are and what our solutions look like? Or is your goal to win the election? Those are three very different goals with very different commitment levels. This workbook was written primarily for those who want to win their election and are willing to put in the time and effort required to do so. If that’s you, this workbook walks you through what you need to do to run a campaign as a Libertarian and speaks to the specific challenges Libertarian candidates face. This is a work in progress and relies on feedback, tips, and ideas from candidates after they complete their run. We'll update it each year. You may want to print only the workbook and not print the appendix to save on ink. Good luck! Cara Schulz [email protected] This workbook was updated December 2018 and is licensed under Creative Commons: Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike - CC BY-NC-SA This license lets others remix, tweak, and build upon this work non-commercially, as long as they attribute and license their new creations under the identical terms.
    [Show full text]
  • Huntington-Dissertation-2016
    © Copyright by John S. Huntington May, 2016 RIGHT-WING PARANOID BLUES: THE ROLE OF RADICALISM IN MODERN CONSERVATISM _______________ A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By John S. Huntington May, 2016 RIGHT-WING PARANOID BLUES: THE ROLE OF RADICALISM IN MODERN CONSERVATISM _______________ An Abstract of a Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By John S. Huntington May, 2016 ABSTRACT This study examines the role of radicalism within the conservative movement of the mid- twentieth century United States, specifically by analyzing the strategies and activism of the Radical Right. The onset of the Cold War after World War II created an atmosphere ripe for anti-communism, and it also paved the way for a conservative backlash to liberalism and the mid-century revival of fundamentalist evangelicalism. This zeitgeist of Cold War anti- communism and frustrations with liberalism facilitated the formation of the Radical Right—a loose network of ultraconservative organizations and leaders that used conspiracy theories and grassroots tactics to energize the right-wing base. This dissertation examines multiple groups and individuals within the Radical Right that promoted far-right ideals and functioned as a vocal minority within modern conservatism: Robert W. Welch Jr., and the John Birch Society; Billy James Hargis and the Christian Crusade; Protestants and Other Americans United For the Separation Between Church and State (POAU); Texas cowman-agitator J.
    [Show full text]
  • How the 2008 Obama-Biden and Mccain-Palin Campaigns and Web
    Political Campaigning 2.0: How the 2008 Obama-Biden and McCain-Palin Campaigns and Web Users Framed Race, Gender, and Age A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Erin H. Armstrong December 2013 © 2013 Erin H. Armstrong. All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Political Campaigning 2.0: How the 2008 Obama-Biden and McCain-Palin Campaigns and Web Users Framed Race, Gender, and Age by ERIN H. ARMSTRONG has been approved for the E.W. Scripps School of Journalism and the Scripps College of Communication by Bernhard S. Debatin Professor of Journalism Scott Titsworth Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii Abstract ARMSTRONG, ERIN H., Ph.D., December 2013, Journalism Political Campaigning 2.0: How the Obama-Biden and McCain-Palin Campaigns and Web Users Framed Race, Gender, and Age Director of Dissertation: Bernhard S. Debatin This qualitative study explores the impact of new media, specifically social media and campaign websites with greater direct user participation and involvement. With the historic election of the first black president of the United States, Barack Obama, and the candidacy of the first Republican woman nominated for vice-president, Sarah Palin, the 2008 presidential and vice-presidential campaigns remain important for study. “Political Campaigning 2.0” analyzes campaign and user-generated web content covering a wide array of new media: Facebook, MySpace, YouTube, Wikipedia, Twitter, and campaign websites. The study is based on Erving Goffman’s theories of Framing and Impression Management and complemented with James Grunig’s Situational Theory of Publics.
    [Show full text]
  • Moneybombs and Democratic Participation: Regulating Fundraising by Online Intermediaries
    \\jciprod01\productn\M\MLR\70-3\MLR304.txt unknown Seq: 1 10-MAY-11 13:53 MONEYBOMBS AND DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION: REGULATING FUNDRAISING BY ONLINE INTERMEDIARIES NATHANIEL J. GLEICHER* ABSTRACT In the last decade, the Internet has up-ended the world of politi- cal fundraising, helping campaigns marshal armies of small donors and volunteers. Rather than eliminating the need for fundraising organizations as some predicted, the Internet has created new in- termediaries that capitalize on the rapidly changing ecology of online fundraising. These new intermediaries combine fundraising, volun- teer mobilization, and activism. They raise new risks of accountabil- ity, polarization, and nationalized debate, but they also have the potential to enhance democratic participation. This Article contrasts online and offline fundraising intermediaries and provides a guide for regulating online political fundraising to avoid unintended con- sequences, to minimize the risks of online fundraising, and to rein- force the Internet’s potential for enhanced democratic participation. I. INTRODUCTION .......................................... 751 R II. INTERMEDIARIES, DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION, AND ONLINE FUNDRAISING .................................... 755 R A. Fundraising Intermediaries and Campaign Finance Law . 757 R B. Types of Offline Fundraising Intermediaries ............. 762 R C. Online Fundraising: Intermediaries and the Rise of the Internet ............................................. 766 R D. Why Intermediaries Are Valuable in a Democratic Society . 771 R III. CONTRASTING ONLINE AND OFFLINE FUNDRAISING INTERMEDIARIES ......................................... 777 R A. Member Engagement .................................. 777 R B. Aggregating Opinions ................................. 785 R Copyright 2011 by Nathaniel J. Gleicher. * Affiliated Fellow, Yale Information Society Project; J.D., Yale Law School. I am es- pecially indebted to Heather Gerken, Jack Balkin, Robert Post, and Danielle Citron, who all provided invaluable guidance and insight.
    [Show full text]